Election of the President—Public character of the President—Public
officers—Congress—Grand public dinner on the 1st of January.
When we landed at New York, in the month of August, the people of the
United States were occupied in the choice of a new political chief. This
choice takes place every four years. It is always accompanied with much
popular excitement, which may be readily conceived, as it equally
interests every individual. Nevertheless, this excitement does not
occasion any tumults. Since the adoption of the constitution, the nation
has at nine different times elected a president, and always without the
occurrence of any serious disturbance. The public prints, it is true, as
organs of the opposing parties, become arsenals in which arms of all
description and temper may be found, and which are oftentimes made use
of in any thing but a courteous manner; but the exaggeration and
violence of these journals are productive of no evil consequences, and
never excite the people to transgress the laws.
The election of 1824 has, in common with the nine preceding, completely
baffled the penetration of European politicians, who, with an assurance
founded on ignorance and duplicity, predicted that the constitution of
the United States was about to experience a shock, which it was
impossible it could sustain, and that from the bosom of the turbulent
democracy of America, would arise civil war and an overthrow of all
civil order. These predictions were founded on the circumstance of the
American nation having, until the present time, been able to restrict
its choice to a few individuals, rendered dear to their country by their
revolutionary services, whilst now it found itself obliged to enter on
another list, and, consequently, to open the door to the ambitious and
designing.
It was during the height of the excitement produced by the discussion of
the presidential question that General Lafayette appeared on the
American shores. This event, as if by enchantment, paralyzed all the
electoral ardour. The newspapers, which, the evening before, were
furiously combating for their favourite candidate, now closed their long
columns on all party disputes, and only gave admission to the unanimous
expression of the public joy and national gratitude. At the public
dinners, instead of caustic toasts, intended to throw ridicule and odium
on some potent adversary, none were heard but healths to the guest of
the nation, around whom were amicably grouped the most violent of both
parties. Finally, for nearly two months all the discord and excitement
produced by this election, which, it was said, would engender the most
disastrous consequences, were forgotten, and nothing was thought of but
Lafayette and the heroes of the revolution.
On the evening of the day in which the president had received a
notification that his successor had been appointed, there was a large
party at his house. I had already been present at these parties, which
are very striking from the numerous and various society there assembled,
and by the amiable simplicity with which Mrs. Monroe and her daughters
receive their guests. But, on this occasion, the crowd was so
considerable that it was almost impossible to move. All the inhabitants
of Washington were attracted by the desire of seeing the president elect
and his competitors, who, it was taken for granted, would be present,
and who, in fact, were so, with the exception of Mr. Crawford, who was
detained at home by illness. After having made my bow to Mr. and Mrs.
Monroe, to reach whom I found considerable difficulty, I looked with
impatience for Mr. Adams and the other candidates. It appeared to me,
that their being thus thrown together would prove extremely embarrassing
to them, and I felt some curiosity to see how they would conduct
themselves on the occasion. On entering one of the side rooms, I
perceived Mr. Adams; he was alone in the midst of a large circle which
was formed around him. His countenance was as open and modest as usual.
Every instant persons pressed through the crowd to offer him their
congratulations, which he received without embarrassment, and replied to
by a cordial shake of the hand. At some distance, in the midst of a
group of ladies, was Mrs. Adams. She appeared to be radiant with joy;
but it was easy to be seen that she was more pleased at the personal
triumph of her husband than for the advantages or pleasures that would
result to herself. Whilst I was attentively looking at this interesting
scene, a tumultuous movement was heard at the door, and a murmur of
satisfaction arose from the whole party; I soon ascertained the cause,
in seeing General Jackson make his appearance. Every one pressed forward
to meet him, and endeavoured to be the first to salute him. To all these
effusions of friendship he replied with frankness and cordiality. I
alternately scrutinized both Mr. Adams and the general, being curious to
see how these two men, who the morning before were rivals, would now
meet. I was not kept long in expectation. The moment they perceived each
other, they hastened to meet, taking each other cordially by the hand.
