heard that the Americans were within five miles of it, and immediately
determined to push forward and attack them. Intelligence was brought
[Sept. 17.] to general Washington, of his approach. Gen. Sullivan was
directed to draw up the American troops in order of battle. Gen. Greene
observed, that at a little distance in their rear, was a large piece of
water, extending their whole length, and which, in case of a defeat,
would prevent their retreating. He rode to gen. Washington, acquainted
him with what he had noticed, and asked whether he meant that the troops
should fight in that situation. He was desired to arrange them
differently. Mean time gen. Wayne, with the advance, was engaged with
the enemy a considerable distance off. While Greene was removing the
army to a new position, it began to rain. Soon after it poured like one
incessant thunder shower. It continued raining till the next day. Thus
both parties were rendered equally and totally incapable of action. The
Americans have reason to be thankful for this providential
interposition, as it is highly probable that an engagement with troops
flushed with the preceding victory, better disciplined and more
experienced, would have determined greatly to their disadvantage. On
examining their arms on the 18th, they were found to be much impaired.
Beside, all the ammunition in the cartouch boxes was entirely ruined.
General Washington therefore withdrew the army to a place of security,
and filed off toward Reading.
Gen. Greene, in company with col. Tilghman, one of Washington’s aids,
reconnoitred for a position, and fixed upon the range of mountains from
Valley Forge toward the Yellow Springs. He considered the ground as
strong, difficult of access, and yet allowing of an easy descent; and as
favorable for partial actions without admitting of any very decisive.
Gen. Wayne being in the rear of Sir William Howe, Greene concluded that
the position would bring all the American force partly upon Sir
William’s flank and rear, and within striking distance of him, if he
attempted crossing the Schuylkill, and would oblige him to fight the
Americans on their own terms. He thought also, that the position would
afford them the probability of beating him; or at least of so crippling
him, as that he would not venture to possess himself of Philadelphia;
and that in case of their being beaten, it would afford them a safe
retreat. He transmitted his sentiments to the commander in chief by
letter, but not before hearing from him that it had been determined in
council, to cross the Schuylkill above French-creek, and take a position
in front of gen. Howe.
On the 19th gen. Washington wrote to Wayne—“By the advice of the general
officers, I have determined that the army under my immediate command,
cross the Schuylkill at Parker’s Ford, and endeavor to get down in time
to oppose the enemy in front, whilst the corps under your command, in
conjunction with general Smallwood and colonel Gist, act to the greatest
advantage in the rear.”
General Howe, upon intelligence that Wayne was lying in the woods with a
corps of 1500 men and four pieces of cannon, in the rear of the left
wing of his army, detached general Grey, on the 20th, late at night,
with two regiments and a body of light-infantry, to surprise him. [Sept.
21.] Grey gained Wayne’s left about one o’clock in the morning. Some out
sentries were early missed by an American officer going his rounds, and
an alarm was given in time for the men to turn out; but unhappily for
them, Wayne paraded them in the light of their fires, instead of
withdrawing them to the back of their encampment. Thus the British were
directed where to rush with their bayonets, as ordered by their
commander, without firing a gun. They did great execution, killing and
wounding near 300 on the spot. They took between 70 and 80 prisoners,
including several officers, a great many arms, and eight waggons loaded
with baggage and stores; and had only one captain of light-infantry and
three privates killed, and four men wounded. The darkness of the night,
and some prudent dispositions of Wayne’s, prevented their further
success.
In the afternoon of the 22d, Sir William Howe having by various
manœuvres drawn gen. Washington 30 miles from Philadelphia, instead of
attacking him upon the right, agreeable to the idea he had seemingly
affected to impress, ordered the grenadiers and light infantry of the
guards to cross the Schuylkill at Fat Land Ford, and to take post, and
the chasseurs to do the same at Gordon’s Ford, both below the left of
the Americans. At midnight the army moved, and crossed the river at Fat
Land Ford without opposition; the rear-guard, with the baggage, passed
it before two in the afternoon, and the whole were encamped by night of
the 23d. This event was not expected by the American commander. Advice
was received in the night of the enemy’s having crossed the river at
Gordon’s Ford, which was afterward contradicted. This last information
was credited, so that when the gentlemen at head-quarters were assured
the next morning that Howe’s army had crossed the Schuylkill and was
marching toward Philadelphia, every one was astonished.
