CHAPTER XIV

ORGANISATION IN ENGLAND

The difference between the geographical conditions of the British Isles

and those of the principal countries on the Continent of Europe led to

the systematic organisation of rail transport for military purposes

being taken in hand at a later date in the United Kingdom than was,

more especially, the case in Germany. Here there was no question of

building lines of invasion or lines to facilitate the massing of troops

on a neighbour's frontiers. The questions that alone seemed to arise

in England were--(1) the relations between the State and the companies

in regard to the use of the railways for the transport of troops and

military necessaries under conditions either of peace or of war; (2)

the employment of railways both for resisting invasion and for the

conveyance of expeditionary forces to the port of embarkation; (3)

the adoption of such means as would ensure the efficient working of

the railways under war conditions; and (4) the creation of an Army

engineering force providing for the construction, repair, operation

or destruction of railways either at home, in case of invasion, or to

facilitate operations in overseas expeditions through the building and

working of military railways.

With these various considerations it may be convenient to deal in the

order as here given.

THE STATE AND THE RAILWAYS

In the Railway Regulation Act, 1842, (5 and 6 Vict., c. 55,) entitled

"An Act for the better Regulation of Railways and for the Conveyance of

Troops," it was provided, by section 20:--

Whenever it shall be necessary to move any of the officers

or soldiers of her Majesty's forces of the line ... by any

railway, the directors shall permit them, with baggage, stores,

arms, ammunition and other necessaries and things, to be

conveyed, at the usual hours of starting, at such prices or upon

such conditions as may be contracted for between the Secretary

at War and such railway companies on the production of a route

or order signed by the proper authorities.

This was the first provision made in the United Kingdom in respect to

the conveyance of troops by rail. It was succeeded in 1844 by another

Act (7 and 8 Vict., c. 85,) by which (sec. 12) railway companies were

required to provide conveyances for the transport of troops at fares

not exceeding a scale given in the Act, and maximum fares were also

prescribed in regard to public baggage, stores, ammunition, (with

certain exceptions, applying to gunpowder and explosives,) and other

military necessaries. In 1867 these provisions were extended to the Army

Reserve. Further revision of the fares and charges took place under

the Cheap Trains Act, 1883, (46 and 47 Vict., c. 34,) entitled "An Act

to amend the Law Relating to Railway Passenger Duty and to amend and

consolidate the law relating to the conveyance of the Queen's forces by

railway."

State control of the railways in case of war was provided for under the

Regulation of the Forces Act, 1871, (34 and 35 Vict., c. 86,) "An Act

for the Regulation of the Regular and Auxiliary Forces of the Crown, and

for other purposes relating thereto." Section 16 laid down that--

When her Majesty, by Order in Council, declares that an

emergency has arisen in which it is expedient for the public

service that her Majesty's Government should have control

over the railroads of the United Kingdom, or any of them, the

Secretary of State may, by warrant under his hand, empower any

person or persons named in such warrant to take possession in

the name or on behalf of her Majesty of any railroad in the

United Kingdom, and of the plant belonging thereto, or of any

part thereof, and may take possession of any plant without

taking possession of the railroad itself, and to use the same

for her Majesty's service at such times and in such manner as

the Secretary of State may direct; and the directors, officers

and servants of any such railroad shall obey the directions of

the Secretary of State as to the user of such railroad or plant

as aforesaid for her Majesty's service.

Any warrant granted by the said Secretary of State in

pursuance of this section shall remain in force for one week

only, but may be renewed from week to week so long as, in the

opinion of the said Secretary of State, the emergency continues.

Provision was also made for the payment of "full compensation" to the

interests concerned.

The powers of control thus acquired by the Government followed, in

effect, closely upon the precedent already established in the United

States, (see p. 16,) even although they were not defined with the same

elaborate detail. On the other hand greater emphasis is laid in the

English Act on the provision that the Government "may take possession

of any plant without taking possession of the railroad itself." This

gives them the right to take over the locomotives and rolling stock of

any railway in any part of the United Kingdom, even though the lines

in question may not themselves be wanted for the purposes of military

transport.

Under the provisions of the National Defence Act, 1888, (51 and 52

Vict., c. 31,) traffic for naval and military purposes is to have

precedence over other traffic on the railways of the United Kingdom

whenever an Order for the embodiment of the Militia is in force.

It was by virtue of the above section of the Act of 1871 that the

Government took control over the railways of Great Britain on the

outbreak of war in 1914.

As regards the earlier Acts of 1842 and 1844, these were mainly domestic

measures relating to the conveyance of troops in time of peace rather

than war. The beginnings of organisation of military rail-transport

for the purposes of war followed, rather, on a realisation both of the

possibilities of invasion and of the weakness of the position in which

England at one time stood from the point of view of national defence.

INVASION PROSPECTS AND HOME DEFENCE

In 1847 the Duke of Wellington, (then Commander-in-Chief,) addressed

to Sir John Burgoyne a letter in which he said he had endeavoured to

awaken the attention of different Administrations to the defenceless

state of the country. We had, he declared, no defence, or hope of chance

of defence, except in our Fleet, and he was especially sensible both of

the certainty of failure if we did not, at an early moment, attend to

the measures necessary to be taken for our defence and of "the disgrace,

the indelible disgrace," of such failure. Then, in words that greatly

impressed the country, he added:--

I am bordering upon seventy-seven years of age, passed in

honour; I hope that the Almighty may protect me from being the

witness of the tragedy which I cannot persuade my contemporaries

to take measures to avert.

As the result alike of this pathetic warning; of a "Letter on the

Defence of England by Volunteer Corps and Militia" issued in pamphlet

form by Sir Charles Napier in 1852; and of the Indian Mutiny in 1857,

which event called attention to the defenceless condition of the Empire

as a whole, continuous efforts were made to secure the creation of

Volunteer Corps for the purposes of defence. For a period of twelve

years these efforts met with persistent discouragement, the Government

refusing official recognition to certain corps of riflemen tentatively

formed; but in 1859 the prospect of an early invasion of this country by

France aroused public feeling to such an extent that on May 12 the then

Secretary of State for War, General Peel, addressed a circular to the

Lord-Lieutenants of counties in Great Britain announcing that Volunteer

Corps might be formed under an Act passed in 1804, when a like course

had been adopted as a precautionary measure against the threatened

invasion of England by Napoleon.

The formation of Volunteer Corps was thereupon taken up with the

greatest zeal, and by the end of 1860 the number of Volunteers enrolled

throughout Great Britain was no fewer than 120,000. Other results of the

national awakening in 1859 were the public discussion of the questions

of coast defence and armoured trains, (of which mention has been made in

Chapter VII,) and the appropriation, in 1860, of a loan of seven and a

half millions for the improvement of our coast defences and notably the

fortifications of Portsmouth and Plymouth.

ENGINEER AND RAILWAY STAFF CORPS

Already in December, 1859, the necessity for some definite engineering

instruction for Volunteers was being pointed out, and in January, 1860,

the first corps of Volunteer Engineers was created, under the title

of the 1st Middlesex Volunteer Engineers. Similar corps were formed

in various parts of the country, and by 1867 the number of Volunteer

Engineers enrolled was 6,580.

At the beginning of 1860 a further proposal was made for the formation

of a body which, composed of eminent civil engineers, the general

managers of leading lines of railway, and the principal railway

contractors or other employers of labour, would undertake a variety of

duties considered no less essential in the interests of national defence.

There was, in the first place, the question of the transport by rail

alike of Volunteers and of the regular forces, either on the occasion of

reviews or for the protection of our coasts against an invader. While

it was evident that the railways could be efficiently worked only by

their own officers, it was no less obvious that plans for the movement

of large bodies of men, and especially of troops, with horses, guns,

ammunition and stores, should be well considered and prepared long

beforehand, and not left for the occasion or the emergency when the need

for them would arise.

In the next place it was suggested that the engineering talent of the

country should be made available for the purpose of supplementing the

services of the Royal Engineers in carrying out various defensive

works, such as the destruction of railway lines, bridges and roads, the

throwing up of earthworks, or the flooding of the lowland districts,

with a view to resisting the advance of a possible invader.

Finally the great contractors were to be brought into the combination

so that they could provide the labour necessary for the execution of

these defensive works under the direction of the civil engineers, who

themselves would act under the direction of the military commanders.

Each of the three groups was to discharge the function for which it

was specially adapted, while the co-ordination of the three, for the

purpose of strengthening the country's powers of resisting invasion, was

expected to add greatly to the value of the proposed organisation.

The author of this scheme was Mr. Charles Manby, F.R.S., (1804-1884,) a

distinguished civil engineer who for nearly half a century was secretary

of the Institution of Civil Engineers and was closely associated with

the leading civil engineers, contractors and railway interests of the

country. He submitted his ideas to several members of the Council

of his Institution, and though, at first, the scheme was not well

received, he was subsequently so far encouraged that in August, 1860,

he laid his plan before Mr. Sidney Herbert, then Minister at War in

Lord Palmerston's second administration. Mr. Herbert expressed cordial

approval of the project, giving the assurance, on behalf of the War

Office, that an organisation on the basis suggested could not fail to be

of public benefit; but Mr. Manby still met with difficulties alike from

several members of the Council, who either offered direct opposition

to the scheme or else gave unwilling consent to join, and, also, from

the railway companies, who thought that arrangements for rail-transport

might very well be left to themselves, and that there was no necessity

for the suggested system so far as they, at least, were concerned.

In these circumstances Mr. Manby made, at first, very little progress;

but he was unremitting in his efforts to demonstrate alike to civil

engineers and to the railway companies the practical benefits from

the point of view of public interests that would result from the

organisation he advocated, and in 1864 he felt sufficiently encouraged

to lay his views once more before the War Office. Earl de Grey, then in

charge of that Department, thereupon instructed the Inspector-General

of Volunteers, Colonel McMurdo, (afterwards General Sir W. M. McMurdo,

C.B.,) to inquire into and report to him on the subject.

In the result there was created, in January, 1865, a body known as the

Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff Corps, constituted, according to

its rules, "for the purpose of directing the application of skilled

labour and of railway transport to the purposes of national defence,

and for preparing, in time of peace, a system on which such duties

should be conducted." The Corps was to consist of officers only, and its

members were to be civil engineers and contractors, officers of railway

and dock companies, and, under special circumstances, Board of Trade

Inspectors of Railways. Civil engineers of standing and experience who

had directed the construction of the chief railways and other important

works, general managers of railways and commercial docks, and Board

of Trade Inspectors of Railways, were alone eligible for the rank of

Lieutenant-Colonel. Other civil engineers and contractors connected

chiefly with railway works, and, also, railway officers other than

general managers, take the rank of Major. Col. McMurdo was appointed

Honorary Colonel of the Corps on February 9, 1865.[29] As ultimately

constituted, the corps consisted of an Honorary Colonel (now Maj.-Gen.

D. A. Scott, C.V.O., C.B., D.S.C.), thirty Lieutenant-Colonels including

a Commandant, (now Lieut.-Col. Sir William Forbes, general manager of

the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway) and twenty Majors.[30]

FUNCTIONS AND PURPOSES

That the Corps thus created was the direct outcome, first, of the

Volunteer movement, and, through that movement, of the state of

semi-panic into which the country had drifted in 1859, as the result

both of the anticipations of invasion and the admitted weakness, at

that time, of our national defences, has thus been clearly established.

