_Roxbury, August 5, 1779_
The disasters which followed the American arms, after the landing the
British in Georgia, roused the South-Carolinians vigorously to oppose
the extension of their conquests. By an almost unanimous voice they
chose John Rutledge, esq. their governor; and to him and his council was
delegated, by the legislature, power “to do every thing that appeared to
him and them necessary for the public good.” In execution of this trust
a body of militia were assembled, stationed at Orangeburgh, near the
centre of the state, and kept in constant readiness to march
whithersoever the public service required. The governor sent orders to
gen. Williamson, and directed him to push parties into Georgia, and
destroy all the cattle, horses, provisions and carriages they should
meet with in that state. [April 16.] Gen. Lincoln, in a letter, remarked
upon the order, as affecting alike the innocent and guilty, the aged and
infirm, &c. and concluded with saying—“As nothing but a conviction that
it is an indispensible duty, would have led me to the disagreeable task
of making the above remarks, so I shall avoid at present any other,
however my own feelings may have been hurt.” The order, if at all
needful, should have gone from the continental general, whom congress
had empowered to command in that department. He in a letter of the
preceding day, wrote to the president of congress, “We have lately
exchanged some prisoners, those who have come out are in a most
miserable condition, few of them fit for service. Their treatment on
board the prison ships, and the measures adopted to oblige them to
renounce their allegiance to the United States, and engage them in the
British service, have been cruel and unjustifiable, many enlisted with
them—many are dead—and others in a weak, dying state.”
[April 19.] A council of war was held at the general’s headquarters at
Black-swamp, when it was agreed—“That as the number of militia in camp,
with those at gen. Williamson’s camp, and 500 promised from Orangeburgh,
and 700 from North-Carolina now in the state, amounted to 5000 men, they
would collect the remainder near to Augusta (after leaving 1000 here and
at Purysburgh) and cross the Savannah, take some strong ground in
Georgia, prevent the enemy’s receiving supplies from the back parts of
the country, circumscribe them within narrow limits, and prevent their
junction with the unfriendly, and the savages, in Georgia and the back
parts of this state.”—The general began his march, [April 23.] leaving
at Black-swamp and Purysburgh, the 5th and part of the 2d regiment of
South-Carolina, and about 800 militia under gen. Moultrie. When the
American army was 160 miles up the Savannah gen. Prevost availed himself
of that moment, and crossed over to Purysburgh with 2400 men; he had
beside a considerable body of Indians. The first night after entering
Carolina, he made a forced march in hope of attacking Moultrie at
Black-swamp, but was three hours too late. The latter had changed his
quarters, and being joined by col. M’Intosh’s party, which had made a
timely retreat form Purysburgh, took post at Tullyfinny bridge, to
prevent the further incursion of the British, and to keep between them
and Charleston. Gen. Lincoln, on information of these movements, [May
1.] immediately detached 300 chosen continental troops to reinforce
Moultrie, lest he should be mistaken in his idea, that Prevost only
intended a feint to divert him from his general plan; in pursuit of
which he crossed the Savannah near Augusta, and marched for three days
down the country toward the capital of Georgia. But being informed by
Moultrie’s letters of the 4th and 5th, that his number of men was
greatly diminished by the desertion of the militia, and that he was
obliged to retire before the enemy, Lincoln re-crossed the river and
country, as fast as possible, to come up with Prevost. Moultrie had no
cavalry to check the advancing foe; who met with scarce any other
interruption in their march, than the destruction of all the bridges by
the retreating Americans. The absence of the main army under Lincoln,
the retreat of Moultrie, the plundering and devastations of the
invaders, and above all the dread of the royal auxiliaries, the Indians,
diffused a general panic among the inhabitants and induced many to apply
to the British for protection. The facility with which their army
proceeded through the country, added to the repeated suggestions of the
friends, to royal governmeat, who positively assured Prevost, that
Charleston would certainly surrender at his approach, in duced him to
change his original plan, and push for that place. Had he designed it at
first and continued his march with the same rapidity he began it, he
would probably have carried the town by a coup-de-main; but he halted
two or three days; when advanced more than half the distance. In this
interval the lieut. governor and the council made the greatest exertions
to fortify it on the land side. All the houses in the suburbs were
burnt. Lines and abbatis were in a few days carried from Ashley to
Cooper rivers. Cannon were mounted at proper intervals across the whole
extent of Charleston neck. The militia of the vicinity were summoned to
the defence of the place; and they generally obeyed. General Moultrie’s
retreating army, governor Rutledge’s militia from Orangeburgh, and the
detachment of chosen continental troops under colonel Harris, which
marched near forty miles a day for four days successively, all reached
Charleston on the 9th and 10th of May.
[May 11.] Nine hundred of the British army, their main body and baggage
being left on the south side of Ashley river, crossed the ferry, and
soon appeared before the town. The same day count Pulaski’s legionary
corps of infantry crossed Cooper river to Charleston. They had scarcely
arrived two hours when he led 80 of them out of the lines, and stationed
them in a valley behind a small breast-work, with the view of drawing
the British into an ambuscade. He advanced a mile beyond his infantry,
and joined a party of regular horse and mounted militia volunteers, and
with that force engaged the British cavalry for a while, and then
retreated to his infantry, who from an eagerness to engage had quitted
their breast-work, and so rendered abortive the advantages of the
intended ambuscade, and were by superior numbers compelled to retreat.