The congress had before hurried away in the night of the 18th. After the
adjournment of that day, the president received a letter from colonel
Hamilton, one of general Washington’s aids, intimating the necessity of
their removing immediately from Philadelphia; whereupon they left the
city, and agreeable to a resolve of the fourteenth, repaired to
Lancaster. The letter, the immediate hurry, and the alarm of the enemy’s
being at Sweed’s Ford, threw the city into the utmost confusion, and at
the same time roused all who wished to quit it, into a preparation for a
speedy removal.
On the 26th Sir William Howe made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia,
with a very small part of his army, where he was most cordially received
by the generality of the Quakers and a few other royalists; the bulk of
his troops were left in and about Germantown, a village forming one
continued street for near two miles. Gen. Washington’s army was encamped
near Shippach-creek, about eighteen miles from thence.
[Sept. 30.] The congress removed to York-town by the end of the month.
Before they had quitted Philadelphia they had elected baron de Kalb
major-general; and had entered upon their journals—“Whereas Mons. du
Coudray, colonel-brigadier in the service of his most christian majesty
the king of France, and commander in chief of the artillery in the
French colonies in America, gallantly offered to join the American army
as a volunteer, but in his way thither was most unfortunately drowned in
attempting to cross the Schuylkill—Resolved, That the corpse of the said
Mons. du Coudray be interred at the expence of the United States, and
with the honors of war.” They also resolved, “That gen. Washington be
authorised and directed to suspend all officers who shall misbehave, and
to fill up all vacancies in the American army, under the rank of
brigadiers, until the pleasure of congress be communicated; to take,
wherever he may be, all such provisions and other articles as may be
necessary for the comfortable subsistence of the army under his command,
paying or giving certificates for the same; to remove and secure, for
the benefit of the owners, all goods and effects which may be
serviceable to the enemy; provided that the powers hereby vested, shall
be exercised only in such parts of these states as may be within the
circumference of 70 miles of the head-quarters of the American army, and
shall continue in force for the space of 60 days, unless sooner revoked
by congress.”
Lord Howe, after the affair of Brandywine, took the most speedy measures
for conducting the fleet and transports round to the Delaware; which
when arrived, were anchored along the Pennsylvania shore, from
Reedy-Island to Newcastle; the passage near Philadelphia being yet
impracticable. When the British troops had taken possession of the city,
their first object was the erecting of batteries to command the river.
The day after, the American frigate the Delaware, of 32 guns, anchored
within 500 yards of the unfinished batteries, and being seconded by
another frigate with smaller vessels, they commenced a heavy cannonade,
both upon the batteries and town. Through inattention the Delaware was
suffered to ground upon the falling of the tide, and could not be got
off, (say the British) which being perceived by the grenadiers, they
brought their battalion field-pieces to play upon her with such effect,
that she soon struck her colours; but the Americans say, the crew rose,
confined the captain, and purposely ran the ship ashore. The whole fire
of the battalion guns was afterward directed against the other vessels,
which were compelled to retire with the loss of a schooner driven
ashore.
The Pennsylvanians had, at a vast labor and expence, constructed great
and numerous works, to obstruct the passage up to Philadelphia, some of
which have been already mentioned.——They had erected works and batteries
on Mud-Island, and called the whole Fort Mifflin, in honor to general
Mifflin.——On the opposite shore, at a place called Redbank, they had
formed a fort or redoubt, covered with heavy artillery. In the deep
navigable channel, under the cover of these batteries, they had sunk
several ranges of chevaux-de-frize, before described. It was equally
difficult to weigh or cut through them; but no attempt could be made for
raising them, or for opening the main channel, till the command of the
shores was obtained. About three miles lower down they had sunk other
ranges of these machines, and were constructing works for their
protection, at a place on the Jersey side called Billing’s-point. These
works and machines were further supported by several gallies mounting
heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of armed
vessels, small craft of various kinds, and some fire-ships.
Upon the representation of capt. Hammond of the Roebuck (lying off
Chester 15 miles below Philadlphia) who had arrived before lord Howe,
the general detached two regiments, under col. Stirling, to dislodge the
enemy from Billing’s-point. The detachment having crossed, [Oct. 1.] the
enemy heard of their approach, immediately spiked their artillery, set
fire to the barracks, and abandoned the place with precipitation. This
success, enabled capt. Hammond to cut away and weigh up so much of the
chevaux-de-frize, notwithstanding the great opposition he met with, as
opened a narrow passage for large ships through the lower barrier.