Writing in 1869, Major-General McMurdo, who had been raised to that

rank in 1868, said in a pamphlet he issued under the title of "Rifle

Volunteers for Field Service" that the Corps was "prepared to work,

not for Volunteers alone, but for the entire defensive forces of the

country."

In this same publication Major-General McMurdo gave an account of the

functions and purposes the Corps had been designed to serve. Alluding

first to the Volunteer movement, he showed how the railway carriage must

both carry and shelter the Volunteer when moving from one part of the

country to another; and he proceeded:--

I will ask you to look attentively for a moment at a

Bradshaw's railway map, and you will see that throughout the

network of rails that overspreads the land none of the meshes,

so to speak, in any vital parts of the country, exceed fifteen

miles across, from rail to rail; but as the eye approaches the

Metropolis, or any of the commercial centres, these meshes are

diminished to about one-half the area of the others.

He then dealt with the operations which the movement of troops along

these lines of railway would involve, and continued:--

The railway schemes for the accomplishment of such delicate

operations would emanate from the Council of the Engineer and

Railway Staff Corps....

During peace the railway branch of this body is employed in

working out hypothetical plans of campaign, in the development

of which they manipulate in theory the entire rolling-stock

and railway resources of the country, elaborated by special

time-tables and technical reports.

The share taken by the civil engineers is not confined to

providing merely for the class of railway works contingent on

war, whether of construction, demolition, or of reconstruction,

but in supplying the military engineers with information, advice

and labour. No one, for example, can be more familiar with the

features and character of a district than the engineer who has

constructed a line of railway through it. No one is so well able

to point out the results of _letting in_ that which he had been

so often employed in _keeping out_, viz., the inundations of the

sea. None better acquainted with the existing distribution of

labour power throughout the country, and of the means by which

it could be concentrated upon given points, for the construction

of works of defence. All these elements, in short, by which

the gigantic resources of our country may be safely wielded

for her defence, are now being silently considered and woven

into strategical schemes of operations by these eminent and

patriotic men, the value of whose voluntary services will not be

fully comprehended or appreciated till the day comes when the

discomfiture of the invader shall be accomplished through their

instrumentality.

The same distinguished authority wrote concerning the Engineer and

Railway Volunteer Staff Corps in an article on "Volunteers" which he

contributed to the "Encyclopædia Britannica" (ninth edition):--

The ready labour power of this useful Corps is estimated

at from 12,000 to 20,000 navvies, with tools, barrows and

commissariat complete. It has already performed important

service in tabulating, and printing at great private cost,

complete time-tables and special reports for six general

concentrations against possible invasion. A special return

was also prepared by the Corps (the first of its kind) of the

entire rolling stock of all the railways in Great Britain.

This important work--which is corrected and republished

annually--shows where the requisite number of carriages of every

description can be obtained for the composition of troop trains.

In the official catalogue of books in the War Office Library there is an

item which reads:--"Time Tables for Special Troop Trains, etc. Compiled

by the Railway Companies. 311 pp. 8vo. London, 1866." This, presumably,

refers to the first of the complete time tables mentioned in the

"Encyclopædia Britannica" article as having been compiled by the Corps.

It is evident, from the date given, that the Corps must have got quickly

to work after its formation in 1865.

At one time there was an expectation that the Engineer and Railway

Volunteer Staff Corps would develop into a body exercising still wider

and more responsible duties than those already mentioned. On this point

we have the testimony of the late Sir George Findlay, formerly general

manager of the London and North-Western Railway Company, and himself a

Lieutenant-Colonel in the Corps.

Col. J. S. Rothwell had written some articles[31] in which, while

admitting their practically unlimited resources, he questioned the

ability of the British railways, at a few hours notice, to transport to

any part of our coasts which might be the scene of a hostile invasion a

sufficient body of troops to dispute the advance of an army upon London,

and he further suggested that the whole question was one which had not

yet received the mature consideration it deserved. Col. Rothwell said,

in the course of what he wrote:--

Though the actual working of our railways must be left in

the hands of the proper railway officials, it does not follow

that the planning of the arrangements for the military traffic

should also be entrusted to them exclusively. This, however,

appears to be contemplated, as, under existing circumstances,

such arrangements would rest with the members of a body called

the "Volunteer Engineer and Railway Staff Corps."... Though the

efficiency of these gentlemen in their own sphere is undeniable,

it appears open to question whether they are likely to have

sufficient leisure personally to work out the details of a

large concentration of troops by rail, and whether the special

requirements of military transport will be fully appreciated by

them, or by the subordinates whom they presumably will employ.

Much, he argued, required to be done before the country could be

considered ready to meet a possible invader; and he concluded:--

If the invasion of England is to be regarded as an event

which is within the bounds of possibility, it is surely not

unreasonable to ask that those precautionary measures which

require time for their elaboration shall be thoroughly worked

out before there is any risk of our wanting to employ them. The

organisation for the conveyance of our troops by railway is such

a measure.

To these criticisms Sir George Findlay replied in an article "On the

Use of Railways in the United Kingdom for the Conveyance of Troops,"

published in the _United Service Magazine_ for April, 1892. The complete

network of railways covering these islands, admirably equipped and

efficiently worked as they were, would, he declared, be found equal

to any part they might be called upon to play in a scheme of national

defence. As regarded the attention already paid to the question he

said:--

The War Office, so far from having in any way neglected

the subject, have devoted considerable attention to it, and a

complete scheme for the working of our railways for transport

purposes in time of war has been elaborated, and would at once

be put in operation, if ever the emergency arose.

Passing on to describe the composition and duties of the Engineer and

Railway Volunteer Staff Corps, he spoke of its members as meeting in

council at their headquarters to discuss from time to time details of

railway organisation and other matters delegated to their consideration,

afterwards reporting their conclusions to the War Office; and he went on

to say that for the operation of the railways, under State control, on

any occasion of national energy or danger--

A draft scheme has been prepared, has been worked out in

detail, and would, in all probability, be adopted and put in

operation if, unhappily, the necessity should ever arise.

This scheme in its main features provides that, at such

time as we are contemplating, the principal railway officials

in Great Britain and Ireland would at once become, for the

time being, the officers of the State, and in addition to the

general managers of the leading railways, who are officers of

the Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff Corps, military rank

of some kind would be conferred upon the engineers, locomotive

superintendents, chief passenger superintendents and goods

managers of the principal railway companies, as well as on the

managers of the principal Irish railways.

The railways of the country would be divided into sections,

and for each section there would be a committee composed

of the general managers of the railways included in the

section, together with the principal engineers, locomotive

superintendents and other chief officers. The railways would

be worked and controlled for military purposes by these

committees of sections, each committee having as its president a

Lieutenant-Colonel of the Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff

Corps, who would be directly responsible for providing transport

for troops and stores over the section of which his committee

had charge, while if the operation to be carried out required

the co-operation of one or more sections of the railways, the

committees of those sections would act in unison. In such a

case the Quartermaster-General's requisition for the service to

be performed would be made upon the president of the section

embracing the point of departure, that officer and his committee

taking the initiative and arranging with the other committees

for the performance of the service.

For each section, or group, of railways, a military officer

of rank would be appointed, with full power to arrange for

food, forage and water for the troops and horses _en route_,

and having at his disposal a sufficient number of soldiers or

labourers to assist in loading and unloading baggage, stores,

etc., at the points of entrainment and detrainment within his

section. He would also be able to command the services of the

Royal or Volunteer Engineers to assist in the erection of

temporary platforms or landings, or the laying down of temporary

rails, and would be instructed to co-operate with, and assist

in every way, the committee of section having charge of his

district, but not in any way to attempt to interfere with the

working of the line or the movement of the trains or traffic.

The number of sections into which the railways were to be divided for

the purposes of this scheme was nine. After defining the various areas,

Sir George continued:--

It is contemplated that during any such period of crisis as

we are now discussing, the Council of the Engineer and Railway

Volunteer Staff Corps would be sitting _en permanence_ at its

headquarters, and, with a full knowledge of the nature and

extent of the operations to be carried out, would have power to

regulate the supply and distribution of rolling stock throughout

the area affected, all the vehicles in the country being, for

the time being, treated as a common stock.

This is a mere outline of the scheme, with the further

details of which it is not necessary to trouble the reader,

though probably enough has been said to show that the subject,

far from having been neglected, as Colonel Rothwell appears to

assume, has been carefully studied and thought out.

Had the scheme in question been matured and adopted on the lines here

stated, a still greater degree of importance would have been attached

to the position and proceedings of a Corps then--and still--almost

unknown to the world at large, since its chief function was to carry out

investigations at the request of the authorities, and prepare reports,

statements and statistics which have invariably got no further than the

War Office and the Horse Guards, where, alone, the value of the services

rendered has been fully understood and appreciated. The scheme was,

however, allowed to drop, the policy eventually adopted being based,

preferably, (1) on the railways of Great Britain being operated in war

time as one group instead of in a series of groups or sections; and (2)

on such operation being entrusted to a body specially created for the

purpose; though prior to the adoption of the latter course there was to

be a fresh development in another direction.

THE WAR RAILWAY COUNCIL

While the Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff Corps remained, down to

1896, the only organised body which (apart from the individual railway

companies) Government departments could consult as to the technical

working and traffic facilities of the railways, from the point of view

of military transport, it was thought desirable, in the year mentioned,

to supplement that Corps by a smaller body known at first as the "Army

Railway Council" and afterwards as the "War Railway Council."

Designed to act in a purely advisory capacity, without assuming any

administrative or executive functions, this Council was eventually

constituted as follows:--The Deputy Quartermaster-General (president);

six railway managers, who represented the British railway companies

and might or might not already be members of the Engineer and Railway

Staff Corps; one Board of Trade Inspector of Railways; two members

(not being railway managers) of the Engineer and Railway Staff Corps;

the Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General; one mobilisation officer;

two Naval officers; and one officer of the Royal Engineers, with a

representative of the Quartermaster-General's Department as secretary.

The Council approximated closely to the "Commission Militaire Superieure

des Chemins de Fer" in France, of which an account has been given in

Chapter IX. It also undertook many of the duties which in the case of

the German Army would be performed by a special section of the General

Staff; though some of these duties it took over from the Engineer and

Railway Staff Corps, reducing the functions and the importance of that

body proportionately.

In time of peace the Council was (1) generally to advise the Secretary

of State for War on matters relating to military rail-transport; (2) to

draw up, in conjunction with the different railway companies concerned,

and on the basis of data to be supplied to them by the War Office, a

detailed scheme for the movement of troops on mobilisation; (3) to

arrange in advance as to the composition of the trains which would be

required for any such movement; (4) to determine the nature of the

data to be asked for from the railway companies,[32] and to prepare

the necessary regulations and instructions in regard to the said troop

movements; (5) to draw up rules for the organisation of a body of

Railway Staff Officers who, located at railway stations to be selected

by the Council, would act there as intermediaries between the railway

officials and the troops; and (6) to confer with the different railway

companies as to the provision of such extra sidings, loading platforms,

ramps, barriers, etc., as might be necessary to facilitate military

transport, and to decide on the best means by which the provision

thereof could be arranged. Information on these subjects was to be

carefully compiled, elaborated, and, with explanatory maps, placed on

record for use as required.

In the event of mobilisation, or of some national emergency, the Council

was, also, to advise the Secretary of State for War in regard to matters

relating to the movement of troops by rail; to act as a medium of

communication between the War Office and the railway companies, and to

make all the necessary arrangements in connection with such movements.