Pulaski, however, by discovering the greatest intrepidity, and by
successful personal rencounters with individuals of the British cavalry,
had a considerable influence in dispelling the general panic, and in
introducing military sentiments into the minds of the citizens. Major
Huger, a distinguished officer, while commanding a party without the
lines, was killed at night, through mistake, by his countrymen. That the
town might not be carried by surprise or a sudden assault, tar barrels
were lighted up in front of the works. Its defence rested on the
exertions of 3300 men, the greater part of whom were militia, wholly
unacquainted with military operations. General Lincoln was marching with
all expedition for its relief, but his timely arrival was dubious, and
the crisis extremely hazardous; a proposition was therefore made by the
civil authority to gen. Prevost—“That South-Carolina would remain in a
state of neutrality till the close of the war, and then follow the fate
of its neighbors, on condition the royal army would withdraw.” The
British commander rejected this advantageous offer, alledging that he
did not come in a legislative capacity; and insisted, “that as the
garrison was in arms, they should surrender prisoners of war.” Upon this
they prepared for sustaining an immediate assault, but Prevost, fearing
the consequences, declined making it. Some days after, he took an
express coming from Lincoln; upon reading it, and discovering the
movements and intentions of the latter, he cried out aloud, that he
expected to be between two fires, and precipitately quitted his ground,
re-crossed Ashley river, and to avoid Lincoln’s army, now in his rear,
filed off from the main land to the island on the sea-coast. Both armies
encamped within 30 miles of Charleston, watching each other’s motions
till the 20th of June, when a part of the British army entrenched at
Stono ferry, was attacked. By a pre-concerted plan, a feint was to have
been made from James-Island, with a body of militia from Charleston, at
the moment when gen. Lincoln began the attack from the main; but from
mismanagement they did not reach their place of destination till several
hours after the action. The American army consisted of about 1200 men,
only half continentals, who were posted on the left, while the North and
South-Carolina militia occupied the right. Col. Malmedy led a corps of
light-infantry on the right, and lieut. col. Henderson on the left. The
Virginia militia and the cavalry formed a corps of reserve. The British
force consisted of 6 or 700 men. They had redoubts, with a line of
communication, and field-pices advantageously posted in the intervals,
and the whole secured with an abatis. That they might be harassed, or
lulled into security, they were alarmed by small parties for several
nights preceding the action. When the attack was made, two companies of
the 71st regiment sallied out to support the pickets. Henderson ordered
his light-infantry to charge them, on which they instantly retreated;
only nine of them got safe within their lines. All the men at the
British field-pieces between their redoubts, were either killed or
wounded. The attack was continued for an hour and twenty minutes, and
the assailants had manifestly the advantage; but the appearance of a
reinforcement, to prevent which the feint from James-Island was
intended, made a retreat necessary. The whole garrison sallied out on
the Americans; their light troops, however, so effectually retarded the
British, that they not only retreated with regularity, but brought off
their wounded with safety. Lincoln lost in killed and wounded, 146,
beside 155 missing. This attack accelerated the retreat of the enemy,
who with great assiduity and fatigue, passed over from island to island,
until they arrived at Beaufort, from whence they had an open and free
communication with Georgia by water, whither most of them went, leaving
a sufficient garrison under colonel Maitland.
This incursion into South-Carolina added much to the wealth of the
officers, soldiers and followers of the camp, and still more to the
distresses of the inhabitants. The negroes, allured with hopes of
freedom, repaired in great numbers to the royal army; and to recommend
themselves to their new masters, discovered where their owners had
concealed their property. It is supposed that the British carried out of
the state about 3000 slaves, many of whom were shipped off and sold in
the West-Indies; but the inhabitants lost upward of 4000, each worth, on
an average, about fifty-six pounds sterling. Several hundreds of them
died of the camp fever; and numbers laboring under diseases and afraid
to return home, perished in the woods. The royal army also plundered the
planters of several rice barrels full of plate. They spread over a
considerable extent of country, and small parties visited every house,
stripping it of whatever was most valuable, and rifling the inhabitants
of their money, rings, jewels and other personal ornaments; and yet what
was destroyed by the soldiers was supposed to be of more value than what
they carried off. The devastations committed by them were so enormous,
as that a particular relation of them would scarcely be credited by
people at a distance, though the same would be attested by hundreds of
eye-witnesses. It will be nearly as difficult to credit another species
of depredation which certain Americans have committed upon general
Washington’s property. His debtors have been discharging in paper
currency (at the rate of a shilling in the pound, through the
depreciation) bonds which ought to have been paid him, and would have
been realized before he left Virginia, but for his indulgence. Seven
thousand pounds sterling would not compensate the losses he might have
avoided by remaining at home and attending a little to his own concerns.
Alas! what is virtue come to! What a miserable change has four years
produced in the temper and disposition of many of the sons of America!
It almost surpasses belief.
Sir Henry Clinton dispatched Sir George Collier and general Matthews,
with about 2000 men, beside 500 marines, to make a descent upon
Virginia. They sailed for Portsmouth, and upon their arrival landed the
troops at a distance; then marched and took immediate possession of the
town [May 10.] which was defenceless. The remains of Norfolk, on the
opposite side of the river, fell of course into their hands. On the
approach of the fleet and army the Americans burnt several vessels;
others were saved and possessed by the British. The guards were pushed
forward 18 miles by night, to Suffolk, where they arrived by daylight,
and proceeded to destroy a magazine of provisions, together with the
vessels and naval stores found there. A similar destruction was carried
on at Kemp’s landing, Gosport, Tanner’s Creek, and other places in that
quarter; nor were the frigates and armed vessels less active or
successful in their service. Within the fortnight that the fleet and
army continued upon the coast, the loss of the Americans was prodigious.