General Washington, having been reinforced by 1500 men from Peek’s-kill,
and 1000 from Virginia, and having received intelligence through two
intercepted letters, that gen. Howe had detached a part of his force for
the purpose of reducing Billing’s-point works and the forts on the
Delaware, entertained the thought of attacking the main body as it lay
at German-town. The line of encampment crossed the town at right angles
about the centre: the left wing extended to the Schuylkill. It was
covered in front by the mounted and dismounted chasseurs: a battalion of
light-infantry, and the queen’s American rangers were in the front of
the right: and the 40th regiment, with another battalion of
light-infantry, were posted at the head of the town, upon Chesnut-hill
road, three quarters of a mile in advance. Lord Cornwallis lay at
Philadelphia with four battalions of grenadiers. When gen. Washington
had communicated to his council of war the account he had obtained, the
general officers unanimously agreed upon an attack, and to its being
made in several places, to produce the greater confusion and
distraction, and to hinder the several parts of the enemy’s forces
affording support to each other. It was to be sudden and vigorous, in
expectation of carrying the point speedily, from an apprehension that
the Americans would not persevere in a prolonged attack, for want of
better discipline and more acquaintance with military service. Was it
found that they could make no impression upon the enemy, they were after
a while to make an expeditious retreat. The divisions of Sullivan and
Wayne, flanked by Conway’s brigade, were to enter the town by way of
Chesnut-hill; while Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, got upon
the enemy’s left and rear. Col. Thomas Conway, knight of St. Louis, had
been elected so early as May, a brigadier gen. upon the recommendatory
letters he brought from France. The divisions of Greene and Stephens,
flanked by M’Dougall’s brigade, were to enter by taking a circuit, at
the market-houses, and to attack the right wing; and the militia of
Maryland and Jersey, under generals Smallwood and Freeman were to march
by the old York road, and fall upon the rear of the right. Lord
Stirling, with Nash’s and Maxwell’s brigades, were to form a corps de
reserve.
They begin their march about seven o’clock in the evening of October the
third. Gen. Washington is with the divisions of Sullivan and Wayne. He
expects, that if the enemy has gained timely intelligence of his march,
they will wait for him on Chesnut-hill, and receive him as he comes out
of the woods.—When arrived on the hill without any appearance of
opposition, he is congratulated upon the persuasion that the British
will be completely surprised. About sun-rise on the fourth the attack is
begun on the 40th regiment, and the battalion of light-infantry which
accompanies it. These corps are overpowered and pursued. In this
exigence lieutenant colonel Musgrave throws himself with six compananies
of the fortieth regiment, into Mr. Chew’s stone house, lying full in the
front of the Americans.—These halt. A discourse ensues between generals
Knox and Reed in the presence of the commander in chief, whether or not
to advance without first reducing the house. Knox urges, that it is
contrary to all military rule to leave a fort possessed by an enemy in
their rear. Reed exclaims—“What! call this a fort, and lose the happy
moment!” Conway is inquired after to give his judgment but cannot be
found. It is agreed to send a flag to the house and summons the British
officer to surrender. A young person undertakes to carry it. He
approaches, is fired upon, and killed. Mean while gen. Greene gets up
with his column, and attacks the right wing of the enemy. The morning
being exceeding foggy, prevents the Americans from fully improving the
advantages they gain. Col. Matthews of Greene’s column, attacks with
uncommon spirit, routs the parties opposed to him, kills a great number,
and makes 110 prisoners; but, through the fog, loses sight of the
brigade he belongs to, is separated from it, and is taken prisoner with
his whole regiment, accampanied with the release of all whom he had
captured. A number of Greene’s troops are stopped, by the halt of the
division before Chew’s house, where near or quite one half of gen.