Other questions likely to arise, and requiring consideration in time

of peace, included the guarding of the railways against possible

attack; the prompt repair of any damage that might be done to them; the

equipment of armoured trains, and the provision of ambulance trains on

lines where they might be required.

All these and various other matters were dealt with at the periodical

meetings held by the Council, which, within the range of its limitations

as an advisory body, rendered good service to the War Office; though

that Department was still left to deal with the individual railway

companies in regard to all arrangements and matters of detail directly

concerning them.

RAILWAY TRANSPORT OFFICERS

In the foregoing statement as to the functions to be discharged by the

War Railway Council it is mentioned that these were to include the

drawing up of rules for the organisation of a body of Railway Staff

Officers who were to act as intermediaries between the troops and the

railway station staffs in the conduct of military rail-transport.

We touch here upon those questions of control and organisation of

military traffic which had been a fruitful source of trouble in earlier

wars, and more especially so on the French railways in the war of

1870-71. There was, indeed, much wisdom in the attempt now being made,

as a precautionary measure, to provide well in advance against the risk

of similar experiences in regard to movements of British troops by rail,

while the course adopted led to the creation of a system which was to

ensure excellent results later on.

In the first instance the officers appointed under the system here in

question were known as "Railway Control Officers," (R.C.O.'s,) their

chief as the "Director of Railways," (D.R.,) and the organisation itself

as the "Railway Control Establishment"; but the titles of Railway

Transport Officers (R.T.O.'s), Director of Railway Transport (D.R.T.)

and Transport Establishments were afterwards substituted.

The functions of the Director of Railway Transport are thus defined in

Field Service Regulations, Part II, section 23 (1913):--

Provision of railway transport and administration of

railway transport personnel. Control, construction, working and

maintenance of all railways. Provision of telegraph operators

for railway circuits. Control and working of telephones and

telegraphs allotted to the railway service. For the erection

and maintenance of all telegraph circuits on railways which are

worked by the troops, a representative of the Director of Army

Signals will be attached to his headquarters and the necessary

signal troops allotted to him as may be ordered by the I.G.C.

(Inspector-General of Communications).

As regards the Railway Transport Establishments, the Regulations say

(section 62):--

In railway matters, the authority of each member of a

railway transport establishment will be paramount on that

portion of a railway system where he is posted for duty.

Railway technical officials will always receive the demands

of the troops for railway transport through the railway

transport establishment.

Except when fighting is imminent or in progress, a member of

the railway transport establishment will receive orders from the

Director of Railway Transport only, or his representative.

An officer, or officers, of the railway transport

establishment, recognized by a badge worn on the left arm marked

R.T.O., will be posted for duty at each place where troops are

constantly entraining, detraining, or halting _en route_. Their

chief duties will be:--

1. To facilitate the transport of troops, animals and

material.

2. To act as a channel of communication between the military

authorities and the technical railway personnel.

3. To advise the local military authorities as to the

capacity and possibilities of the railway.

4. To bring to the notice of the Director of Railway

Transport any means by which the carrying power of the railway

may, for military purposes, be increased.

All details as to the entraining and detraining of troops and the

loading and unloading of stores will be arranged in conjunction with the

technical officials by the railway transport establishment, who will

meet all troops arriving to entrain, inform commanders of the times

and places of entrainment, and allot trucks and carriages to units in

bulk. They will see that the necessary rolling stock is provided by

the railway officials, that only the prescribed amount of baggage is

loaded, and that no unauthorised person travels by rail. They will meet

all troop trains, and see that troops and stores are detrained with the

utmost despatch.

It will be observed from these regulations that, whatever his own rank

may be, the R.T.O., subject to the instructions he has received from his

superior Transport Officer, exercises at the railway station to which he

is delegated an authority that not even a General may question or seek

to set aside by giving orders direct to the station staff. The R.T.O.

alone is the "channel of communication" between the military and the

railway elements. He it is who, acting in conjunction with the railway

people, must see that all the details in connection with entraining and

detraining are properly arranged and efficiently carried out, while the

operations of the station staff are, in turn, greatly facilitated alike

by his co-operation and by the fact that there is now only one military

authority to be dealt with at a station instead, possibly, of several

acting more or less independently of one another.

VOLUNTEER REVIEWS

While all these developments had been proceeding, the railway companies

had, since the formation of the Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff

Corps, given repeated evidence of their capacity to move large bodies

of Volunteers with complete efficiency. They specially distinguished

themselves in this respect on the occasion of the great Volunteer

reviews held from time to time. In a book entitled "England's Naval

and Military Weakness," (London, 1882,) Major James Walter, of the 4th

Lancashire Artillery Volunteers, was highly eulogistic of what was done

by the railways on the occasion of the reviews in Edinburgh and Windsor

in 1881. In regard to the Windsor review he wrote:--

The broad result has been, so far as the railway part of

the business goes, to prove that it is perfectly feasible to

concentrate fifty thousand men from all parts of the kingdom

in twenty-four hours.... The two lines most concerned in the

Windsor review--the Great Western and the South Western--carried

out this great experiment with ... the regularity and dispatch

of the Scotch mail.

Major Walter seems to have had the idea, rightly or wrongly, that the

success of this performance was mainly due to the Engineer and Railway

Volunteer Staff Corps. He says concerning that body:--

Not the least valued result of the Windsor and Edinburgh

reviews of 1881 is the having introduced with becoming

prominence to public knowledge the necessary and indispensable

services of the "Engineer and Railway Volunteer Staff Corps."

Until these reviews bore testimony to the national importance of

this Corps, few knew anything of its duties, or even existence,

beyond a list of officers recorded in the Army List.... Since

the embodiment of the Volunteers the Engineer and Railway

Transport Corps has done much service, invariably thorough and

without a hitch.... These several officers of the Railway Staff

Corps set about their transport work of the 1881 reviews in a

manner worthy of their vocation. They proved to the country that

their Corps was a reality and necessity.

In 1893 the authors of the "Army Book for the British Empire" wrote (p.

531):--

There is every reason to believe that, in case of the

military forces in the United Kingdom being mobilised for the

purposes of home defence, and being concentrated in any part

or parts of the country for the purpose of guarding against or

confronting an invasion, the railway arrangements would work

satisfactorily. The remarkable success which has attended the

concentration of large bodies of Volunteers gathered from all

quarters of the Kingdom for military functions and reviews, on

more than one occasion, has shown the extraordinary capabilities

of the British railway system for military transport on a great

scale. Rolling stock is abundant. The more important lines in

England have a double line of rails; some have four or more

rails. Gradients, moreover, as a rule are easy, an important

point, since troop trains are very heavy.

THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR

While no one was likely to dispute these conclusions, it had to be

remembered that the transport by rail even of exceptionally large bodies

of Volunteers, carrying their rifles only, was a very different matter

from the conveyance, under conditions of great pressure, of large forces

of troops accompanied by horses, guns, ammunition, road wagons, stores

and other necessaries for prospective actual warfare. So the accepted

capacity of the British railways had still to stand the test of actual

war conditions, with or without the accompaniment of invasion; and this

test was applied, to a certain extent, by the South African War.

The bulk of the military traffic on that occasion passed over the lines

of the London and South Western Railway Company, troops from all parts

of the country being conveyed by different routes and different lines of

railway to Southampton, whence they and their stores, etc., were shipped

to the Cape. Such was the magnitude of this traffic that between the

outbreak of the war, in 1899, and the end of 1900 there were carried on

the London and South Western, and despatched from Southampton, 6,160

officers; 229,097 men; 29,500 horses; and 1,085 wheeled vehicles. The

conveyance of this traffic involved the running of 1,154 special trains,

in addition to a large number of others carrying baggage, stores,

etc. At times the pressure was very great. On October 20, 1899, five

transports sailed from Southampton with 167 officers and 4,756 men,

besides guns horses and wagons. Yet the whole of the operations were

conducted with perfect smoothness, there being no overtaxing either of

the railway facilities or of the dock accommodation.[33]

Much of this smoothness of working was due to the fact that the War

Office had, in accordance with the principle adopted on the appointment

of the War Railway Council, stationed at Southampton a Railway Transport

Officer who was to act as a connecting link, or intermediary, between

the railway, the docks, the military and the Admiralty authorities,

co-ordinating their requirements, superintending the arrivals by train,

arranging for and directing the embarkation of the troops and their

equipment in the transports allotted to them, and preventing any of

that confusion which otherwise might well have arisen. Similar officers

had also been stationed by the War Office at leading railway stations

throughout the country to ensure co-operation between the military and

the railway staffs and, while avoiding the possibility of friction or

complications, facilitate the handling of the military traffic.

In the account to be given in Chapter XVI. of "Railways in the Boer

War," it will be shown that a like course was pursued in South Africa

for the duration of the campaign.

ARMY MANOEUVRES OF 1912

Further evidence as to what the British railways were capable of

accomplishing was afforded by the Army Manoeuvres in East Anglia

in 1912. This event also constituted a much more severe test than

the Volunteer reviews of former days, since it meant not only the

assembling, in the manoeuvre area, of four divisions of the Army and

some thousands of Territorials, but the transport, at short notice, and

within a limited period, of many horses, guns, transport wagons, etc.,

together with considerable quantities of stores. Certain sections of

the traffic were dealt with by the Great Northern and the London and

North-Western Companies; but the bulk of it was handled by the Great

Eastern and was carried in nearly 200 troop trains, consisting in all

of about 4,000 vehicles. Of these trains 50 per cent. started before

or exactly to time, while the others were only a few minutes late in

leaving the station. Such was the regularity and general efficiency with

which the work of transportation was carried out that in the course of

an address to the Generals, at Cambridge, his Majesty the King referred

to the rapid concentration of troops by rail, without dislocating

the ordinary civilian traffic, as one of the special features of the

manoeuvres. The dispersal of the forces on the conclusion of the

manoeuvres was effected in a little over two days, and constituted

another smart piece of work.[34]

A RAILWAYS EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

In view of all such testimony and of all such actual achievements,

there was no reason to doubt that the railway companies, with their

great resources in material and personnel, and with the excellence of

their own organisation, would themselves be able to respond promptly

and effectively to such demands as might be made upon them in a time of

national emergency.

There still remained, however, the singular fact that although, so

far back as 1871, the Government had acquired power of control over

the railways, in the event of an emergency arising, a period of forty

years had elapsed without any action being taken to create, even as

a precautionary measure, the administrative machinery by which that

control would be exercised by the State. Such machinery had been

perfected in Germany, France, and other countries, but in England it

had still to be provided. Not only had section 16 of the Act of 1871

remained practically a dead letter, but even the fact that it existed

did not seem to be known to so prominent a railway manager as Sir George

Findlay when he wrote "Working and Management of an English Railway"

and the article he contributed to the _United Service Magazine_ of

April, 1892, his assumption that the State would control the railways

in time of war being based, not on the Act of 1871--which he failed to

mention--but on the Act of 1888, which simply gives a right of priority

to military traffic, under certain conditions.

Notwithstanding, too, the draft scheme spoken of by Sir George Findlay,

under which the operation of the railways was to be entrusted, in case

of emergency, to the Engineer and Railway Staff Corps, that body and,

also, the War Railway Council, continued to occupy a purely advisory

position.

So it was clearly desirable to supplement the recognized efficiency of

the railways themselves by the creation of a central executive body

which, whenever the State assumed control of the railways, under the Act

of 1871, would (1) secure the necessary co-operation between Government

departments and the railway managements; (2) ensure the working of the

various railway systems on a national basis; and (3) co-ordinate such

various needs as naval and military movements to or from all parts of

the Kingdom; coal supply for the Fleet; transport of munitions; the

requirements of the civil population, etc.