Above 130 vessels of all sorts, including some privateers and ships of
force, were destroyed or taken by them; 17 prizes were brought away,
beside 3000 hogsheads of tobacco, which fell into their possession at
Portsmouth. Except the house of a widow and the church, they burnt every
house in Suffolk; and all the principal houses of gentlemen in their
route, shared the same fate. The Virginia assembly resolved, “that the
governor be required to remonstrate to the British commander against
such a cruel and unprecedented manner of waging war, not authorized by
any civilized nation; but a sufficient military force to back it, was
wanting. The fleet and army, with their prizes and booty, arrived safe
at New-York before the expiration of the month. The troops were joined
to others going up the North-River to attack the posts of Stony-point
and Verplank, where the Americans had begun to construct strong works,
for keeping the lower communication open between the eastern and
southern states. Gen. Vaughan landed with the greater part on the east
side; while the remainder, accompanied by Sir H. Clinton, advanced
further up, landed on the west side, and took possession of Stony-point
without opposition. Directly opposite, the Americans had completely
finished a strong fort, which was defended by four pieces of artillery
and a garrison of about 70 men. But it was commanded by Stony-point, to
the summit of whose rocks cannon and mortars were dragged up during the
night. By five in the morning a battery was opened, which poured a storm
of fire over on the fort; while Vaughan with his division, making a long
circuit through the hills, arrived and closely invested it by land. The
garrison, finding themselves totally overpowered, surrendered prisoners
of war. Sir H. Clinton moving his main body up the North-River,
occasioned the American army’s moving from their encampment at
Middle-Brook, toward West-point, for which they were in no small
apprehension, the garrison being few, and the fort not completed. Sir H.
Clinton gave immediate direction for perfecting the works of both posts,
and particularly for putting Stony-point in the strongest state of
defence; for their better support, and with a view to further
operations, he encamped his army at Philipsburgh, about half way down
the river to New-York island. By the loss of these posts, the Jersey
people were obliged to make a circuit of about ninety miles through the
mountains, to communicate with the states east of Hudson’s-River.
We must here suspend our account of the operations under the direction
of Sir Henry, and attend to very different expeditions.
One was ordered to be set on foot by lieut. governor Hamilton of
Detroit, who was to be joined in the spring of this year by two hundred
Indians from Michilimainoi, and 500 Cherokees and Chickasaws, and other
nations; these were to penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping
Kentucky on their way, having light brass cannon for the purpose. He was
to be joined by all the Indians that could be procured; and had no doubt
of forcing all West Augusta. Destruction from every quarter seemed to
hover over the Virginia back settlers. Col. Clarke hearing that Hamilton
(who had taken post at St. Vincent on the 15th of last December, and had
fortified the same to be ready for and favor the expedition) had
weakened himself by sending away his Indians against the frontiers,
formed the desperate resolution of attacking him, as the only probable
expedient for saving the country. After many difficulties he arrived
[Feb. 23.] unexpectedly to the enemy, and made an assault. The town
immediately surrendered, and assisted in the siege of the fort. The next
day, Hamilton in the evening, agreed to surrender the garrison prisoners
of war, in all 79, with considerable stores. Clarke had marched across
the country with only 130 men, being all he could raise. He was 16 days
on his route, through the inclemency of the season, drowned lands,
&c.——While engaged with Hamilton, an Indian party, who had been to war,
returned, knowing nothing of him and his men; Clarke sent a number to
give them battle, took nine of them, and released two prisoners. Hearing
of a convoy of provisions and goods on their way from Detroit, he
detached a party of 60 men in armed boats, which met them before they
got intelligence of their danger 40 leagues up the river, and made a
prize of the whole, taking 40 prisoners, and about £.10,000 worth of
goods and provisions. By Clarke’s attacking Hamilton, the intended
expedition of the enemy was ruined. The colonel on his return
transmitted to the Virginia council, letters and papers relating to
lieut. gov. Hamilton, Philip Dejain, justice of peace for Detroit, and
William Lamothe, capt. of volunteers, whom he had made prisoners of war
in the Illinois country.
[June 16.] The board proceeded to consider them; and found that Hamilton
had incited the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on the
citizens of the United States—had at the time of his captivity, sent
considerable detachments of Indians against the frontiers, and had
actually appointed a great council of them to meet him, and concert the
operations of the present campaign—and that he gave standing rewards for
scalps. It also appeared to them, that Dejain was, on all occasions, the
willing and cordial instrument of Hamilton; and that Lamothe was a
captain of the volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites. They
therefore, resolved to advise the governor, that they should be put in
irons, confined in the dungeon of the public jail, debarred the use of
pen, ink and paper, and excluded all converse, except with their keeper,
being considered as fit subjects on which to begin the work of
retaliation. The governor gave orders accordingly.
[April 19.] Colonel Goose Van Schaick marched from Fort Scuyler toward
Onondaga on Lake Ontario, which he destroyed with a large quantity of
grain, cattle, horses, arms and ammunition, except such as he could
conveniently bring off.—Twelve Indians, mostly warriors, were killed,
and 34 made prisoners, the rest fled to the woods. This expedition was
performed in about five days and a half, (the distance going and
returning one hundred and eighty miles) and without the loss of a single
man.
The British generals were divided upon the subject, whether or no to
carry on a predatory war against the Americans. They, sent home, and
submitted it to the ministry, who determined in favor of waste and
rapine. After which, Mr. Arthur Lee, forwarded to gov. Trumbull and the
committee for foreign affairs, letters dated Paris, April 6, 1779,
mentioning—“I have received intelligence, that it is determined in the
British cabinet, to send over immediate orders to New-York for an
expedition through the Sound up Connecticut river. The enemy are to land
at Weathersfield, and proceed by land to New-Haven bay, where they are
to embark, after having plundered, burnt, and destroyed all in their
way.” A member of the committee wrote to his correspondent, on the 16th
of July, “Arthur Lee had intelligence, on the 6th of April, of the
design upon Fairfield, but contrary winds and captures of his originals,
have prevented our getting seasonable warning.” Sir H. Clinton, having
received the ministerial instructions, proceeded in conformity to the
spirit of them, only varying circumstances so far as that required. Sir
George Collier, with the necessary ships of war and transports, and,
gov. Tryon at the head of 2600 land forces, seconded by gen. Garth, were
appointed to the predatory expedition. While in the Sound, the
commanders joined in an address to the inhabitants of Connecticut, which
they signed on the 4th of July. In that they invited and urged them to
return to their duty and allegiance: and promised all, remaining
peaceably in their usual place of residence, protection in person and
property, excepting the civil and military officers of the government;
but threatened those who slighted the warning. The address was merely
farcical, for instead of _leaving them to consult each other upon the
invention_, as they stated it, they employed force before the people had
time to consult each other after the invitation was received.
