IX. THE FREE RELIGIOUS ASSOCIATION.

The happy ending of the war stimulated, as has been said, the

sentiment of Unity. The success of the government in putting down the

rebellion filled the air with the spirit of union. The restoration of

political harmony suggested a deeper harmony, when divisions should

cease. At this moment, in April, 1865, the indefatigable Dr. Bellows,

who had been the soul of the Sanitary Commission, summoned all Christian

believers of the liberal persuasions to a convention in his church for a

more complete organization. The invitation was most generously

interpreted, and was hailed by some who could be called Christians only

under the most elastic definition of the term. A prominent layman of the

Unitarian body brought an elaborate creed which he wished the convention

to adopt; and a distinguished minister of the West was of the opinion

that the work of perfect organization could best be done by the adoption

of stringent articles of faith. But the minimum of belief was imposed.

The preamble of the constitution, the work of reconciling minds, reads

thus: "Whereas the great opportunities and demands for Christian labor

and consecration, at this time, increase our sense of the obligations of

all disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ to prove their faith by

self-denial and by the devotion of their lives and possessions to the

service of God, and the building up of the kingdom of his son,

Therefore." Then follow the articles. It was this phrase, "Lord Jesus

Christ," that provoked discussion. The struggle was renewed at Syracuse

on October 8th of the next year, 1866, and an attempt was made to

explain away the force of the declaration by announcing that while the

preamble and articles of the constitution represented the opinions of

the majority, yet they were not to be considered an authoritative test

of Unitarianism, or to exclude from fellowship any who though differing

in belief "are in general sympathy with our purpose and practical aims."

But this was not considered by the radicals as satisfactory. For in the

first place the title of "Lord" seemed to contain by implication a

doctrine which could not be subscribed to, as the "Lordship" of Jesus

was supposed to be supernatural. Here seemed to be a fundamental

difference between those who held to the old world's idea of a spiritual

kingdom, and those who proclaimed the new world's idea of a spiritual

democracy. In fact, one of the leaders--Dr. Bellows--plainly said if

there was to be any change it must be made in the other direction; "we

are to consider not only the few on the one side, who may or may not

care to unite with us, but the great body of Christians of all

denominations, the Universal Church of Christ; I demand liberality to

them, the liberality which acknowledges their Lord and Leader, and

welcomes them to a household whose hearth glows with faith in and

loyalty to the personal Saviour." It was plainly declared by him that

Unitarians assumed the name of liberal Christians, because they allowed

liberality of inquiry and opinion _within the pale of Christian

discipleship_. This of itself was enough to create a palpable division,

but it was felt besides that freedom of interpretation did not imply

freedom of rejection. The phrase _Lordship of Jesus_, although as little

of a creed as could be devised, was hostile to freedom, besides not

being altogether true, as Jesus never claimed to be infallible. The

radicals, under the lead of Francis E. Abbot, attempted to introduce a

substitute for the original preamble, inculcating unity of spirit and of

work as the basis of the "National Conference of Unitarian and

Independent Churches." This substitute was not carried, and a final

breach between the Independents and the Unitarians was thus established.

This was inevitable twenty-five years ago; it could not happen to-day,

when both wings are united in one body.

For my part I did not go to Syracuse, having foreseen what eventually

occurred, namely, the intended solidification of the Unitarian body by

the strengthening of the bonds of organization. My own personal

experience, which other radicals knew nothing of, led me to this

conclusion. My church edifice on 40th Street was begun in the spring of

1863. The two ministers in New York were present at the informal service

of laying the corner-stone. The walls were going up during the summer;

on the week of the riot the mob called the workmen off, threatening to

destroy what was built if the masons did not leave. The building was

finished in the winter, and dedicated on Christmas Day. To the warm

personal invitation which was sent to all the Unitarian clergy in New

York and Brooklyn--there were but three then--no response was returned;