The necessity for this machinery--which could not possibly be created at

a moment's notice--became still more apparent in the autumn of 1911, and

steps were taken to provide what was so obviously a missing link in the

existing organisation.

Thus it was that in 1912 the War Railway Council was succeeded by a

Railways Executive Committee which, constituted of the general managers

of leading railway companies, was to prepare plans "with a view to

facilitate the working" of the provisions of the Act of 1871, and would,

also, in the event of the Government assuming control over the railways

of Great Britain, under the provisions of that Act, constitute the

executive body for working them on behalf of the State, becoming the

recognised intermediary (1) for receiving the instructions of Government

departments in respect to military and naval requirements; and (2) for

taking the necessary measures in order to give effect to them through

the individual companies, each of which, subject to the instructions

it received from the Committee, would retain the management of its own

line.

In accordance with the principle thus adopted, it was through the

Railways Executive Committee that the Government, subject to certain

financial arrangements which need not be dealt with here, established

their control over the railways of Great Britain on the outbreak of war

in 1914, the announcement to this effect issued from the War Office,

under date August 4, stating:--

An Order in Council has been made under Section 16 of

the Regulation of the Forces Act, 1871, declaring that it is

expedient that the Government should have control over the

railroads in Great Britain. This control will be exercised

through an Executive Committee composed of general managers of

railways which has been formed for some time, and has prepared

plans with a view to facilitating the working of this Act.

In a notification issued by the Executive Committee, of which the

official chairman was the President of the Board of Trade and the acting

chairman was Mr. (now Sir Herbert A.) Walker, general manager of the

London and South Western Railway, it was further stated:--

The control of the railways has been taken over by the

Government for the purpose of ensuring that the railways,

locomotives, rolling stock and staff shall be used as one

complete unit in the best interests of the State for the

movement of troops, stores and food supplies.... The staff on

each railway will remain under the same control as heretofore,

and will receive their instructions through the same channels as

in the past.

As eventually constituted, the Committee consisted of the following

general managers:--Mr. D. A. Matheson, Caledonian Railway; Sir Sam

Fay, Great Central Railway; Mr. C. H. Dent, Great Northern Railway;

Mr. F. Potter, Great Western Railway; Mr. Guy Calthrop, London and

North Western Railway; Mr. J. A. F. Aspinall, Lancashire and Yorkshire

Railway; Sir Herbert A. Walker, London and South Western Railway; Sir

William Forbes, London, Brighton and South Coast Railway; Sir Guy

Granet, Midland Railway; Sir A. K. Butterworth, North Eastern Railway,

and Mr. F. H. Dent, South Eastern and Chatham Railway, with Mr. Gilbert

S. Szlumper as secretary.

1860 AND 1914

Such, then, was the final outcome of a movement which, started in 1860,

by individual effort, as the result of an expected invasion of England

by France, was, in 1914, and after undergoing gradual though continuous

development, to play an important part on behalf of the nation in

helping France herself, now England's cherished Ally, to resist the

invader of her own fair territory.

With what smoothness the transport of our troops was conducted cannot

yet be told in detail; but the facts here narrated will show that the

success attained was mainly due to three all-important factors,--(1)

the efficiency of the railway organisation; (2) the willingness of the

Government, on assuming control of the railways under the Act of 1871,

to leave their management in the hands of railway men; and (3) the ready

adoption, alike by the railway interests and by State departments,

of the fundamental principle enforced by a succession of wars from

the American Civil War of 1861-65 downwards,--that in the conduct of

military rail transport there should be, in each of its various stages,

intermediaries between the military and the railway technical elements,

co-ordinating their mutual requirements, constituting the recognised

and only channel for orders and instructions, and ensuring, as far as

prudence, foresight and human skill can devise, the perfect working of

so delicate and complicated an instrument as the railway machine.

RAILWAY TROOPS

While Germany, inspired by the American example, had begun the creation

of special bodies of Railway Troops in 1866, it was not until 1882 that

a like course was adopted in England. Prior to the last-mentioned year

it was, possibly, thought that the labour branch of the Engineer and

Railway Volunteer Staff Corps would suffice to meet requirements in

regard to the destruction or the re-establishment of railways at home in

the event of invasion; but the arrangements of the Corps did not provide

for the supply of men to take up railway construction and operation on

the occasion of military expeditions to other countries.

It was this particular need that led, in the summer of 1882, to

the conversion of the 8th Company of Royal Engineers into the 8th

(Railway) Company, R.E., the occasion therefore being the dispatch of

an expeditionary force under Sir Garnet (afterwards Lord) Wolseley to

Egypt, where the necessity for railway work of various kinds was likely

to arise. This pioneer corps of British Railway Troops was formed of

seven officers, one warrant officer, two buglers, and ninety-seven

N.C.O.'s and sappers. So constituted, it was thought better adapted

for railway work under conditions of active service than a body of

civilian railwaymen would be. There certainly was the disadvantage that

those constituting the 8th were not then proficient in railway matters;

but, before they left, both officers and men were given the run of the

London, Chatham and Dover Railway lines, and were there enabled to pick

up what they could of railway working in the locomotive and traffic

departments, while on the London and South Western and the South Eastern

Railways they were initiated, as far as could be done in the time, into

the art of platelaying. The Corps took out to Egypt four small tank

locomotives; two first-class, two second-class and six third-class

carriages; forty cattle trucks; four brake vans; two travelling cranes;

two breakdown vans, and five miles of permanent way, complete, with

accessories, tools, etc. Excellent work was done in carrying on regular

train services, repairing damaged track, etc., running an armoured

train, constructing supplementary short lines, and conveying troops,

sick and wounded, and stores, the practical utility of such an addition

to the engineering forces of the Army being thus fully assured.

In January, 1885, the 10th Company, Royal Engineers, was converted

into the 10th (Railway) Company, and sent to Egypt to assist in the

construction of the then contemplated Suakin-Berber line, to which

further reference will be made in Chapter XV. Both companies also

rendered good service in the South African War.

According to the "Manual of Military Railways," issued with Army Orders

dated March 1st, 1889, the duties likely to be required from the Royal

Engineers with regard to railways are as follows:-- (1) Laying, working,

and maintaining a military line of railway between two places; (2)

restoring an existing line which has been damaged or destroyed by an

enemy; (3) destroying an existing line as much as possible with a given

number of men and in a specified time, and (4) working and maintaining

an existing line. The "Manual" itself gave much technical information as

to the construction, maintenance, destruction and working of railways.

It was re-issued by the War Office in 1898 as Part VI of "Instruction

in Military Engineering," and was stated to embody a portion of the

course of instruction in railways at the school of Military Engineering,

Chatham. In the "Manual of Military Engineering," issued by the General

Staff of the War Office in 1905, instructions are given (Chap. XVII,

pars. 238-244) on the "hasty demolition, without explosives," of

railways, stations, buildings, rolling stock, permanent way, water

supply, etc.; and in Chapter XXIII, "Railways and Telegraphs," the

statement is made that--

The duties likely to be required of troops in the field with

regard to railways (apart from large railway schemes, for which

special arrangements would be necessary,) may be considered as

either temporary repairs or the laying of short lengths of line

to join up breaks, the construction of additional works, such

as platforms, etc., to adapt the line for military use, or the

demolition of an existing line.

Detailed information is given, for the benefit of R.E. officers,

concerning railway construction, repair and reconstruction, and the

main principles on which such work should be carried out for military

purposes are explained. The best system to adopt for the effecting of

rapid repairs is said to be that of establishing construction trains.

"The reconstruction staff live in these trains, which rapidly advance

along the line as it is being repaired, conveying, also, the necessary

material."

The peace training[35] of the Companies includes: reconnaissance, survey

and final location of a railway; laying out station yards; laying out

deviations; rapid laying of narrow-gauge "military" lines; construction

of all kinds of railway bridges; signal installation; water supply;

repairs to telegraphs and telephones necessary for working construction

lines; working of electric block instruments; fitting up armoured

trains; construction of temporary platforms, and working and maintenance

of construction trains.

Instruction in reconnaissance and survey work is given to officers

while at head-quarters, and a certain number of N.C.O.'s and men are

also instructed in railway survey work. Parties, each commanded by an

officer, are sent to carry out a reconnaissance and final location of

a railway between two points about forty miles apart on the assumption

that it is an unmapped country, and complete maps and sections are

prepared. The Companies have also undertaken the construction and

maintenance of the Woolmer Instructional Military Railway,--a 4 ft. 8½

in. gauge military line, about six miles in length, connecting Bordon

(London and South Western Railway) with Longmore Camp. All the plant

necessary for railway work and workshops for the repair of rolling stock

are provided at Longmore.

In time of war the chief duties of a Railway Company, R.E., would be to

survey, construct, repair and demolish railways and to work construction

and armoured trains.

In the South African campaign, when the military had to operate the

railways of which they took possession in the enemy's country, some

difficulty was experienced in obtaining from the ranks of the Army a

sufficient number of men capable of working the lines. As the result

of these conditions, it was arranged, in 1903, between the War Office

and certain of the British railway companies that the latter should

afford facilities in their locomotive departments and workshops for the

training of a number of non-commissioned officers and men as drivers,

firemen and mechanics, (capable of carrying out repairs,) in order to

qualify them better for railway work in the field, in case of need. This

arrangement was carried out down to the outbreak of war in 1914. The

period of training lasted either six or nine months. In order to avoid

the raising of any "labour" difficulties, no wages were given during

this period to Army men who were already receiving Army pay as soldiers,

but a bonus was granted to them by the railway companies, when they

left, on their obtaining from the head of the department to which they

had been attached a certificate of their efficiency.

STRATEGICAL RAILWAYS

The subject of strategical railways will be dealt with, both generally

and in special reference to their construction in Germany, in Chapter

XVIII. In regard to Great Britain it may be said that the position as

explained by Sir George Findlay in his article in the _United Service

Magazine_ for April, 1892, is that whilst Continental countries have

been spending large sums of money on the building of strategical

lines for the defence of their frontiers, (or, he might have added,

for the invasion, in some instances, of their neighbours' territory,)

Great Britain, more fortunate, possesses already a system of railways

which, though constructed entirely by private enterprise, could not,

even if they had been laid out with a view to national defence, "have

been better adapted for the purpose, since there are duplicated lines

directed from the great centres of population and of military activity

upon every point of the coast, while there are lines skirting the coast

in every direction, north, east, south and west."

Some years ago there were certain critics who recommended the building

of lines, for strategical purposes, along sections of our coast which

the ordinary railways did not directly serve; but the real necessity for

such lines was questioned, the more so because the transport of troops

by rail on such short-distance journeys as those that would have been

here in question might, with the marching to and from the railway and

the time occupied in entraining and detraining, take longer than if the

troops either marched all the way, or (in the event of there being only

a small force) if they went by motor vehicles to the coast.

One point that was, indeed, likely to arise in connection with the

movement of troops was the provision of facilities for their ready

transfer from one railway system to another, without change of carriage,

when making cross-country journeys or travelling, for instance, from the

North or the Midlands to ports in the South.

We have seen that in France many such links were established, subsequent

to the war of 1870-71, expressly for strategical reasons; but in

Great Britain a like result has been attained, apart from military

considerations, from the fact that some years ago the different railway

companies established physical connections between their different

systems with a view to the ready transfer of ordinary traffic. When,

therefore, the necessity arose for a speedy mobilisation, or for the

transport of troops from any part of Great Britain to any particular

port for an overseas destination, the necessary facilities for through

journeys by rail, in the shortest possible time, already existed.