[July 5.] The troops were landed early on Monday morning, those under
Tryon at East-Haven, and those under Garth at West-Haven. The last
marched for New-Haven, which they entered between twelve and one, after
being much harrassed and galled on their way by the militia, and others
who joined them. The town was delivered up to promiscuous plunder, a few
instances of protection excepted. Whigs and tories, indiscriminately,
though not universally, had their money, plate, rings and other articles
taken from them; and much of their furniture, which could not be carried
off, was wantonly destroyed;—all the West-India goods and provisions
were served the same. In such scenes of confusion, individuals could not
escape personal abuse. The militia were collecting in such a manner, and
the soldiers had got so disordered by liquor, that the next morning the
troops made a sudden retreat, without tarrying to execute the original
design of burning the town, or even to fire a single house in it. When
they had provided for their own safety, they ventured to burn some
stores on the long wharf. At East-Haven, where Tryon commanded in
person, several houses were burnt, the cattle were also wantonly killed
in the adjoining fields. By the afternoon, the militia became so
numerous, and crowded so close upon him, that he retreated on board the
fleet, which in the evening sailed for Fairfield [July 7.] There the
troops, landed about three o’clock on Wednesday afternoon. As they
anchored off the town in the morning, the militia had some little time
for collecting. Gov. Tryon sent by a flag to col. Whiting, who commanded
them, the address; and gave him an hour’s time to consider and to
answer, so as to save the town. The colonel replied in behalf of the
Connecticut inhabitants, “The flames have now preceded their answer to
your flag, and they will persist to oppose to the utmost, that power
which is exerted against injured innocence;” dated 7th July sun-set.
That night and the next morning, they plundered and laid the town in
ashes, burning the meeting-house, episcopal church, and the buildings in
general, to the compass of two miles round, so as to reach Green-farms,
though not Greenfield. On the Thursday they retreated to their shipping,
the militia becoming more numerous than at New-Haven. They crossed the
Sound to the shore of Long-Island; and from thence sailed afterward to
Norwalk, whose fate was similar to that of Fairfield. The numbers killed
and wounded on each side during these ravages were inconsiderable. But
the conflagration list stands thus—burnt at Norwalk 2 houses of public
worship, 80 dwelling houses, 87 barns, 22 stores, 17 shops, 4 mills and
5 vessels—at Fairfield 2 houses of public worship, 82 dwelling houses,
55 barns, 15 stores and 15 shops—at Green-farms 1 house of worship, 15
dwelling houses, 11 barns and several stores—beside the stores burnt at
New-Haven and the houses at East-Haven. The prevailing humanity of my
countrymen, will not relish these depredations in their genuine
appearance, the accounts therefore transmitted or published, must be
dressed up so as to make them palatable with the public; but be assured,
that the burnings were designed, and without sufficient provocation,
both as to private and public buildings; some of the latter, and many of
the former, were to my knowledge not near to, but even at a considerable
distance from other edifices. That gen. Tryon was not averse to engaging
in such a service as Lee mentioned the cabinet to have determined upon,
is inferred from the animosity he has to those who are attached to the
American cause. He was however stopped from all further progress, by an
order from Sir H. Clinton for the return of the fleet and troops. Some
real or expected movement in the American army might produce such an
order.
No sooner did gen. Washington observe how Sir H. Clinton had
srengthened the posts of Stony-point and Verplank, than he entertained
the design of attacking them. Toward the end of June, he ordered, that
a trusty intelligent person should be employed to go into the works of
the first; and on the 8th of July, he was informed by a deserter, that
there was a sandy beach, on the south side of it running along the
flank of the works, and only obstructed by a slight abatis, which
might afford an easy and safe approach to a body of troops. He formed
plans for attacking both posts at the same instant; the executions of
which were intrusted with gen. Wayne and gen. Howe. All the
Massachusetts light infantry marched from West-point under lieut. col.
Hull, in the morning of the 15th, and joined Wayne at Sandy-beach, 14
miles from Stony-point. The general moved off the ground at twelve
o’clock. The roads being exceedingly bad and narrow, and the troops
having to pass over high mountains, through difficult defiles and deep
morasses, were obliged to move in single files the greatest part of
the way. This, and the great heat of the day, occasioned much delay,
that it was eight in the evening before the van arrived within a mile
and a half of the enemy, where the men formed into columns, and
remained till several of the principal officers, with gen. Wayne,
returned from reconnoitring the works. At half after eleven o’clock,
the whole moved forward, the van of the right consisting of 150
volunteers, under lieut. col. Fleury, the van of the left consisting
of 100 volunteers under major Stewart, each with unloaded muskets and
fixed bayonets, preceded by a brave and determined officer, with
twenty picked men, to remove the abatis and other obstructions. The
last, and the overflowing of the morass in front by the tide,
prevented the assault’s commencing till about 20 minutes after twelve.