Washington’s army remains some time inactive. During this inactivity,
gen. Gray, bringing the front of a great part of the left wing by a
timely movement to German-town, leads on three battalions of the third
brigade and attacks with vigor, being supported by gen. Agnew at the
head of the fourth brigade. A warm engagement ensues. At the same time
two British regiments attacks on the opposite side of the town; while
general Grant moves up the 49th regiment, to the aid of the 4th, which
is employed in supporting the troops engaged with Greene’s column. The
fog is so great that at times you cannot see twenty yards before you,
and frequently not more than fifty. It occasions the American parties
mistaking each other for the enemy, and prevents their observing the
true situation of the latter. Owing hereto in a great measure, the
Americans quit every part of the town: and when gen. Grey, having passed
it, advances with the British right wing upon their left, they leave the
field hastily and entirely, in spite of every effort that can be made to
rally them. Lord Cornwallis arrives with a squadron of light-horse just
in season to join in the pursuit. Greene with his own and Stephen’s
division, happens to form the last column of the retreating Americans.
Upon coming to two roads, and thinking it will be safest, and may
prevent the enemy’s advancing by either so as to get a head of him; and
that the divisions may aid each other upon occasion, he marches one
division on the one road, and the second on the other. While continuing
his retreat, Pulaski’s cavalry who are in his rear, being fired upon by
the enemy, ride over the second divison, and throw them into the utmost
disorder as they know not at first but that they are the British
dragoons. The men run and scatter, and the general is apprehensive that
he shall loss his artillery. He cannot collect a party sufficient to
form a rear guard, till he hits upon the device of ordering the men to
lay hold of each other’s hands. This answers. He collects a number, and
by the help of the artillery, brings the enemy to give over the pursuit,
after having continued it near five miles. The Americans then proceed in
their march back to Shippach-creek without further disturbance.
The British officers acknowledged soon after this affair, that it was
the severest blow they had met with; that it was planned with judgment
and executed with spirit; and that they were at a lost for its not being
followed up, unless it was for want of ammunition. The Americans lost in
killed 25 continental officers commissioned and non-commissioned—wounded
102, and an equal number missing. The militia officers were, 3 killed—4
wounded and 11 missing. Of rank and file, continentals, 109 were killed,
and 378 wounded—militia, 7 killed and 19 wounded. They had artillery
officers, 2 killed and 11 wounded; and matrosses 6 killed and 7 wounded.
The total of their killed was 152; and of their wounded 521.[58] Upward
of 400 were made prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. The number of
missing among the Americans is no rule by which to judge of the number
captured by the enemy, as many of the missing, who do not return to
their colours, go home. Gen. Nash of North-Carolina was among the slain,
and will be honored by congress with a monument the same as other
generals who have fallen in action, bravely contending for the
independency of the United States.
The loss of the royal army, including the wounded and a few prisoners,
amounted by their own acknowledgment, to 535; but the slain scarcely
exceeded 70. Among these however were some distinguished officers,
particularly gen. Agnew, and lieut. col. Bird. They suffered probably
more than they allowed.[59] The battle, by general Knox’s watch, held
two hours and forty minutes.
General Washington is of opinion that the Americans retreated at an
instant when victory was declaring in their favor. The royal army was
indeed completely surprised; and appearances in the beginning were
evidently on the side of the former. But it is said that a certain
colonel, not being sufficiently experienced, instead of pressing with
fixed bayonets on the enemy whom he had driven, kept ordering his men,
as they advanced, to load and fire, by which they expended their
ammunition; and that, instead of halting on the ground till furnished
afresh, he ordered his regiment to retreat. This retrogade manœuvre
enabled and encouraged the enemy to recover themselves, while the other
Americans, who were advancing, were disheartened and disconcerted by the
retreating regiment, not knowing the occasion of such retreat. It is
admitted however, that the colonel behaved boldly, by keeping himself in
the rear, next to the enemy. Gen. Stephen was guilty of un-officer like
behavior in the retreat, owing to inattention or want of judgment, which
might occasion a whisper to be circulated unfavorable to gen. Greene.
But upon gen. Reed’s asking the commander in chief whether he was
dissatisfied with Greene’s conduct, he candidly answered “No, not at
all; the fault lay with ourselves;” referring to the column with which
he was, and their stopping to attack Chew’s stone house. Several causes
might co-operate to effect the precipitate retreat of the American army.
And yet had that column advanced without delay, leaving only a
sufficient corps, with a couple of field-pieces, to guard the house, the
obstacles to success that afterward offered, might have been removed or
prevented, and Howe’s army have been totally defeated, unless the
superiority of their discipline and bravery could have hindered.