In effect, the nearest approach to purely strategical lines in Great

Britain is to be found, perhaps, in those which connect military camps

with the ordinary railways; yet, while these particular lines may

have been built to serve a military purpose, they approximate less to

strategical railways proper, as understood in Germany, than to branch

lines and sidings constructed to meet the special needs of some large

industrial concern.

Generally speaking, the attitude of Parliament and of British

authorities in general has not been sympathetic to suggestions of

strategical railways, even when proposals put forward have had the

support of the War Office itself.

This tendency was well shown in connection with the Northern Junction

Railway scheme which was inquired into by a Select Committee of the

House of Commons in 1913. Under the scheme in question, a railway was

to be constructed from Brentford, on the west of London, to Wood Green,

on the north, passing through Acton, Ealing, Wembley Park, Hampstead

and Finchley, and establishing connections with and between several of

the existing main-line systems. In this respect it compared with those

"outer circle" railway systems which, as a further result of the war of

1870-71, were expressly designed by the French Government for the better

defence of Paris.

The Northern Junction scheme was introduced to the Select Committee

as one which, among other considerations, "would be important from a

military point of view for moving troops from one point to another

without taking them through London." Lieut.-General Sir J. S. Cowans,

Quartermaster-General, a member of the Army Council responsible for

the movement of troops, and deputed by the Secretary for War to give

evidence, said:

The proposed line would be a great advantage in time of

emergency if it was constructed in its entirety. The Army

Council felt that it would provide important routes between

the South of England and East Anglia and the North. At present

trains had to come from Aldershot to Clapham Junction by the

South-Western line, and be there broken up and sent over

congested City lines on to the Great Northern. By the proposed

line military trains could be handled without dividing them and

be transferred to the Great Northern or Great Eastern without

being sent over the congested City lines.

Strong opposition was offered, however, on the ground that the

construction of the line would do "irreparable damage" to the amenities

of the Hampstead Garden Suburb; and, after a sitting which extended

over several days, the Committee threw out the Bill, the Chairman

subsequently admitting that "they had been influenced very largely by

the objection of the Hampstead Garden Suburb."

In 1914 the scheme was introduced afresh into the House of Commons, with

certain modifications, the proposed line of route no longer passing

through the Hampstead Garden Suburb, though near to it. One member

of the House said he had collaborated in promoting the Bill because

"he most earnestly believed this railway was of vital import to the

mobilisation of our troops in time of emergency"; but another declared

that the alleged military necessity for the railway was "all fudge,"

while much was now said as to the pernicious effect the line would have

on the highly-desirable residential district of Finchley. In the result

strategical considerations were again set aside, and the House rejected

the Bill by a majority of seventy-seven.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] Colonel McMurdo had special qualifications for the post.

Becoming a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Army in October, 1853, he was

Assistant-Adjutant-General at Dublin from May, 1854, to January,

1855. On February 2, 1855, he was entrusted with the duties of

Director-General of the new Land-Transport Corps, and was sent out to

the Crimea, with the local rank of Colonel, to reorganize the transport

service, then in a deplorably defective condition. He is said to have

accomplished this task with great energy and success. Before the close

of the campaign his corps numbered 17,000 men, with 28,000 horses,

mules, etc. He also took over the working of the pioneer military

railway in the Crimea. In 1857 the Land-Transport Corps was converted

into the Military Train, with Colonel McMurdo as Colonel-Commandant.

Early in 1860, when the Volunteer movement was assuming a permanent

character, Colonel McMurdo was appointed Inspector of Volunteers,

and in June of the same year he became Inspector-General, a post he

retained until January, 1865. He was chosen as Colonel of the Inns of

Court Volunteers on January 23, 1865, and his further appointment to

the post of Colonel of the newly-formed Engineer and Railway Volunteer

Staff Corps followed, as stated above, in February, 1865. He was created

K.C.B. in 1881 and G.C.B. in 1893. He died in 1894.

[30] The names of present members of the Corps will be found in "Hart's

Army List." Under the Territorial and Reserve Forces Act of 1907

the Corps became part of the Territorial Force, and the designation

"Volunteer" was dropped from its title, which since that date has been

"The Engineer and Railway Staff Corps."

[31] "The Conveyance of Troops by Railway." By Col. J. S. Rothwell,

R.A., Professor of Military Administration, Staff College, _United

Service Magazine_, Dec., 1891, and Jan., 1892.

[32] Detailed information as to the capacity of British rolling stock;

composition of trains required for units at war strength; truck space

taken up by Army vehicles; standard forms of reports on existing

railways, and other matters, is published in the official publication

known as "Railway Manual (War)."

[33] _The Railway Magazine_, May, 1901.

[34] For details as to the nature of the organisation by which these

results were effected, see an article on "The Great Eastern Railway

and the Army Manoeuvres in East Anglia--1912," by H. J. Prytherch,

in the _Great Eastern Railway Magazine_ for November, 1912. In the

_Great Western Railway Magazine_ for November, 1909, there are given,

under the heading, "The Transport of an Army," some details concerning

the military transport on the Great Western system during the Army

manoeuvres of that year. The traffic conveyed was, approximately, 514

officers, 14,552 men, 208 officers' horses, 2,474 troop horses, 25 guns,

34 limbers, and 581 wagons and carts. "The military authorities and the

Army contractors," it is said, "expressed their pleasure at the manner

in which the work was performed by the Company's staff."

[35] "General Principles, Organisation and Equipment of Royal

Engineers," _Royal Engineers Journal_, February, 1910.

CHAPTER XV

MILITARY RAILWAYS

By the expression "military railways" is meant lines of railways which,

as distinct from commercial lines serving public purposes, have been

designed expressly for military use. The fact that any line forming

part of the ordinary railway system of the country is employed for the

conveyance of troops either direct to the theatre of war or to some port

for embarkation therefrom does not constitute that line a "military"

railway, in the strict sense of the term, whatever the extent of its

use for military transport for the time being. Such line remains a

commercial railway, all the same, and the application to it of the

designation "military" is erroneous.

Military railways proper fall mainly into two groups--(1) "field"

or "siege" railways, constructed on the theatre of war for moving

heavy guns, platform materials, etc., to their position; conveying

ammunition and supplies to siege batteries, magazines, advanced

trenches or bombproofs; bringing up reinforcements rapidly in case of

a sortie; conveying working-parties to and from their work; removing

sick and wounded to the rear, and other kindred purposes, the loads

being generally hauled by animals, by gasoline motor or by men; and

(2) "supply" railways, specially constructed to convey troops, stores,

etc., from the base to the front, in time of war, or from an ordinary

main-line railway to a military camp or depôt in time of peace, where

local lines of railway are not available for the purpose.

These two main groups include various types of railways coming under

one or the other designation, and ranging from a very light portable

tramway, put down at express speed to serve an emergency, and worked

by small engines, mules or horses, to substantially built lines, of

standard gauge, designed both to be worked by locomotives and to carry

the largest possible number of troops or amount of freight.

In any case, the details of construction, equipment and operation of

a military railway vary from those of a commercial railway since the

one would be intended to serve only a specific and possibly temporary

purpose, in the attainment of which the question of speed would be a

secondary consideration, whereas the other would require to assume

a permanent form, be capable of higher speeds, and afford adequate

guarantee of safety for the public, by whom it would be used. The

building, also, of a military railway may be, and generally is, carried

out by a corps of Railway Troops to which are specially delegated

the duties of laying, working, maintaining, repairing, restoring or

destroying railways; and, provided the desired lines were built with

sufficient dispatch, and answered the desired purpose, the military

commanders who would alone be concerned might well be satisfied.

In many different ways the resort to military railways, whatever

their particular type, has greatly extended the range of advantages

to be gained from the application of rail-power to war. A full record

of all that has been accomplished in this direction could hardly be

attempted here; but a few typical examples of what has been done in this

direction--though not always with conspicuous success--may be offered.

THE CRIMEAN WAR

The earliest instance of a purely military railway being constructed

to serve the purpose of a campaign occurred in the Crimean War; and,

although the line then made would to-day be regarded as little more than

an especially inefficient apology for a railway, it was looked upon at

the time as a remarkable innovation in warfare. It further established a

precedent destined to be widely followed in later years.

Between the camp of the allies at Sebastopol and their base of supplies

at Balaklava the distance was only seven or eight miles; yet in the

winter of 1854-55 the fatigue parties sent for rations, clothing, fuel,

huts, ammunition and other necessaries were frequently no less than

twelve hours in doing the return journey. The reason was that during

the greater part of that time they were floundering in a sea of mud.

The soil of the Crimea is clay impregnated with salt, and, under the

combined influence of climatic conditions and heavy traffic, the route

between camp and base had been converted into a perfect quagmire.

Horses, mules and carts were, at first, alone available for transport

purposes; but, although plenty of animals were to be obtained in the

surrounding country, only a limited number could be employed by reason

of the lack of forage, a totally inadequate supply having been sent

out from England. As for the animals that were used, their sufferings,

as the result of those terrible journeys, their own shortage of food,

and the effect of the intense cold on their half-starved bodies, were

terrible. "In the rear of each Division," says General Sir Edward

Hamley, in "The War in the Crimea," "a scanty group of miserable ponies

and mules, whose backs never knew what it was to be quit of the saddle,

shivered, and starved, and daily died." They died, also, on every

journey to or from the base. The toil of going through the quagmire

even for their own forage, or of bringing it back when they had got it,

was too great for them, and the whole line of route was marked by their

remains.

As for the troops, they experienced great hardships owing to the

inadequate supplies of provisions and fuel at the camp, although there

might be plenty of both at the base. Apart from the physical conditions

of the roads, or apologies for roads, between the two points, the

campaign was begun without transport arrangements of any kind whatever.

A transport corps formed for the British Army in 1799, under the title

of the Royal Wagon Train, had been disbanded in 1833, and, whether from

motives of economy or because the need for war preparations in time

of peace was not sufficiently appreciated, no other corps had been

created to take its place. Hence the troops sent to the Crimea were

required, at the outset, to look after the transport themselves, and in

many instances they even had to do the work of mules and horses. It was

not until January 24, 1855, that a Land Transport Corps, composed of

volunteers from various arms of the service, was raised by Royal Warrant

and began to provide for a defect in the military organisation which

had, in the meantime, involved the allies, and especially the British,

in severe privations owing to the frequent shortage of supplies.

The original intention to establish a depôt at head-quarters before

Sebastopol had had to be abandoned because of the hopelessness of any

attempt to get a sufficient surplus of provisions to form a store.

Such were the conditions that the pioneer military railway was designed

to remedy. Built, at a very slow rate, by English contractors, who

arrived at the Crimea with their men and material during the month

of January, 1855, the line was a single-track one, with a 4 feet 8½

inch gauge. For the first two miles from Balaklava it was worked by a

locomotive. Then the trucks were drawn up an incline, eight at a time,

by a stationary engine. Six horses next drew two trucks at a time up

another incline. After this came a fairly level piece of road, followed

by two gullies where each wagon was detached in succession and made to

run down one side of the gully and up the other by its own momentum.

Then horses were again attached to the trucks and so drew them, finally,

to the end of the line on the Upland.

Five locomotives, of from 12 to 18 tons weight, were provided, and

there were about forty ordinary side-tip ballast wagons--all entirely

unsuitable for use on a military railway.