The congratulations offered by General Jackson were open and sincere;
Mr. Adams appeared to be deeply moved, and the numerous witnesses could
not restrain the expression of their satisfaction. Mr. Clay arrived an
instant afterwards, and the same scene was repeated. This, perhaps,
produced less effect than the former, as Mr. Clay having had fewer
chances of success, was supposed to make less effort to maintain his
self-command; but it fully demonstrated the wisdom of the nation in its
selection of candidates. The generosity of character manifested by
General Jackson entirely satisfied me of the futility of the menaces of
the Pennsylvania militia. Whilst these reflections were passing through
my mind, I met in the crowd two officers with whom I had dined at York,
and whom I had remarked particularly for their zeal and excitement.
“Well,” said I, “the great question is decided, and in a manner contrary
to your hopes, what do you intend to do? How soon do you lay siege to
the capitol?” They began to laugh. “You recollect our threats, then,”
said one of them. “We went, in truth, great lengths, but our opponents
disregarded it, and they acted properly; they know us better than we
wished them to do. Now that is settled, all we have to do is to obey. We
will support Adams as zealously as if he were our candidate, but, at the
same time, shall keep a close watch on his administration, and according
as it is good or bad, we will defend or attack it. Four years are soon
passed, and the consequences of a bad election are easily obviated.”
“Yes,” said I, “much easier than that of legitimacy or hereditary
succession.” They left me, laughing heartily, and the next day no body
spoke of the election.
When the ardour and zeal of the parties in favour of their peculiar
candidates are considered, it might be supposed that the president of
the United States was an inexhaustible source of benefit to his friends,
and that his power was such, that he could at will dispense favours,
places, and riches. To remove this error it is only necessary to turn to
that article of the constitution which fixes the duties of the head of
the government, and any one will be convinced that it leaves fewer means
of corruption in his hands than are with us bestowed on the lowest
prefect.
It will be seen that the constitution, in fixing in a precise manner the
duties and power of the chief magistrate, has rather kept in view the
welfare and interests of the nation, than the gratification of one
individual and his family. Hence, the president is placed in such a
situation, that whatever may be his personal character, it is impossible
for him to injure the liberty, right, or honour of his fellow citizens.
He does not, like some kings on the old continent, enjoy several
millions of revenue, and immense estates. The law only allows him 25,000
dollars as a salary, but it is not by the sumptuousness of his
equipages, by the splendour of a numerous guard, or by the number of his
courtiers, that he maintains the dignity of his station.
As he cannot entrench himself behind the responsibility of his
ministers, nor protect himself under the infallibility of his character,
or the inviolability of his person, which the constitution does not
guarantee, the president of the United States is obliged to be extremely
circumspect in all acts of executive power, which are delegated to him
alone; and the people are so firmly persuaded, that the functions of a
chief magistrate are only to be fulfilled by incessant attention and
labour, that they would be exceedingly astonished, and, perhaps,
indignant, if the newspapers sometimes announced, that the president had
been occupied on a certain day for two or even for three hours with one
of his ministers.
If the difference which exists between the president of the United
States and the kings of Europe are striking, that between the ministers
of that republic and ours is not less remarkable. A minister of the
United States has but 3000 dollars salary, no hotel, no furniture nor
train of servants paid by the nation, no sentries at his door, no
servants in a ridiculous dress to attend him when he goes in public, no
privileges unconnected with his office, but, at the same time, no
responsibility for his actions. Chosen by the president, he is in fact
his instrument, and owes him all his time. As he has not under his
orders a host of directors general, chiefs of division, and clerks of
all kinds, at high wages, he is obliged himself to put his hand to the
wheel, and truly to earn his salary, which is too small, it is true, to
enable him oftentimes to give sumptuous dinners to members of congress;
but is sufficient, nevertheless, for a wise and conscientious man, who
well knows that it is only by his activity and probity, and not by
intrigues and corruption, that he will fulfil the duties of his station,
and repay the confidence reposed in him.