and when my father and I went to the church there were no ministers on

the platform. We went through the service, my father offering the prayer

and I preaching the sermon. No remark was made at the time beyond an

expression of surprise at the non-appearance of the "brethren." The next

day my father, who had come from Boston on purpose to attend the

dedication, and whose blindness was approaching fast, went to make a

friendly visit on Dr. Bellows. On his return, when asked if any reason

was assigned for the failure to participate in the proceedings of the

day before, he said that the duties of Christmas were alleged as the

cause. I was sure there was another explanation behind; and as soon as I

had put my father in the train for home wrote to Dr. Bellows, taxing him

among the rest with discourtesy. It was evident that such a charge was

anticipated and prepared for; that the ministers had met and had agreed

on a course to be pursued in my case. For at once there came a reply to

my note, accusing me of studiously neglecting all the usual observances

of the denomination. My invitation had not been official; there was no

"church"; there had never been any sacrament; the allegiance to

fundamental doctrines of the sect had been slack. All this was true, and

no attempt at exculpation was made, but it was felt that a breach

existed. The excitements of the war overshadowed everything else at this

period, and nothing more was said. My Society was duly represented at

the first conference; but as soon as our side was argued,--as it was by

D. A. Wasson,--it was plain that the spirit of organization prevailed

and was against us. A division was inevitable. The "Independents" must

form a separate party.

This virtual exclusion occasioned the formation of the Free Religious

Association. A meeting was held on the 5th of February, 1867, at

Dr. C. A. Bartol's, in Boston, to consider a plan for creating a new

association on the basis of free thought. Very strong words were spoken

on that occasion. One man, I recollect, spoke of all churches, all

ministers, and all religion as being outgrown. But the majority were of

the opinion that religion was an eternal necessity, and the

administration of it an absolute demand. Dr. Bartol himself was always a

warm friend of the Association, appearing on the platform, speaking

always hopefully, one of the most welcome of its supporters. The

Association was formed in the spring of that same year. In the plan of

organization it was distinctly announced that the aim of the Association

was to "promote the interest of pure religion, to encourage the

scientific study of theology, and to increase fellowship in the spirit;

and to this end all persons interested in these objects are cordially

invited to its membership." Thus the object of the Association was

exceedingly broad. It proposed to remove all dividing lines and to unite

all religious men in bonds of pure spirituality, each one being

responsible for his own opinion alone, and in no degree affected in his

relations with other associations. If the movement had been in the hands

of orthodox and well-reputed people, it would have seemed not only large

but noble and beneficent. Being, as it was, in the hands of a few

radical clergymen and laymen, it was supposed to be "infidel" in its

character; and was misrepresented and abused accordingly.

At first, the dissensions of the sects were rebuked. Afterwards, the

scope of the idea was extended; all the religions of the world being put

on an equality of origin and purpose. The spiritual nature of man was

assumed; the universality of religious feeling; the inherent tendency to

worship, aspiration, prayer, being taken for granted as an element in

the best minds; all churches and confessions of faith being looked upon

as achievements of the soul; Jesus being classed among the leaders of

humanity; the Bible being accepted as a record of spiritual and moral

truth; and the church being regarded as an organization to diffuse

belief. The foundation, therefore, was a pure Theism, and the effort

contemplated the elevation of all mankind to the dignity of children of

the Highest. That this aim was always borne in mind is not pretended.

The negative side was made too conspicuous. Now and then there was a

lurch in the direction of denial. There was too much criticism, and it

was not always just. There was too much speculation, and it was not

always wise. The plan of letting each sect tell its own story was a

little confusing at the start. Still, on the whole, the object was

pretty faithfully kept in view. Lucretia Mott suggested that the word

"religion" should be substituted for the word "theology," but the word

"religion" was too vague to afford ground for discussion, and it was

felt that the phrase "scientific" sufficiently explained, through the

substitution of the scientific for the theological method, the purpose

of the association. Moreover, the purpose was to remove _theological_

differences, the only differences that existed.

There were names of distinguished men and women on our list of

officers, members, speakers, and friends--Ralph Waldo Emerson, Amos

Bronson Alcott, Gerrit Smith, George William Curtis, Edward L. Youmans,

Nathaniel Holmes, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Rowland G.

Hazard, Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, Ednah D. Cheney. Thomas W.

Higginson was one of our most effective speakers; John Weiss read on our

platform his most brilliant paper on "Science and Religion"; David

Atwood Wasson lent us the light of his countenance.

Our greatest want was the want of a leader,--a man not only of competent

learning and spiritual enthusiasm, but of natural impulse and vigor; a

man of the people, a man of rugged speech, a man of vivacity and humor.