At first the men belonging to the contractors' staff--navvies and

others--were entrusted with the working of the line. The question had

been raised as to whether their services should not be made use of in

other directions, as well. On their being sent out from England the

idea was entertained that they might construct trenches and batteries,

in addition to building the railway, and there was a suggestion that

they should, also, join the siege parties in the attack on Sebastopol.

In order to test the question (as recorded by Major-General Whitworth

Porter, in his "History of the Corps of Royal Engineers"), Sir John

Burgoyne wrote to Mr. Beattie, principal engineer of the Railway

Department, asking if he would approve of an invitation being given to

the men to undergo such training as would qualify them to defend any

position in which they might happen to be. In his answer Mr. Beattie

wrote:--

The subject of your letter was very fully and anxiously

discussed in London before I left, and it was determined _not_

to arm the men. They were considered too valuable to be used as

soldiers, and were distinctly told that they would not be called

upon to fight.

Their value, however, did not stand the test it underwent when they

were called on to work the railway they had built. They were found to

be lacking in any sense of discipline; they repeatedly struck work when

their services were most urgently needed, and they had to be got rid of

accordingly. They were replaced by men from the Army Works Corps and the

Land Transport Corps, then in operation in the Crimea, and the members

of the new staff--constituting a disciplined force--worked admirably.

Major Powell, who became traffic manager of the line in March, 1855,

and chief superintendent in the following July, has said concerning

them[36]:--

Many lost their lives in the execution of their duty. When

I required them to work night and day to throw forward supplies

for the great struggle--the capture of Sebastopol--several of

them remained seventy-two hours continuously at work.

The quantities of ammunition and stores which could be carried were

below the requirements of the troops engaged in the siege operations;

but during the last bombardment of Sebastopol--when the line was worked

continuously, night and day, by a staff increased to about 1,000 men, of

whom 400 were Turks--the transport effected rose from 200 tons a day,

the limit attained under operation by the undisciplined navvies, to

700 tons. The line also did excellent work on the re-embarkment of the

troops at the end of the campaign.

AMERICAN CIVIL WAR

In the American War of Succession, the existing lines of railway

were supplemented in various instances by "surface railroads," which

consisted of rails and sleepers laid on the ordinary ground without

any preparation of a proper road bed, yet serving a useful purpose,

notwithstanding the rough and ready way in which they were put together.

THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN

How a railway specially constructed for the purpose may assist a

military expedition in the prosecution of a "little war" in an

uncivilised country, practically devoid of roads, and offering great

physical difficulties, was shown on the occasion of the British Campaign

in Abyssinia in 1867-68; though the circumstances under which the

line in question was built were not in themselves creditable to the

authorities concerned.

Sent to effect the release of the British prisoners whom King Theodore

was keeping in captivity at Magdala, the expedition under Sir Robert

Napier (afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala) entered upon what was to be

quite as much an engineering as a military exploit. Not only was Magdala

300 miles from Annesley Bay, the base of operations on the Red Sea, but

it stood, as a hill fortress, on a plateau more than 9,000 feet above

the sea-level. To reach it meant the construction of roads in three

sections. The first, which, in parts, had to be cut in the mountain

side, rose to a height of 7,400 feet in 63 miles; the second allowed

of no more than a cart road, and the third and final stage was a mere

mountain track where the only transport possible was that of mules or

elephants.

When, in October, 1867, the advance Brigade landed at Zoulla, the port

in Annesley Bay from which the advance inland was to be made, they took

with them the materials for some tramway lines intended to connect

two landing piers with the depôts it was proposed to establish a mile

inland. In November these plans were altered in favour of a line of

railway, twelve miles in length, from the landing-place to Koomayleh, at

the entrance of the Soroo Pass, the route to be taken by the expedition

on its journey to the Abyssinian highlands. All the necessary plant

was to be supplied by the Government of Bombay, who also undertook to

provide the labour; but it was the middle of January, 1868, before a

real start could be made with the work.

Even then, as told by Lieut. Willans, R.E.,[37] who took part in the

expedition, the progress made was extremely slow. The rails obtained

from different railway companies in India were of five different

patterns, of odd lengths, and varying in weight from 30 lb. to 65 lb.

a yard. Some of them had been in use many years on the harbour works

at Karachi, had been taken up and laid down several times, and had,

also, been bent to fit sharp curves or cut to suit the original line.

Some single-flanged rails had been fitted in the Government workshops

at Bombay with fish-plates and bolts; but the holes in the plates and

rails were not at uniform distances, and the bolts fitted the holes so

tightly as to allow of no play. Then, when the rails arrived, no spikes

came with them, and without spikes they could not be laid. When the

spikes followed, it was found that the augurs for boring holes in the

sleepers had been left at Bombay, to come on by another ship; though

this particular difficulty was met by the artisans of the 23rd Punjab

Pioneer Regiment making augurs for themselves.

If the rails gave much trouble--and even when they had been laid it was

no unusual thing for them to break between two sleepers and throw the

engine off the line--the locomotives and rolling stock caused still

more.

Six locomotives were shipped from Bombay; but, owing to the great

difficulty in landing and the labour involved in putting them together,

only four were used. Of these, one was a tank engine which, although

just turned out from the railway workshops at Bombay, required new

driving wheels after it had been running a fortnight. Another came with

worn-out boiler tubes, and these had to be replaced at Zoulla. The

two others, tank engines with only four wheels each, had previously

seen many years' service at Karachi. All the engines were very light,

weighing with coal and water from 16 to 20 tons each. The best of them

could do no more than draw fifteen small loaded trucks up an incline of

one in sixty.

The sixty wagons sent were ordinary trolleys having no springs, no

spring buffers and no grease boxes. Their axle-boxes were of cast iron,

and wore out within a fortnight, owing to the driving sand. As the

railway came into use, every truck was loaded to its fullest capacity,

and the combination of this weight with the jarring and oscillation on a

very rough line led either to the breaking of the coupling chains or to

the coupling bars being pulled from the wagons at starting. When fresh

coupling chains were asked for it was found that the boxes containing

them had either been left behind at Bombay or were buried beneath

several hundred tons of other supplies on board ship. At least forty per

cent. of the trucks were either constantly under repair or had to be put

aside as unfit for use. In May a number of open wagons with springs and

spring buffers arrived from Bombay. Some of these were converted into

passenger carriages.

Difficulties arose in other directions, besides.

The plant forwarded was adapted to the Indian standard gauge of 5 feet

6 inches, and was heavy and difficult to handle, especially under the

troublesome conditions of landing. To-day, of course, a narrow-gauge

railway, easily dealt with, would be employed in circumstances such as

those of the Abyssinian expedition.

The Indian natives who had been sent in the first instance to construct

the line were found unsuitable, and had to be replaced by gangs of

Chinese picked up in Bombay. The latter worked well and gave no trouble.

The country through which the line was laid was timberless, if not,

also, practically waterless. Wells had to be sunk for the water wanted

for the locomotives and the working-parties.

The heat was excessive. The temperature at times was 180 degrees Fahr.

in the sun. English navvies could not have made the line at all.

The two piers where the incoming vessels could alone be unloaded got

so congested with traffic that it was only with the greatest trouble

railway material could be landed.

Use began to be made of the line as soon as any of it was ready, and the

traffic at the shore end at once became so heavy that it was difficult

to get materials and supplies through to the construction parties at

the other end. Officers, also, who should have been superintending the

construction had to devote a good deal of time, instead, to details of

operation, or to looking after the repairs of rolling stock.

In all these circumstances one cannot be surprised at the slow rate of

progress made. One may, rather, wonder that the line got built at all.

As it was, four months were spent on eleven miles of railway, or a total

of twelve miles including sidings. There remained still another mile or

so to be built when, at the end of April, news arrived that the object

of the expedition had been attained, and that Magdala had fallen. It was

then decided not to complete the line, but to devote all energies to

preparing for the heavy traffic to be dealt with in the conveyance of

troops, baggage and stores on the return journey.

From the middle of May to the middle of June the resources of the line

were severely taxed; but a great improvement had been made in the

working arrangements, and a railway which had involved so much trouble

in the making was eventually found to be of great practical service.

Lieutenant Willans says of it:--

The Abyssinian railway was a great success, if one may gauge

it by the amount of assistance it gave to the expedition, by

the celerity and dispatch with which, by its aid, stores were

landed and brought up to the store sheds, and by the rapidity

and ease with which the troops and their baggage were brought

back and re-embarked at once....

As an auxiliary to the expedition, and as an additional

means of transport, no one who had anything to do in connection

with it can have doubted its extreme utility.

Faulty, therefore, as had been the conditions under which the line

was constructed, the results nevertheless established definitely the

principle that, in such campaigns as the one in Abyssinia, military

railways might serve an extremely useful purpose in facilitating the

transport of troops and supplies.

The Abyssinian experiences did, however, further show the desirability

of any country likely to find itself in a position requiring the

construction of military railways--as an aid to wars small or

great--creating in advance an organisation designed to enable it, as far

as possible, to meet promptly whatever emergency might arise, without

the risk of having to deal with defective material, unsatisfactory

labour, and administrative mismanagement.

The same lesson was to be enforced by other expeditions in which

England has taken part, and, down to the period when improvements in

our system--or lack of system--began to be effected, there was much

scope for criticism as to the way in which military railways, designed

to facilitate operations undertaken in countries having a lack of

communications, had been either constructed or worked. Writing, in

1882, in the "Professional Papers" of the Royal Engineers (Chatham) on

"Railways for Military Communication in the Field," Col. J. P. Maquay,

R.E., observed in regard to what had been the experiences to that date:--

In most of the wars that England has undertaken during

the past thirty years, attempts have been made to construct

railways for the transport of stores and materials from the base

of operations. This base must necessarily be on the sea coast

for a country situated as England is. These railways have not

been successful chiefly because, when war had broken out, such

material was hastily got together as seemed most suitable to

the occasion; and, further, the construction of these lines was

not carried out on any system. It is not surprising, therefore,

that our military railways were never completed in time to be

of much use to the troops they were intended to serve.

FRANCO-GERMAN WAR

In the Franco-German War of 1870-71 the Germans constructed two military

railways--(1) a line, twenty-two miles in length, connecting Remilly, on

the Saarbrück Railway, with Pont à Mousson, on the Metz-Frouard line;

and (2) a loop line, three miles long, passing round the tunnel at

Nanteuil, blown up by the French.

Special interest attached to these two lines inasmuch as they were the

result of construction work done, not in anticipation of a war, or even

immediately preceding hostilities, but during the course of an active

campaign. In addition to this, they afforded an opportunity for showing

what Prussia could do, under pressure, with the Construction Corps she

had formed in order, among other things, to meet just such contingencies

as those that now arose.

At the beginning of the war the Prussian General Staff had (according to

Rüstow) assumed that Metz would offer a prolonged resistance, and that

the defenders would be certain to make an attempt to interrupt the rail

communication between Germany and her troops in the field. To meet the

position which might thus be created, it was decided to build from Pont

à Mousson to Remilly a field railway which, avoiding Metz, would link up

at Remilly with the line proceeding thence to Saarbrück, and so ensure

the maintenance of direct rail communication to and from Germany. On

August 14, 1870, the day of the rearguard action at Borny, the survey

and the levelling of the ground were begun, and three days later a start

was made with the construction. Altogether some 4,200 men were employed

on the work, namely, 400 belonging to two Field Railway Companies; 800

forming four Fortress Pioneer Companies, and about 3,000 miners from the

colliery districts of Saarbrück who had been thrown out of work owing to

the war and accepted employment on the railway. The building corps had

at their disposal a park of 330 wagons and other vehicles, and patrol

and requisition duties were performed for them by a squadron of Cavalry.