[July 16.] Previous to it, Wayne placed himself at the head of the
right column, and gave the troops the most pointed orders not to fire
on any account, but place their whole dependence on the bayonet, which
order was faithfully obeyed. Such was the ardor of the troops, that in
the face of a most tremendous and incessant fire of musketry, and from
cannon loaded with grape-shot, they forced their way, at the point of
the bayonet, through every obstacle, and both columns met in the
centre of the enemy’s works nearly at the same instant. Fleury struck
their standard with his own hand. Notwithstanding the provocations
given by the plunderings and burnings at New-Haven, East-Haven,
Fairfield and Green-farms, of which they had heard, such was the
humanity of the continental soldiers, that they scorned to take the
lives of the foe calling for mercy, so that there were but few of the
enemy killed upon the occasion. Great is the triumph of the Americans
upon the success of this enterprise; and justly, for it would have
done honor to the most veteran troops. Wayne had but 15 killed and 83
wounded, not above 30 of whom will be finally lost to the service. The
general himself received a slight wound in the head with a
musket-ball; but it did not prevent his going on with the troops; and
he is not included in the wounded. The enemy had only 63 killed.
Lieutenant-colonel Johnston, who commanded the fort, with other
officers and privates, amounting to 543, were made prisoners.
The attack upon Verplank, entrusted with gen. Howe, miscarried partly
through delays occasioned by high winds, which prevented the timely
transportation of artillery; but chiefly through the troops neglecting
to take axes with them. The enemy, upon their approach, broke down all
the bridges, and thereby cut off the communication by land. Before Howe
could receive the means for constructing temporary bridges, Sir H.
Clinton marched up troops enough to save the place. Gen. Washington not
being in sufficient force to hold possession of Stony-point, resolved
upon the removal of the cannon and stores, and upon the destruction of
the works, which were accomplished with all dispatch. About a week
before, a certain officer, whose station gave him the opportunity of
catching deserters from the American camp, was so enraged at their being
very numerous, that he informed the general he would cut off the head of
the next that fell into his hands; the general wrote immediately, and
prohibited such execution; but it had taken place before the letter was
received, and the head was forwarded to general Washington. He was
shocked at receiving it, and also greatly alarmed from an apprehension
of its exciting a general disgust and uneasiness among the people at
large, should it be known. Express orders were given to the officer to
conduct himself properly for the future. His rashness was afterward
atoned for in measure, by his contributing much to the success of the
enterprise against Stony-point.
[July 26.] Congress unanimously resolved upon thanks to gen. Washington,
for the vigilance, wisdom and magnanimity with which he had conducted
the military operations of the states, and manifested particularly in
his orders for the above enterprise. They also thanked gen. Wayne for
his brave, prudent and soldierly conduct, in his spirited and well
conducted attack. They highly commended the coolness, discipline and
firm intrepidity of the officers and soldiers. They took proper notice
of lieut. col. Fleury and major Stewart; and warmly applauded lieut.
Gibbons and lieut. Knox, who led on the forlorn hope and preceded the
vans of the two columns, and gave to each a brevet of captain. They
further resolved, that a medal, emblematical of the action be struck,
and that one of gold be presented to gen. Wayne, and a silver one to
both Fleury and Stewart; and that the value of the military stores
taken, be ascertained and divided among the troops by whom Stony-point
was reduced.
Being brought to mention congress, let me detail some of their further
proceedings.
The first commissary-general, col. Joseph Trumbull, is no more; his
decease has been thought to have been brought on by the proceedings of
congress relative to him—they however resolved [March 30.] that with
great care, industry, labor and attention, he instituted a plan by which
the army, during his continuance in office, was amply supplied, with
much œconomy and to general satisfaction; and that certain allowances
should be made for the benefit of his legal representatives. They
resolved [April 20.] “That suspicions and animosities have arisen among
the late and present commissioners, namely, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Silas
Deane, Mr. Arthur Lee, Mr. Ralph Izard, and Mr. William Lee, highly
prejudicial to the honor and interest of the United States. It was
resolved [April 27.] that the president inform the commander in chief,
that if he wants specie for secret services, he may draw to the amount
of 2000 guineas upon the treasurer, who will pay the same. Bills
prepared by the committee of the treasury on doctor Franklin, in favor
of the committee of commerce, for the sum of 360,000 livers tournois,
for the purpose of importing military stores, were ordered to be signed
by the president; and it was resolved, [June 10.] “That the faith of the
United States be pledged to make good any contract or engagement which
shall be entered into by their minister plenipotentiary at the court of
France, for procuring money or credit to enable him to honor the said
bills, and provide for their punctual discharge.” The next day it was
agreed to borrow twenty millions of continental dollars, at an interest
of six per cent. per annum. Three days after, it was resolved upon the
report of a committee, “That congress are satisfied with the conduct of
doctor John Morgan, while acting as director general and physician in
chief, in the general hospitals of the United States; and that this
resolution be published.” [June 14.] Congress in a letter of
congratulation to his most Christian majesty on the birth of a princess,
say among other things——“Permit us to request the favor of your majesty
to oblige us with portraits of yourself and royal consort, that by being
placed in our council chamber the representatives of these states may
daily have before their eyes the first royal friends and patrons of
their cause.” They in another letter request his majesty to furnish them
with the necessary supplies of arms, ammunition and clothing, the
estimate of which their minister was to lay before him, and they pledged
the faith of the states for the repayment with interest, of whatever
sums may be advanced for the purpose, as soon as the restoration of
peace shall enable them.
[July 12.] The minister of France had a conference with congress in a
committee of the whole. He introduced the conference by saying, that he
had received some dispatches from his court, which he was ordered to
communicate to congress, but that he expected no answer;—that though it
was not the usual practice to offer communications of this nature in
writing, yet as it had been intimated to him by the president, that this
mode would be most agreeable to congress, he had committed the heads of
them to paper, not as a memorial, but merely for the assistance of the
memory, in a form to which the term of _ad statum legendi_ is
appropriated by the usage of the courts of Europe;—that in reading the
said paper, he would take the liberty of making some explanations and
reflections.
_Ad statum legendi_ delivered by the minister plenipotentiary.