The habits of the American ministers are so simple, and differ so little
from those of their fellow citizens, that nothing, absolutely nothing,
in their exterior serves to mark them in public. During our first visit
to Washington, when we wished to return the visits they had had the
politeness to pay us, we were several times obliged to ask, not for
their hotels, for we should not have been understood, but for their
residences, although situated in the same street in which we were
living. Sometimes, when we had knocked at the door of their houses, they
have themselves opened them. We have often met them with their port
folios under their arms, returning on foot from their offices to their
respective houses, where a modest family repast awaited them. All this,
doubtless, would appear very _bourgeois_ with us, but in the United
States, where the people think more of a good administration than the
luxury and splendour of its administrators, it is thought natural and
proper, and, I believe, with reason.
This extreme simplicity of the ministers extends to all other public
officers, and is the true secret of that economy of government we so
highly praise, and which, in all probability, we shall never attain.
A senate, and a house of representatives form the legislative power of
the United States, power which emanates immediately from the people, and
which counterbalances the executive power, so that if it should happen
that the people, in a moment of error, should bestow the presidency on
an incompetent or ambitious candidate, the injurious influence of such a
man would be neutralized by that of congress.
Congress assembles on the first Monday in the month of December of each
year, and continues in session according to the importance of the
business before it, but rarely beyond the month of May. From the middle
of November, the senators and representatives of the different states
begin to arrive in Washington. Among them there are many who, to fulfil
the duties of their appointment, have been obliged to traverse hundreds
of leagues of uninhabited forests, and over most perilous roads. On
arriving they lodge at a hotel, where they are obliged, in some
instances, to sleep in a room with four or five of their colleagues. The
table is open to all who reside in the house. It is usually there, after
a frugal meal, that those interesting conversations occur, in which most
part of the questions likely to come before congress during the session
are amicably discussed. When the first Monday in December arrives the
session opens, and business commences immediately, for all are at their
posts. During the whole time every day is conscientiously employed by
the representatives of the nation in the discussion of the dearest
interests of the people. As soon as the session closes, each member
returns to his constituents, and finds, in the reception they give him,
the dearest recompense he can hope for, if he should have fulfilled his
duty to their satisfaction.
The first of January was fixed upon by the two houses, for a grand
dinner to General Lafayette. The representatives of the people wished to
consecrate American hospitality, by seating the guest of the nation at a
table at which the whole people could be present in them. Mr. Gailliard,
president _pro tempore_ of the senate, and Mr. Clay, speaker of the
house of representatives, presided at the dinner. Mr. Gailliard had
General Lafayette on his left, and Mr. Monroe the president of the
United States on his right; who, overlooking on this occasion the rule
he had made of never attending any public dinner, had accepted the
invitation; Mr. Clay had on each side of him, the secretaries of the
different departments. Among the guests, were General Dearborn, minister
of the United States to the court of Portugal; Generals Scott, Macomb,
Jessup, and our worthy countryman Bernard, by whose side I had the
honour to be placed; Commodores Bainbridge, Tingy, Steward and Morris,
as well as many other public officers of highest rank. Among the guests,
General Lafayette had the pleasure of finding some of his old companions
in arms. Captain Allyn of the Cadmus, who had recently arrived from
France, was also present. The hall was decorated with great splendour,
and the guests were animated by a feeling of union, which demonstrated
how completely they considered this ceremony as a family festival.
It is in such assemblies, that the public feeling of a people can be
studied, particularly where its representatives, chosen freely, and
having no reason to flatter those in power, or to dissimulate, give a
free vent to all their sentiments. After a variety of toasts, highly
complimentary to the general, and to which he replied with great
felicity, the entertainment was concluded with a universal wish of the
guests that all the American people could have been present at it.