Notwithstanding that so considerable a force was available for the

purpose, the work of building the twenty-two miles of railway took

forty-eight days, the line not being ready for operation until October

4. This was in no way a great achievement, and it did not compare

favourably with much that was done by the Federal Construction Corps

employed in the American War of Secession. It is true that the

irregularities of the ground were such as to render necessary numerous

cuttings and embankments, and that two bridges and two viaducts had

to be provided; but the cuttings were only about 3 feet deep, and the

embankments were only 5 feet high, except near one of the viaducts,

where they were 10 feet high. The viaducts and bridges were of timber,

with spans of about 16 feet. The building of the line was, therefore, in

no way a formidable undertaking, from an engineering point of view.

Not only, however, did it take over 4,000 men nearly fifty days to make

twenty-two miles of line, but the work had been done in such a way that

when the autumn rains came on the track settled in many places; traffic

on the lines became very dangerous; one of the bridges was washed away

by the floods, and almost as many men had to be put on to do repairs as

had previously been employed for the construction. Traffic of a very

moderate description--each locomotive drawing only four wagons at a

time--was carried on for just twenty-six days, and then, happily for the

engineers concerned, the developments in and around Metz rendered the

line no longer necessary.

How the restoration of the traffic interrupted through the explosion of

French mines in the tunnel at Nanteuil occupied from September 17 to

November 22 has already been told on page 128.

RUSSO-TURKISH WAR

In the opinion of one English military critic, what short lines were

made in the Franco-German War "were neither so speedily constructed

nor so successful in result as to encourage the idea that lines of any

length could be made during a campaign"; but a different impression

is to be derived from the story of what was accomplished in the same

direction in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78.

Russia planned her campaign against Turkey in the hope and expectation

that it would be short, sharp and decisive. She started her mobilisation

in good time, that is to say, in November, 1876, although she did

not declare war until April 24, 1877. Making the mistake, however,

of despising her foe, she anticipated no serious opposition from the

Turks, but expected, rather, to paralyse them by a rapid advance, have a

triumphal march to Constantinople, secure the desired safeguards for the

Christians in Turkey, and see the war over before the end of the summer.

One reason why Russia specially desired to bring the campaign to so

early a conclusion lay in the deficient and precarious nature of the

rail communication. Under a convention which had been agreed to with

Rumania on April 16, 1877, Russia was to have a free passage for her

troops through that country. She was, also, to have the use of the

Rumanian railways and of all their transport facilities. But the only

line then running through Rumania was one that went from Galatz, on the

Russo-Rumanian frontier, to Bucharest, and thence (with a branch to

Slatina) to Giurgevo, on the Danube, where it connected with a Bulgarian

line from Rustchuk, on the south of the river, to Varna, the Turkish

base of supplies on the Black Sea. Not only was the Rumanian railway

system thus limited in extent, but the lines had been indifferently

constructed, they were badly maintained, and they had an inadequate

personnel together with an insufficiency both of rolling stock and of

terminal facilities. Still further, the fact that the Russian railways

had a broader gauge than the railways of Rumania (among other European

countries) caused great delay in the transfer, at the frontier, from the

one system to the other, not alone of 200,000 men, but of the 850 field

and 400 siege guns, of the ammunition, and of much other material the

troops required to take with them. The alternative to dependence on the

railway was a resort to roads impassable in wet weather.

What really caused the Russian plans to miscarry, however, was the

obstinate defence of Plevna by Osman Pasha, who took up his position

there on July 19, subjected the Russians to successive repulses, and did

not capitulate until December 10, the siege costing the Russians 55,000

men and the Rumanians 10,000.

When it was realised that the check at Plevna rendered certain a

prolongation of the campaign, Russia set about the construction of

a series of new lines of railway during the course of the war. The

principal lines thus taken in hand were:--

1. A line in Russia, from Bender, on the Dniester, to Galatz,

establishing direct communication between the Odessa railways and the

Rumanian frontier, and affording improved facilities for the sending of

reinforcements to the seat of war.

2. A line from Fratesti, on the Bucharest-Giurgevo Railway, to Simnitza,

the point on the north bank of the Danube where, on the night of June

26-7, the Russians built the bridge which enabled them to cross the

river.

3. A line from Sistova, on the south side of the Danube, to Tirnova

(Bulgaria), situate about thirty miles south-east of Plevna, and about

twenty-five north of the Shipka Pass.

Of these three lines the construction of the first, 189 miles in

length, was begun at the end of July, 1877. The original intention

was to build a railway to serve the purposes of the war only; but the

conclusion that ulterior strategical and commercial purposes would

alike be served by linking up Odessa with the Rumanian frontier led

to the building of a railway likely to be of permanent usefulness.

The line was a single-track one, with a sufficient number of stations

and passing places to allow of the running of seven trains in each

direction in the twenty-four hours. The construction, carried out by

contract, involved the building of a number of timber bridges and the

provision of several embankments, one of which was over three miles in

length. Great difficulties were experienced in regard to labour, and

especially by reason of the refusal of the men to work either on Sundays

or on their numerous saints' days. Trains were, nevertheless, running

on the line within 100 days of the construction being started, and this

notwithstanding the fact that the number of actual working days had been

only fifty-eight. Whereas, therefore, the Germans had, in 1870, with the

help of a Construction Corps over 4,000 strong, taken forty-eight days

to build twenty-two miles of railway between Pont à Mousson and Remilly,

the Russians in 1877 built, by contract, 189 miles of railway in just

over double the same period.

A railway from Fratesti to Simnitza had become indispensable inasmuch

as the main line of communication for the Russian Army could not be

continued for an indefinite period along the forty miles of defective

roads--speedily worn out by the heavy traffic--which separated the

Bucharest-Giurgevo line from the bridge built across the Danube. The

only important earthwork necessary was an embankment a mile and a half

long and fourteen feet high. The bridges to be provided included one

of 420 feet and two of 210 feet each. In this instance the troubles

experienced were due to the difficulty in getting the necessary

materials for the work of construction owing partly to the existing

Rumanian lines being blocked with military traffic, and partly to the

state of the roads and to the use of all available draught horses for

Army transport purposes. There could thus be no great celerity shown in

construction, and the forty miles of railway, begun in the middle of

September, were, in fact, not ready for working until the beginning of

December.

Like difficulties were experienced, though to a still more acute degree,

in regard to the Sistova-Tirnova line, the length of which was to be

seventy-five miles; and here only the earthworks could be finished

before the end of the campaign.

What, however, had been accomplished during the time the war was in

progress was (1) the completion of 229 miles of new railway, and the

making of the road-bed for another seventy-five miles, together with the

carrying out of a number of minor railway works; (2) the acquisition,

by purchase in different countries, of 120 locomotives and 2,150 wagons

and trucks, all new, and (3) the provision of a steam railway ferry

across the Danube.[38]

So the development of the rail-power principle in warfare was

carried still further by this construction, during the course of the

Russo-Turkish conflict, of a greater length of railways, designed for

military use, than had ever been built under like conditions before.

The world gained a fresh lesson as to the importance of the rôle played

by railways in war, and it was offered, also, a striking example of

what could be done in the way of rapidly providing them in a time of

emergency.

On the other hand it had to be remembered that, of the three railways in

question, the one which included 189 miles out of the total 229 miles

built was constructed on Russian territory where there was no danger of

interruption by the enemy, while the delays which occurred with the two

other lines, owing to the congestion of traffic, under war conditions,

on existing railways depended upon for the supply of materials, seemed

to point (1) to the risk that might, from this cause, be run if the

building of lines necessary or desirable in the interests of some

prospective campaign were left until the outbreak of hostilities, and

(2) to the wisdom of constructing all such lines, as far as necessary

and practicable, in time of peace.

THE SUDAN

If we turn now to the Sudan, we gain examples of military railways

which, designed for the purposes of war, and constructed, in part,

during the progress of active hostilities, first rendered great services

in facilitating the conquest of a vast area, and then developed into a

system of Government railways operated, in turn, for the purposes of

peace, and accomplishing results as conspicuously successful in the

latter direction as they had previously done in the former.

During the time that Saïd Pasha was Viceroy of Egypt (1854-63) there

was brought forward a scheme for the linking up of Egypt and the Sudan

by means of a single line of railway from Cairo to Khartoum, with a

branch to Massowa, on the Red Sea. It was an ambitious proposal, and,

if it could have been carried into effect, the opening up of the Sudan

to civilisation, by means of an iron road, might have altered the

whole subsequent history of that much-suffering land. But the cost was

regarded as prohibitive, and the scheme was abandoned for a time, to

be revived, however, in a modified form in 1871, when Ismail Pasha was

Khedive. It was then proposed that the line should start at Wady Halfa

and be continued to Matemmeh (Shendy), situate about 100 miles north of

Khartoum--a total distance of 558 miles. In 1875 a beginning was made

with the building of this railway, which was to consist of a single

line, with a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches, and was to be made with 50-lb.

rails and 7-ft. sleepers; but when, in 1877, after an expenditure of

about £400,000, the railway had been carried no farther than Sarras,

thirty-three and a half miles from the starting-point, it was stopped

for lack of funds.

In the autumn of 1884 the British expedition to Khartoum, where General

Gordon was endeavouring to maintain his position against the Mahdi's

followers, was resolved upon, and it was then decided to extend the

Sudan Railway beyond the point already reached, at Sarras, in order to

facilitate still further the journey of the troops along the valley of

the Nile, which had been selected as the route of the expedition.

Platelaying for the extension was begun in September by a party of

English and Egyptian infantry and native labourers, afterwards joined

by the 4th Battalion Egyptian Army and the 8th (Railway) Company of the

Royal Engineers. While, however, materials previously stored at Sarras

were found to be still available, the trucks containing rails, etc.,

for the extension work had to be pushed by hand from Sarras to railhead

owing to the absence of engines; sleepers were carried on the backs of

camels, of which 300 were employed for the purpose, and the coolie work

was entrusted to 700 native labourers, mainly old men and boys, most

of whom had deserted by the end of October, when further platelaying

was discontinued. By that time the extension works had reached the

thirty-ninth mile, and the line from Sarras to this point was opened on

December 4.

Following on the fall of Khartoum and the death of Gordon in January,

1885, came the decision to extend the line to Firket (103 miles), in

view of a then projected further campaign in the autumn of that year.

The extension was sanctioned towards the end of February; fifty-two

miles of permanent way were ordered from England; 300 platelayers

and railway mechanics were obtained from India, to supplement the

construction forces already available; and on August 7 the extension was

completed as far as Akasha (87 miles).

Meanwhile, however, there had been a change of policy which affected

the whole situation. On the return of the expeditionary force to

Korti (situate at the southern extremity of the great Nile bend), the

whole of the country to the south thereof passed under the control of

the Dervishes; and the British Government, reluctant at that time to

enter on the formidable task of reconquest, decided that no further

military operations should be taken in hand, and that the Sudan must be

definitely abandoned. Orders were accordingly given by Lord Wolseley in

May, 1885, for the withdrawal of the troops from all stations south of

Dongola, which itself was abandoned on June 15, the retreat continuing

as far as Akasha. Beyond this point, therefore, platelaying for the

proposed railway extension was not carried, although the formation

levels had been completed to Firket.