If Theodore Parker had been alive he might have taken this position, and

distinguished himself as a leader in this movement; as it was, there was

no one who could take his place, and the enterprise flagged accordingly,

lacking the popular zeal which would give it currency. The speculative

character of the association was always against it and rendered it

somewhat dry; but this under the circumstances was inevitable, because

we were forced to deal with technicalities of credence, and had not

power enough to get beyond them into the universalities of faith.

There was an expectation in many quarters that the association would

devote itself to beneficent projects; and this was natural, because it

seemed as if those who gave up the bond of belief must adopt the bond of

work. Mr. Emerson seems to have had a similar desire. "I wish," he said,

"that the various beneficent institutions which are springing up like

joyful plants of wholesomeness all over this country, should all be

remembered as within the sphere of this committee,--almost all of them

are represented here,--and that within this little band that has

gathered here to-day should grow friendship." But in the first place,

ours was not a philanthropic institution; its aim was religious

entirely, as it attempted to substitute the universality of religion for

the one faith of Christendom. The chief workers in several forms of

charity presented their schemes for our consideration, and at one time

it looked as if we must be borne away into some philanthropic

enterprise. The current, however, which carried us towards "religious"

unity was too strong.

And then, at that time there was little scientific philanthropy. The

word _charity_ was more or less associated with patronage and pity, the

very things that we wanted to avoid; they who were bent on wiping out

distinctions could not countenance these, and it was safer not to let

our hearts get the better of our reason. But even if there had been a

scientific treatment of humane questions, we were afraid of the danger

of becoming too much absorbed in this kind of work, and so of losing

sight of our chief end.

At present the idea of our Association is pretty well domesticated in

Christendom. It was not, after all, entirely new. In 1845 and 1846

Frederick Denison Maurice, lecturing on the Boyle Foundation in London

on "The Religions of the World and their Relations to Christianity,"

attempted to do justice to the ancient faiths of India, Persia, Egypt,

Greece, and Rome. In 1882, in Edinburgh, eminent men discussed the same

problems under the title of "The Faiths of the World." In 1871 James

Freeman Clarke published his "Ten Great Religions." The study of

comparative religion has been going on for many years. When Mozoomdar

came to this country a few years ago, there was such a rush for him

among American orthodox Christians that the Free Religious Association

could not get at him at all, though it had tried in vain to get a real

Brahmin on its platform. True, there were differences of opinion among

the orthodox students of the old-world systems. Some regarded the

ancient religions as effete; some denied that Christianity touched them

at more than one or two points; some treated them simply as preparations

for the crowning faith of Christ. Still, whatever their differences, all

agreed that the religious instinct was universal; that there was a

ground for revelation in the human heart; since Carlyle's famous lecture

in "Heroes," delivered in 1840, it was impossible to regard Mahomet as

an impostor, or to look upon religion as a fabrication of the priests,

as an attempt to practise upon human ignorance and fear.

Among the Unitarians our conception is familiar. At the convention that

was held in Philadelphia, in October, 1889, both parties, the most

conservative and the most radical, sat side by side. A manager of the

Free Religious Association delivered one of the addresses, and said: "I

never believed one tithe as much as I believe to-night. Never did I have

such faith in God; never did I so believe in man; never did I see such a

glorious outlook for the Church; never did I hold such a glad theory of

human hope for the future." The secretary of the American Unitarian

Association was full of joy. The secretary of the Western Unitarian

Conference quoted the opinion of the Western churches, assembled at

Chicago in May, 1887, and declared "our fellowship to be conditioned on

no doctrinal tests, and welcomes all who wish to join us to help

establish truth and righteousness and love in the world." A prominent

leader of Unitarianism in Illinois uttered himself thus: "Whatever its

traditions, whatever its present positions, or its prospects, this

spiritual commonwealth is extra-Unitarian, extra-American,

extra-Christian; it is human, and on that account it is universal, and

it is divine." Another speaker at this convention declared that "the

hand that shall hold this master key is Christ, as the modern mind

conceives him,--Christ healing the sick, raising the dead, cleansing the

leper, casting out devils from society and business, from politics and

religion; Christ, the friend of Lazarus and of Mary Magdalen; Christ

robed in absolute justice and also in transcendant love, and embracing

the whole world."