1. The king has approved all the overtures that were made by his
minister plenipotentiary to the honorable congress, respecting the
affairs of Mr. de Beaumarchais; therefore a line ought to be drawn
between the stores which this gentleman has been permitted to take out
of the royal magazines, for which he has constituted himself debtor to
the department of war, and between those articles which the same
gentleman has brought in the way of common trade for the use of the
United States.
2. A hint having been given to the minister plenipotentiary, that
congress desire to recruit their ships in France, from the English
prisoners there, the court in consequence of this representation, is
willing to facilitate this mode of recruiting seamen.
3. The king and ministry were extremely pleased with the resolution
congress has taken to maintain only one minister plenipotentiary at
their court, as well as with the exclusive appointment of so steady and
honest a man, and so firm and solid a patriot as doctor Franklin.
4. The congress has given a very great satisfaction to the court of
France, by the convenient and spirited step which was taken to disavow a
certain ill grounded and pernicious doctrine relating to the mutual
obligation of the allies to conclude no truce or peace without the
knowledge and consent of each other. The court of France is of opinion,
that this doctrine could only be maintained by those men whose aim would
be to seek by any means, to weaken the ties of the alliance, and to
create disgust and diffidence between the allies.
5. This court has received with some surprise, the intelligence that
congress has published the treaties concluded with her, without the
previous knowledge and consent of the interested party. It is not to be
denied, that such proceedings is but little consistent with reason, and
with the general practice of courts and nations; nevertheless, this
observation involves not any kind of reproach, but the king thinks that
so noble and so generous a system of politics could not but produce
desirable effects by its publication.
6. The intelligence that in the first months of last winter, there were
no adequate preparations made in America toward a vigorous and
successful campaign, was received at Versailles with all the concern
which the dangers of the United States and the prolongation of the
present contest can create in the most friendly mind. The court of
France is fully of opinion, that the exertions of the United States are
necessary to bring the common enemy to a proper sense of all the
disappointments which he shall meet with.
7. This court being very desirous to acquaint congress exactly with the
state of affairs relating to the common cause, would not delay to inform
this honorable body, that the court of London, showing on one side
dispositions to a reconciliation with France, rejects on the other side,
the very idea of a formal and explicit acknowledgment of the
independence of the United States, which his most Christian majesty
perseveres to hold up as a preliminary and essential condition. The
behaviour of the common enemy in this respect, rendered a great deal
more probable the conjecture which was communicated to congress some
time ago, that the point of honor and pride of the king of England, will
be the greatest obstacle to the conclusion of the peace upon those
explicit terms: and perhaps the manner of overcoming this difficulty,
will of course become the most decisive object of the deliberation of
congress, when this honorable body shall determine to make peace. It is
presupposed whatever _mezo termine_ may be hit upon, that England shall
treat with the United State as with a free people, and evacuate
immediately all the territories belonging to them.
The substance of what the minister said at the conference, in
explanation of the foregoing articles.
1. From the bills and accounts with which congress have been furnished
by Mr. de Beaumarchais, congress would be enabled to distinguish those
articles which were drawn from the royal magazines, and those which he
supplied in a way of trade; for those last congress would without doubt
make remittances to Mr. de Beaumarchais in their own way, to enable him
to perform the contracts he had entered into as a merchant. That for the
former articles, the king his master taking upon himself to be creditor
to the United States, would wait until the congress should find it
convenient to make compensation.
2. Though his court had not resolved to retaliate upon the prisoners in
their hands for injuries done to prisoners by the common enemy; yet for
the reasons assigned, the king his master had assented to the proposal;
but in carrying this matter into execution, it would be proper to take
such precautions, and to give such orders to the captains, or other
persons employed in the business, that it might be managed with
prudence.
3. There is every reason to believe that congress will receive very soon
proofs of the confidence which his court was always willing to show to
the servants of these states. The personal character of Dr. Franklin
will enable the court to act with a frankness becoming the alliance;
they will have no occasion to withhold any more the secrets which may
interest the United States and the alliance.
4. The king his master, after this explicit step, relies with the
highest confidence upon the candor and faithfulness of congress in
understanding as well as in executing the treaty, and in rejecting every
arbitrary and unnatural interpretation or construction, which fales,
subtle or designing men can contrive. Congress by their own feeling must
be sensible, that such interpretations and constructions are always
hurtful, against common decency and dignity, and may oftentimes endanger
mutual confidence, and of course the very existence of a treaty; but the
sense of congress, as manifested in this particular affair, gives his
court the greatest hope, that there shall be no further motive to the
painful reflections which that affair excited.
5. He begged leave to add, that this publication interfered with the
situation of affairs in Europe, and was in a certain degree
disadvantageous to the common cause; because it gave the common enemy a
full knowledge of our system and our mutual engagements without
procuring us any reason to guess at their views and resolutions. Happily
these inconveniencies have not been felt, and ample compensation has
been obtained by convincing the people of America, not only that the
treaty was just and equal, but that the heavy task which France has
taken upon her was magnanimous, gratuitous, and without reward; the
whole world was at the same time convinced, that war, conquest and
ambition, were not the objects of the alliance, nor of any of the
allies, but only the peaceable enjoyment of the sovereignty, liberty,
security and independence of these United States; and this conviction
gave much honor, credit and consideration to the alliance.
6. On this he observed, that he had endeavored since the last fall, by
order of his court, to impress on every mind, that England will never
evacuate New-York willingly and could only be brought by proper
exertions on the part of America, to think seriously of granting her
independence. He believed that congress had adopted a system conformable
to their engagements and the situation of affairs; his court was better
informed than he was; but without reflecting on past events, the king
hopes his amicable apprehensions will be overcome by the success of the
campaign, that henceforth the United States will follow the example set
them by his majesty, and that they will exert themselves in their own
cause, as his majesty exerts himself for their sake and in their cause
which he has adopted.