Subsequently the British retreat was continued to Wady Halfa, which then

became the southern frontier of Egypt, the railway extension thence to

Akasha, together with all posts to the south of Wady Halfa, being also

abandoned.

Excellent service had, nevertheless, been rendered by the railway, as

far as it was carried.

Operation of the line had been taken over by the 8th (Railway) Company,

R.E., who, at the outset, had at their disposal only five more or less

decrepit locomotives, fifty open trucks, five covered goods vans, and

six brake vans. The troops were conveyed in the open trucks, and by the

end of 1884 all the stores for the opening of the campaign had been

passed up. During the course of 1885 additional locomotives and rolling

stock were obtained from the Cape.

Summing up the work done on the Sudan Military Railway for the Nile

Expedition of 1884-5, Lieut. M. Nathan, R.E.,[39] says that it included

(1) the repair and maintenance of thirty-three and a half miles of

existing railway; (2) the construction of fifty-three and a half

miles of new line through a nearly waterless desert, with no means of

distributing material except the line itself; (3) the transport, for

the most part with limited and indifferent stock, of about 9,000 troops

round the worst part of the second cataract when going up the river, and

round nearly the whole of it when coming down; and (4) the carriage of

40,000 tons for an average distance of thirty-six and a half miles.

As against what had thus been achieved in the Nile Valley must be set a

failure on the Red Sea.

When, on the fall of Khartoum in January, 1885, the British Government

first decided on an extension of the Nile Valley Railway, they further

resolved on the building of a military railway from Suakin to Berber,

on the Nile, in order to have a second line of communication available

for Lord Wolseley's Army; and an Anglo-Indian force was sent to Suakin,

under the command of General Sir Gerald Graham, in order, first, to

defeat the Dervishes in the Eastern Sudan, and then to protect the

construction of the proposed railway. Such a line would obviously have

been of great strategical value to a Nile expeditionary force; but

the attempt to build it broke down owing, in part, to the defective

nature of the organisation resorted to, though still more to the active

opposition of the enemy.

Sir Andrew Clarke, Inspector-General of Fortifications, had from the

first advocated that the line should be supplied and laid by the

military engineering strength then available; but he was over-ruled, and

the work was given to an English firm of contractors in the expectation,

as Major-General Whitworth Porter tells, in volume two of the "History

of the Corps of Royal Engineers," "that the necessary material would be

supplied more readily, and in shorter time, through civilian agency."

It was, however, decided to send the 10th (Railway) Company of Royal

Engineers both to carry out some local works in the neighbourhood of

Suakin and to assist the contractors in the longer undertaking; and

this military element was strengthened, not only by a force of Indian

coolies, but, also, by the addition of thirty-nine members of Engineer

Volunteer Corps in England who had enlisted for the campaign, all having

had experience in trades qualifying them for railway work.[40] There was

thus practically a dual system, workable, in the opinion of Sir Andrew

Clarke, "only by a species of compromise which was both unscientific and

uneconomical."

As for interruptions by the Dervishes, these took the form of constant

attacks both on the line under construction and on the workers. Several

actions were fought, and at Tofrik, near Suakin, the British sustained a

serious loss of life. Posts were erected as the work slowly progressed,

and the bullet-proof train mentioned on page 76 was used for patrolling

the line at night; but in face of all the difficulties experienced the

work was definitely abandoned when only twenty miles of the intended

railway had been completed. The troops were recalled in June, 1885,

the railway material not used was brought back to England, and a line

linking up Suakin (and Port Sudan) with Berber, via Atbara Junction, was

not finally opened until 1906.

Reverting to the Nile Valley Railway, it is gratifying to be able to

say that the success already spoken of as having been attained in this

direction was but a prelude to still more important developments that

were to follow.

To prevent the carrying out of schemes which the Dervishes were known to

be preparing for an invasion of Egypt, the British Government decided,

early in 1896, to allow Egypt to resume occupation of the country along

the Nile Valley abandoned at the time of the withdrawal in 1885, and

on March 12, 1896, Sir Herbert (now Earl) Kitchener, who had succeeded

to the command of the Egyptian army in 1892, received instructions

to advance to the south from Wady Halfa. Akasha, the point to which

the Nile Valley Railway had been built, was occupied on March 20, the

Dervishes retreating to Firket.

As a means towards realising the objects of the expedition, Sir Herbert

Kitchener resolved to continue the railway along the Nile Valley to

Kerma; but this meant the construction of practically a new railway,

since the Dervishes had torn up over fifty of the eighty-seven miles of

the original line between Wady Halfa and Akasha, burning the sleepers

and twisting the rails, while the remainder of the line was in such

a condition that it required relaying. The work of construction was

entrusted to a staff of Royal Engineers operating under Lieut. (now

Major-General Sir E. Percy C.) Girouard, and it was pushed forward with

great energy, the line being urgently required for the forwarding of

stores to the front, and especially so on account of the impediments to

navigation along the Nile due to the cataracts.

With the help of the railway, so far as it had then been restored, Sir

Herbert Kitchener concentrated a force of 9,000 men at Akasha, and

early in June he made a successful advance on Firket. The Dervishes

retired to Dongola; but it was thought prudent, before following them

up, to await a further extension of the railway. This was completed as

far as Kosha, 116 miles from Wady Halfa, by August 4, 1896. Three weeks

later some heavy rains, lasting three days, were the cause of floods

which, in a few hours, destroyed twelve miles of the newly-constructed

line. The repairs were completed in about a week, but in the same month

there was an outbreak of cholera which carried off a large number of the

working staff.

Utilising the railway as far as Kosha, Sir Herbert Kitchener

concentrated the whole of his force at Fereig, on the north of the

Kaibar cataract, and from thence a further advance was made to Dongola,

which place the Dervishes made no attempt to defend.

The immediate purpose of the expedition had thus been attained; but, in

the meantime, a further campaign had been resolved upon for the purpose

of breaking down the power of the Khalifa and effecting the conquest

of Khartoum. To this end the railway was continued another hundred

miles, from Kosha to Kerma, which point was reached in May, 1897. Some

216 miles of railway had thus been completed in about thirteen months,

notwithstanding interruptions which had led to very little progress

being made during five months of this period, and notwithstanding, also,

the fact that construction work had to be carried on simultaneously with

the transport of troops and stores so far as the line had been completed.

Before, however, Kerma was reached, Sir Herbert Kitchener instructed

the staff of the Royal Engineers to make a survey of the Nubian Desert

with a view to seeing whether or not it would be practicable to build

an alternative line of railway across it from Wady Halfa direct to Abu

Hamed (a distance of 232 miles), thus giving a direct route to Khartoum.

A survey carried out at the end of 1896 showed that the work was not

likely to present any unsurmountable engineering difficulties, and that

the absence of water could be overcome by the sinking of wells. The

only doubtful point was whether construction could be carried through

without interruption by a still active enemy.

It was seen that the proposed desert line was likely to be of far

greater importance, both strategically and politically, than a

continuation of the Wady Halfa-Kerma line round the remainder of the

Nile bend. The cutting off of this bend altogether would confer a great

advantage on the Expeditionary Force. It was thus resolved to build the

line, to run the risk of attacks by the enemy, and to push construction

forward with the greatest energy.

A start was made with the work on May 15, 1897, the staff which had

been engaged on the Nile Valley line to Kerma returning to Wady Halfa

in order to take the desert line in hand. By the end of July, 115 of

the 232 miles of line had been completed, and Sir Herbert Kitchener,

utilising the railway which had already been constructed to Kerma, then

sent a force along the Nile Valley to effect the capture of Abu Hamed.

This was accomplished on August 7, and the constructors of the desert

line were thus enabled to resume their work with greater security and

even accelerated speed. Abu Hamed was reached on October 31, 1897,

the two extreme points of the great Nile bend being thus brought into

communication by a direct line of railway. The construction of the

232 miles of track had been accomplished in five and a half months,

notwithstanding the fact that the work was carried on during the hottest

time of the year. An average length of a mile and a quarter of line

was laid per day, while on one day in October a maximum of three and a

quarter miles was attained. So well, too, had the work been done that

trains carrying 200 tons of stores, drawn by engines weighing, without

tender, fifty tons, were taken safely across the desert at a speed of

twenty-five miles per hour.

From Abu Hamed the line was at once pushed on in the direction of

Berber, and its value from a military point of view was speedily to

be proved. Receiving information, towards the end of 1897, that the

Dervishes were planning an attack on Berber, Sir Herbert Kitchener sent

to Cairo for a Brigade of British troops to join with the Egyptian

forces then at Berber in opposing this advance, and the Brigade arrived

in January, 1898, having travelled by the desert railway not only to Abu

Hamed, but to a point twenty miles farther south, which then constituted

railhead. Early in March the Anglo-Egyptian Army was concentrated

between Berber and the Atbara river, and the battle of Atbara, fought in

the following month, led to the complete annihilation of the forces sent

by the Khalifa to drive the Egyptians out of Berber.

There was known to be still an army of 50,000 men in Omdurman, at the

command of the Khalifa; but it was considered desirable, before any

further advance was made by the Anglo-Egyptian forces, to await not

only the completion of the railway to the Atbara but the rise, also, of

the Nile, so that the river would be available for the bringing up of

steamers and gunboats to take part in the attack on Omdurman.

Once more, therefore, Lieut. Girouard and his staff had to make the most

strenuous efforts, and these were again so successful that the line was

carried to the Atbara early in July. It was of the greatest service in

facilitating the concentration of an Anglo-Egyptian Army, 22,000 strong,

at Wad Hamed, and the victory of Omdurman, on September 2, 1898--when

20,000 of the enemy were killed or wounded--followed by the occupation

of Khartoum, meant the overthrow of the Mahdi, the final reconquest of

the Sudan, and the gaining of a further great triumph in the cause of

civilisation.

In the account of these events which he gives in volume three of the

"History of the Corps of the Royal Engineers," Colonel Sir Charles M.

Watson says concerning this ultimate outcome of a rebellion which had

lasted, altogether, for a period of eighteen years:--

Lord Kitchener, of course, by the skill and determination

with which he conducted the operations to a successful

termination, deserves the principal credit for the happy

conclusion of the campaign. But it must not be forgotten that

a large part of the work was carried out by the officers of

the Royal Engineers, especially those who had charge of the

construction and maintenance of that railway without which, it

is fair to say, the campaign could not have been conducted at

all.

The final triumph was the more gratifying because, although the desert

railway had contributed so materially thereto, dependence upon it had

not been without an element of serious risk which cannot be told better

than in the words of Lord Cromer, in his book on "Modern Egypt":--

The interval which elapsed between the occupation of Abu

Hamed and the final advance on Khartoum was a period of much

anxiety. Sir Herbert Kitchener's force depended entirely on

the desert railway for its supplies. I was rather haunted with

the idea that some European adventurer, of the type familiar

in India a century and more ago, might turn up at Khartoum and

advise the Dervishes to make frequent raids across the Nile

below Abu Hamed with a view to cutting the communication of the

Anglo-Egyptian force with Wady Halfa. This was unquestionably

the right military operation to have undertaken; neither, I

think, would it have been very difficult of accomplishment.

Fortunately the Dervishes ... failed to take advantage of the

opportunity presented to them. To myself it was a great relief

when the period of suspense was over. I do not think that the

somewhat perilous position in which Sir Herbert Kitchener's army

was undoubtedly placed for some time was at all realised by the

public in general.

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