A general who was in the action, wrote some time after to his
correspondent—“At German-town fortune smiled on our arms for hours. The
enemy were broke, dispersed and flying on all quarters; we were in
possession of their whole encampment, together with their artillery
park, &c. A _wind-mill_ attack was made on a house into which six light
companies had thrown themselves to avoid our bayonets—this gave time to
the enemy to rally—our troops were deceived by this attack; taking it
for something formidable, they fell back to assist in what they deemed a
serious matter. The enemy finding themselves no further pursued, and
believing it to be a retreat, followed.——Confusion ensued, and we ran
away from the arms of victory ready to receive us.”
Let us turn our attention for a moment to South-Carolina. The successes
of the preceding year had humbled the Cherokees most completely. The
Carolinians had built, held and continued to occupy Fort Rutledge, at
Seneca, quietly and unopposed. The Indians, finding themselves thus
vanquished, sued in the most submissive terms for peace. A treaty
between them and South-Carolina took place, at which commissioners from
Georgia attended, who concurred in and signed the articles of
pacification on the 20th of May. By this treaty the Cherokees ceded a
considerable part of their land to South-Carolina. By the eighth and
last article, it is agreed—“The hatchet shall be for ever buried, and
there shall be an universal peace and friendship re-established between
South-Carolina, including the Catawba and Georgia, on the one part, and
the Cherokee nation on the other; there shall be a general oblivion of
injuries; the contracting parties shall use their utmost endeavors to
maintain the peace and friendship now re-established, and the Cherokees
shall at all times, apprehend and deliver to the commanding officer at
Fort Rutledge, every person, white or red, who in their nation or
settlements, shall by any means endeavor to instigate a war by the
Cherokee nation, or hostility or robbery by any of their people, against
or upon any of the American states, or subjects thereof.”
Before we resume the narrative of military operations, let me mention
that the New-York convention, authorised for that purpose the 20th of
last April, have established the constitution of that state. When this
was done, the freeholders chose for their governor, gen. George Clinton,
a gentleman excellently well qualified to be at the head of the state at
so interesting and perplexed a period. His namesake, Sir Henry, made an
incursion into Jersey, from the 12th to the 16th of September, chiefly
to collect cattle. He brought away 400 head, including 20 milch cows,
400 sheep and a few horses; in effecting it, he had 8 rank and file
killed, 17 wounded, together with a lieutenant, 9 missing, beside a
drummer, and 5 taken prisoners by the different parties of Americans
that opposed him. The expedition contributes nothing toward subduing the
country. The loss of the inhabitants will be the less felt on account of
the uncommonly good crops of Indian corn with which they have been this
year favored. It is surprising to find that country in so good order
already. The harvest has been truly plentiful. Lest it should be
forgotten, let me mention that most of the damage which the college
building at Princeton sustained, must be charged to the American troops,
who destroyed also the leaden pipes for the organ (which had been spared
by the royal army) in order to supply themselves with a few bullets to
fire at the enemy.
Now let us return to the northern department.
Lieut. col. St. Leger, whom gen. Burgoyne had early sent off toward the
Mohawk river, after combating all the difficulties, natural and
artificial, which offered on his way, invested Fort Stanwix, now Fort
Scuyler, on the third of August. It was in so poor a state of defence,
that an immediate attempt to drive off the enemy and relieve it, was
absolutely necessary. Gen. Herkimer, a leading person in Tryon county,
marched with more than 800 militia, on this service. St. Leger had with
him about 700 Indian warriors, who with their wives, children, other men
and women, made up near 1400. He detached Sir John Johnson, with some
troops and the Indians, to lie in ambush in the woods and intercept the
militia. [August 6.] Herkimer fell into the snare, and was surprised;
but several of the chief Indians fell by the first fire he gave them;
soon after which the battle was a scene of confusion beyond any thing
the Indians had ever seen. The white people, consisting of the militia
and Sir John Johnson’s tory troops, as his own corps is called, got
together in parties of twenty or thirty, so that they could not fire,
but pulled and hauled, drew their knives and stabbed each other. The
Indians, who consisted of Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas, and others,
after a while conjectured, from their own loss and the confusion which
prevailed, that both Sir John’s people and Herkimer’s intended to
destroy them; at length some of their chiefs told the young warriors,
that it was a plot of the white people to draw them into a scrape and
cut them off; and then ordered them to kill all white people whatever.