7. He said, that he was authorised to tell congress in confidence, that
this reflection is the result of the observations which the court of
Spain made upon the conduct of England, throughout her negociations of
mediation:—That the British ministry seem to be solicitous to be
reconciled with France, and to keep up this negociation; that from
thence probable hopes may be entertained of their internal disposition
to peace; but at the same time they reject with haughtiness the formal
acknowledgment of the independence inserted by France and Spain. New
orders have been given to the Spanish ambassador at London, to ascertain
as nearly as possible those dispositions. In these circumstances the
king his master ordered him to communicate this intelligence to the
United States, that they may if they think proper take under
consideration, if it would not be expedient to give their
plenipotentiary instructions and full powers, founded upon the necessity
of the conjectures, and upon the treaty of alliance, the express and
formal terms of which are, that peace shall not be made without an
express or tacit acknowledgement of the sovereignty, and consequently a
fortiori of the rights inherent in sovereignty, as well as of the
independence of the United States in matters of government and commerce.
This substantial alternative in an engagement, which is a mere
gratuitous gift without any compensation or stipulation, ought indeed
never to be forgot in a negociation for peace. France foresaw the
extreme difficulties a formal and explicit acknowledgement might meet
with. She knew by her own experience in similar contest, in which she
has been deeply concerned respecting the republic of Holland, Genoa and
the Swiss Cantons, how tenacious monarchs are, and how repugnant to
pronounce the humiliating _formula_. It was only obtained for Holland
tacitly after a war of thirty years, and explicitly after a resistance
of seventy. To this day Genoa and the Swiss Cantons have obtained no
renunciation, nor acknowledgment either tacit or formal from their
former sovereigns; but they enjoy their sovereignty and independence
only under the guarantee of France. His court thought it important to
provide, that difficulties of this nature, which reside merely in words,
should not delay or prevent America from enjoying the thing itself. From
these considerations arose the very important and explicit stipulation
in the treaty, which he just now related, and which hath received the
sanction of the United States. The circumstances seem already such as
call for the application of the alternative of tacit or explicit
acknowledgment. All these considerations therefore are mentioned, that
congress may, if they think proper, consider whether the literal
execution of the treaty in this point is not become necessary, and
whether the safety and happiness of the American people, as well as the
essential principles of the alliance, are not intimately connected with
the resolutions that may be taken on this subject: and it remains with
the prudence of congress to examine, whether instructions on some
particular conditions may not frustrate the salutary purpose of the
treaty of alliance relative to a tacit acknowledgment, which the
situation of affairs may require. “In thus executing the orders,”
continued he, “I have received, I cannot omit observing, that these
orders were given with the full presumption, that the business which I
laid before congress in Feb. last, would have been settled long before
these dispatches should come to my hands. However sensibly my court will
be disappointed in her expectations, I shall add nothing to the
information and observations, which with the warmest zeal for the
interest and honor of both countries, and by the duties of my office and
my instructions, I found myself bound to deliver from time to time to
congress in the course of this business. The apprehension of giving new
matter to those who endeavour to cast blame upon congress is a new
motive for me to remain silent. I beg only to remind this honorable body
of the aforesaid information and reflections, and particularly of those
which I had the honor to deliver to an assembly similar to the present.
I shall only insist on a single point which I established then and since
in one of my memorials, namely the manifest and striking necessity of
enabling Spain, by the determination of just and moderate terms to press
upon England with her good offices, and to bring her mediation to an
issue, in order that we may know whether we are to expect peace or war.
This step is looked upon in Europe as immediately necessary. It was the
proper object of the message I delivered in February last, I established
then (in a private audience) the strong reasons which require, that at
the same time, and without delay, proper terms should be offered to his
Catholic majesty, in order to reconcile him perfectly to the American
contest. I did not conceal, that it was to be feared that any condition
inconsistent with the establishment of the alliance which is the binding
and only law of the allies, and contrary to the line of conduct which
Spain pursued in the course of her mediation, would lead her to drop the
mediation, and prevent his Catholic majesty by motives of honor and
faithfulness from joining in our common cause, and for completing the
intended triumverate. No loss, no unhappy event could be so heavy upon
the allies as this. Indeed although the British forces are already kept
in check by the combined efforts of France and America, it is
nevertheless evident that the accession of Spain only can give to the
alliance a decided superiority adequate to our purposes, and free us
from the fatal chance, that a single unlucky event may overturn the
balance.”
The committee then taking notice of what the minister had said
concerning _a tacit assurance of the independence of these states_,
requested to know his sense concerning the manner in which such tacit
assurance could be given; to which he, premising that what he should now
say ought to be considered only as his private sentiments, replied—That
the British court would probably endeavor to avoid an express
acknowledgment by imitating precedents that had occurred in Europe on
similar occasions, instancing in the case of the Swiss Cantons, and of
the United Provinces of Holland; that the mode adopted in the latter
case had been for the arch-dukes, to whom the king of Spain had
transferred his right of sovereignty, to treat with them as free and
independent states; and that with respect to the Cantons, France had not
been able to obtain more for them in the treaty of Munster, than “a
declaration that they should be in possession of full liberty and
exemption from the empire, and be in no manner subject to the
jurisdiction thereof;”—but that in his opinion, the circumstances of
these states, and the manner in which they had conducted their
opposition, would justify their expecting a more full declaration.
Mr. Gerard, by strongly urging congress, in February, to come to an
ultimatum, that so no promising negociations might be delayed or
obstructed, contributed toward putting the states into a profound sleep.