It is not claimed that this extraordinary change in ecclesiastical

fellowship and sympathy is due to the Free Religious Association. That

was one of the signs of the times, and is an effect rather than a cause;

but it is a sign of the grander unity. When the portrait of Theodore

Parker is hanging on the walls of Channing Hall; when a cordial welcome

is extended to all seekers for the light; when the East and West are

ready to embrace in a fellowship of aspiration; when the young men are

all alight with fresh hope and fresh endeavor, we may with confidence

anticipate the time when there shall be but one fold, and the aim of the

Free Religious Association be met.

The emancipation from denominational trammels was of great service to

the young minister. It is true that he was still in a "church" which

kept him within ecclesiastical associations; but these fetters were not

heavy, and they were soon to be thrown off. For in the spring of 1869,

the church was sold to another congregation. This was done partly

because the acoustic properties of the building were not favorable, and

partly because the place was not suited to the genius of the new

society. "There was no room in the inn," was the subject of the last

sermon preached in that building. Lyric Hall, to which we removed, is

situated on Sixth Avenue, between 40th and 41st streets. It is a large

room fifty by one hundred feet. During the week it was used as a dancing

hall, but on Sundays it was arranged for a religious service. A small

organ was placed there, a platform was built, and seats were brought up

from the cellar below. The first sermon preached there was on "Secular

Religion," and it indicated the whole character of the services. The

most remarkable thing, as regards myself, that happened in Lyric Hall,

was the adoption of the habit of speaking without notes. The light from

the avenue was too far off for reading, and the speaker was therefore

obliged to dispense with a manuscript altogether. A theme was first

chosen that admitted of subdivisions, so that as fast as the speaker

exhausted one he could fall back on another. The habit soon became so

familiar that no difficulty was experienced in handling the most

complicated subject. Here we remained until the spring of 1875, when we

removed to Masonic Temple, on Sixth Avenue and 23d Street.

This building, which was very large and handsome, had just been erected

by the Masons, who designed it for their own accommodation. The

structure having cost, however, more than was anticipated, the owners

were obliged, reluctantly, to let the large hall, which they did for

literary and religious purposes only. We were the first to occupy it.

The hall was spacious and stately, with fixed seats for about a thousand

people. A fine organ stood at one end of the platform; at the other end

there was a large reception room. The first sermon there was on

"Reasonable Religion." The audience was never large--never more than

eight or nine hundred, usually six or seven hundred. The form of service

much resembled the form common in Unitarian churches, with the exception

that Mr. Conway's "Sacred Anthology" was substituted for the Bible, and

the other exercises were more universal in their character. It had long

ceased to be a Unitarian congregation. There were people of Catholic

training, many of Protestant training, some of no religious training

whatever, materialists, atheists, secularists, positivists--always

thinking people, with their minds uppermost. It was a church of the

unchurched. George Ripley, the journalist, was always there; E. C.

Stedman, the man of letters; Calvert Vaux, the architect; Sanford R.

Gifford, the painter; Henry Peters Gray, the artist, was there until he

died; C. P. Cranch, the poet, was a member of the Society as long as he

was in the city. In the Lyric-Hall days, Judge Geo. C. Barrett had a

seat in the audience. The secular character was always prominent. When

we had a church on 40th Street, the large basement was used for music,

dramatic performances, readings, festivities, social gatherings. In

Lyric Hall, these were continued as far as they could be.

The "Fraternity Club" was organized in 1869 by a devoted member of the

Society for the entertainment and improvement of its members; and drew

together very brilliant minds both within and without the immediate

fellowship. The meetings were held once in two weeks, when an essay was

read, a debate carried on, and a paper presented; all the performers

being nominated in advance by the President. The work was mainly done by

a few young men, who have since become eminent in various fields--as

teachers, lawyers, literary critics, publishers,--and by witty women not

a few. There were about seventy members, each one standing for some

peculiar accomplishment. The subjects of the essays were such as these,

illustrating the breadth of the intellectual interest: On "Taste"; on

"Expressions"; on "The Coming Man"; on "Wordsworth"; on "The Tree of

Life"; on "Spencer's Britomart as the Type of Woman"; on "Light and

Laughter"; on "Successful People"; on "Culture"; on "The Cultivation of

the Masses." The subjects for debate were equally varied: "Ought the

sexes to be educated apart?"; "Does a house burn up or burn down?"; "Is

the highest musical culture compatible with the highest intellectual

development?"; "Is there a distinctly American literature as contrasted

with that of England?"; "Should matrimonial union be contracted early or

late?"; "Ought we to cultivate most those faculties in which we

naturally excel, or those in which we are naturally deficient?"; "Does

increase of culture involve decrease of amusement?"; "Is the existence

of a 'Mute inglorious Milton' possible?"; "Will giving the franchise to

women exert a beneficial influence on society?"; "Had you rather be more

stupid than you seem, or seem more stupid than you are?"