They amused themselves with idle dreams of peace, and hardly made any
exertions for the war. Till about the time of the above conference, the
army scarcely received a single recruit, though a large part of it
dissolved in the course of last winter and spring, by the expiration of
the term of service for which the men were engaged. Gen. Washington has
a prospect of 1000 or 1500 levies, at enormous bounties, for nine
months, from Massachusetts and Connecticut, which is all the
reinforcement he expects. Inferior in strength to the enemy, he will be
able to do little more than take care of himself, and guard the
communication of the North-River. The distressing situation of public
affairs, led the late president of congress, Mr. Laurens, to write to
his friend—“[July 14.] Let us look around and enquire into the state of
the army, the navy, the treasury—the view is truly affecting; but what
is most of all to be deplored is, the torpitude of national virtue. How
many men are there who now in secret say, could I have believed it would
have come to this, I would——. I am not of that number.”
Captain Cunningham, who took and carried the Dutch packet into Dunkirk,
being captured on board a private armed cutter in the West-Indies, was
brought to New-York, put under a rigorous and ignominious confinement,
and ordered to be sent to Great-Britain. Congress was induced by it to
order a letter to be written [July 17.] to the British naval commander
at New-York, demanding the reasons for the treatment he had met with;
and resolved, that if they had not a satisfactory answer by the 1st of
August, one or more persons should be confined, to abide the fate of the
said Cunningham. Two days after, congress having well considered the
letters before them, giving an account of the devastations of the enemy,
and the burning of Fairfield, Norwalk and Bedford, “Resolved—That the
marine committee be, and are hereby directed to take the most effectual
means to carry into execution the manifesto of October 30, 1778, by
burning and destroying the towns belonging to the enemy in Great-Britain
and the West-Indies.”
The operations of war demand our further notice.
A daring and dangerous enterprise against the enemy’s post at
Powles-Hook was committed to major Lee. The object was to throw a lustre
upon the American arms by surprising the post, and immediately retiring
with such prisoners as the major could conveniently make. Did it appear
too hazardous, either in the execution or the difficulty of effecting a
retreat, he was at liberty to abandon it. The necessity of making a
timely and safe retreat, was strongly inculcated by the commander in
chief, and the major was desired to lose no time in attempting to remove
or destroy any stores, or even in collecting stragglers. The major, with
a party of 300 Virginians, a troop of dismounted dragoons and one
company from the Maryland line, proceeded on the service, and very early
in the morning [July 19.] before day-light, completely surprised the
post. Major Southerland, the commandant, with a number of Hessians, had
the good fortune to escape, by reason of the darkness, to a small
block-house on the left of the fort. Major Lee killed about 30 of the
enemy, and took 161 prisoners, including 7 officers, at the expence of
about half a dozen men killed and wounded. In conformity to his orders,
he made an immediate retreat, without tarrying to destroy either
barracks or artillery. The approach of day, and the vicinity of the
enemy’s main body, rendered it absolutely necessary. Lord Stirling took
judicious measures to forward the enterprise, and to secure the retreat
to Lee’s party. This affair, for the size of it, may be ranked with the
most heroic actions of the war, considering the peculiar position of
Powles-Hook, and its being garrisoned by 200 men.
The expeditions carrying on against Penobscot by the Massachusetts, and
against the Mohawks by the United States, will be related when brought
to a close. Gen. Sullivan being called away to command the latter, gen.
Gates left Boston and went to Providence. In May, a number of the troops
under him, mutinied, and were upon the point of marching off for want of
bread; he prevailed upon them to stay a few days. During that period he,
by express, ordered flour immediately up from Boston, which however
could not have been procured, had it not been from the captures just
brought in by the cruisers. The American privateers, the state and
continental vessels, have been very successful in capturing and getting
safe into port a number of West-India ships and others of great value,
more than sefficient to counterbalance by much the losses the United
States have sustained in a similar way. It was computed, on the 15th of
July, that within six or seven weeks preceding, upward of 20,000 barrels
of provisions, designed for the use of the enemy, had found their way
into the Massachusetts ports. But for these and such like captures, the
inhabitants would have been under the greatest difficulty through a
prevailing scarcity. One while there was such a want of bread in Boston,
that familes who had lived well were without it many days. The price,
however, of all articles, is rapidly raising in a continual succession,
occasioned chiefly by the enormous quantity of paper currency, genuine
and counterfeit, that is in circulation. The rise of commodities, and
the associated depreciation of continental currency, has spread such an
alarm, that at Philadelphia and in the Massachusetts, the inhabitants
are attempting afresh to remedy both, by a regulation of prices—which
like Sisyphus’ stone, will never reach the summit of the evil.
We have heard within these few days, by a letter from Martinico of June
29th, that admiral Byron having left St. Lucie with an intention as it
is thought of convoying a large British West-India fleet throught the
passages, count d’Estaing immediately embraced the opportunity, and
planned an expedition against St. Vincent, which succeeded. We are also
informed, that since then, Mr. de la Motte Piquet, with five ships of
the line, had joined the count; who finding himself sufficiently strong,
had planned an expedition against Grenada, and was to sail for that
island the day after the date of the letter.
The count sent lieut. De Trolong du Rumain to St. Vincent, with about
450 men, only half of them regulars, who landed the 16th of June, and
were immediately joined by the Carribs; they then possessed themselves
of the heights which commanded the town of Kingston. On the 18th the
island was delivered up by capitulation without having made any
resistance. This may have been owing partly to the inhabitants being in
dread of the Carribs, and partly to their apprehended danger from
attempting a defence, and none from changing sovereigns.
Mr. Gerard has obtained leave to return to France, on account of the ill
state of his health; and the new minister plenipotentiary, the chevalier
de la Luzerne, is arrived at Boston in a French frigate. Mr. John Adams
accompanied him, his commission having been superseded the last
September, by the appointment of Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary
at the court of France. The carrying of this appointment was a favorite
measure with Mr. de Vergennes as he expects from the doctor singly more
obsequious devotion to the pleasure of the French court, than he could
have obtained had the doctor been still joined to both or either of his
former colleagues, Messes. John Adams and Arthur Lee.