The "papers," of which there are some nine volumes existing, were

receptacles for the fancy, imagination, sentiment, and humor of the

editors or their co-editors; there were verses, stories, criticisms,

jokes, illustrations, in them; each had its name: "The Bubble," "The

Venture," "Bric-a-Brac," "Stuff," "The Rag-Bag." The club ceased soon

after the Society disbanded, in 1880.

The root idea of the Society, apart from its independence, was the

mingling of the spiritual and the natural; the domestication of faith.

With a view of making the idea more prevailing and complete, a

children's service in the afternoon was substituted for the regular

Sunday-school. A book was prepared, "The Child's Book of Religion," by

the pastor, for this express purpose. There were responsive readings,

recitations in unison, songs, and an address, simple and anecdotical, by

the minister.

The Society was never fashionable, or even popular. At one period--that

of the Richardson-McFarland matter--there was a vast deal of

misrepresentation, criticism, and abuse, but all this had no effect on

the constituency of the parish. There was the same loyalty, the same

interest, the same determination to sustain a thoroughly liberal

ministry, by which every form of conviction was made conducive to a

purely spiritual faith.

It was never pretended that the Society was anything more than a

beginning. A small and feeble beginning, but of something that was to

grow and spread; the beginning of a faith that is as rational as it is

wide. Its influence was more diffusive than concrete as an instituted

thing. It is the pride and consolation of those who began it that they

removed some of the barriers that divided the great brotherhood of

believing men.

My ministry in New York ended in the spring of 1879. Its close was due

entirely to my ill-health. A year before the doctors had warned me not

to continue longer than was necessary my rate of speed. They urged me to

go slower, to "take in sail," and to withdraw as far as I could from all

public demonstrations. Measures were taken against every emergency, and

I sailed away in the French steamer, with the hope that in six months I

might regain my nervous power, and return. There was first the

exhilarating sea voyage; then the beautiful city hall of Rouen, the

churches and famous buildings, the square where Joan of Arc suffered;

then came Paris with its enchantments; after that Basel showed its great

Holbeins, and its lovely promenade overlooking the river; this led to

the celebrated baths at Ragatz in Switzerland, the placid waters of

Pfeffers', the gorge, the hotel gardens, and the lovely walks; after

this came the pass of the Spluegen, the Via Mala, the hotel at the summit

of the pass among the snows, the pastures, the wild goats; then came

Lake Como in Italy, Bellagio, the charming Villa Serbeloni, looking down

upon the two lakes, Como and Lecco, the vineyards ripening in the sun,

the terraces, looking across upon the mountains; then Milan opened its

great cathedral, the gallery of the Brera, the ancient church of Saint

Ambrose. Afterwards came Florence and its heavenly environs, its

pictures and statues and public buildings, its groves and stately drives

and lovely villas; Florence was followed by Siena, and there I saw the

great cathedral, walked on the esplanade, enjoyed the public square, the

palaces, the pictures of Sodoma. From there I went to Rome, in December.

It was all in vain; I became satisfied that the complaint was not of a

temporary nature, not owing to overwork or over-excitement, not easily

cured--if curable at all,--but nervous and hereditary. Thereupon, I

wrote a letter to my trustees absolutely resigning my office and

declining to be a clergyman any longer, as I could not attempt to renew

the same kind of labor. An attempt was made to secure a successor;

several names were mentioned, and among men greatly my superiors in

learning and eloquence, but none, it was thought, represented the

precise form of speculation, the exact view of religion which my friends

desired. The Society therefore was disbanded, and no attempt has been

made since to reorganize it. The members were scattered, some among

other churches, some among other cities, while some never joined any

religious society whatever. Thus a thriving and growing organization is

now simply a memory.

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