It is thought that near as many of Sir John’s tory party were killed by
the Indians as by the militia. A number of Herkimer’s ran off; about a
hundred were so surrounded that they could not get away; but they
possessed themselves of an advantageous post behind logs, &c. where they
continued fighting the Indians with great bravery, till Sir John drew
off his men, fearing that the garrison would sally out and fall upon
him; near upon seventy of the hundred by this mean escaped. Two hundred
and fifty men, under lieutenant-colonel Willet, sallied out about that
time, and routed two of the Indian and tory encampments, destroying
their provisions and carrying off kettles, blankets, muskets, tomahawks,
spears, clothing, deer skins, a variety of Indian affairs, and five
colours; which on their return to the fort were displayed under the
continental flag. The loss on the side of the militia was 160 killed,
beside the wounded. Gen. Herkimer was among the slain; congress have
resolved to honor him with a monument. Many of the principal leaders on
the American side, were either killed or wounded, so that all
expectation of further attempts to relieve the fort by the assistance of
militia, was at an end. The Indians however, were greatly disgusted. St.
Leger had brought down with him a number who were neutral, to be
spectators of the British conquering the Americans; and had engaged to
them and the others, that he and his troops would clear the way for them
to Albany. The victory gained had been purchased exceeding dear,
according to their ideas; for they had more than seventy killed, and
among them several of their most distinguished and favorite warriors.
St. Leger left no mean untried to make the most of his victory. On the
8th he sent a flag to the fort, and endeavored to intimidate the
garrison by magnifying his own strength; telling them that Burgoyne,
after destroying every thing in his way, was at Albany; and declaring
that the Indians were determined, if they met with further resistance,
to destroy all the men, women and children on the Mohawk river, and as
soon as they got into the fort, to kill every man belonging to it.
Colonel Gansevoort, the commandant, refused making any answer, or to
listen to any proposals unless made in writing. The next day St. Leger
tried the same scheme by letter, and receiving for answer, that the
colonel being entrusted with the charge of the garrison by the United
States of America, he would defend the fort at every hazard, and to the
utmost extremity. It was shrewdly remarked by those who were within,
that not half the pains would have been taken to have displayed the
force immediately without or the success at a distance, if they were any
wise proportionable to the representation. The night before the letter
was sent, col. Willet and lieut. Stockwell, a good woodsman (as they
stile him who can steer his wished for course through the shady and
pathless woods with a degree of certainty and readiness) undertook to
attempt conveying intelligence down into the country, of the danger the
fort was in, and of the necessity of relieving it. They left it at
night, and crept upon their bellies for near half a mile, ere they could
reach the Mohawk river. After passing it, they had to cross the path
from the Indian camp, on which the Indians were continually going
forward and backward; for a long time they had the Indian yells sounding
in their ears on each side of them. They escaped eveery danger, and
after travelling thirty miles, breakfasted the next morning upon
blackberries, and pursued their journey about twenty miles further to
German-flats. Gen. Scuyler, upon receiving the information at
Stillwater, forwarded a continental brigade under gen. Learned; when to
his great satisfaction Arnold offered to go and conduct the military
operations in Tryon county, for the relief of the fort. After Herkimer’s
battle, a nephew of his, Mr. Jost Cuyler, was taken and secured on
suspicion of being a spy. A scheme was laid to make him serviceable to
the business going forward. He was brought to Arnold, and it was
settled, that if he would go and alarm the enemy, with representations
of great numbers being on their march against them, so as to occasion
their retreat, he should be liberated, and have his estate, which was
very large, secured to him. He undertook it, being well qualified from
his acquaintance with the Indian language and manners, and his
possessing a good share of subtilty. The mode of procedure was settled
in concert with some friendly Indians; by advice of one of their head
men, Cuyler’s coat was shot though in two or three places, that so the
tale he had to relate might be the more readily believed. The necessity
of aggravating the numbers marching to the relief of Fort Scuyler was
apparent, for when gen. Arnold had got to German-flats, he was convinced
from the intelligence procured of the enemy’s strength, that it was much
superior to his own; so that on the 21st he wrote to gen. Gates, who
arrived at Stillwater and re-assumed the command of the northern
department on the 19th, to send him a reinforcement of 1000 light
troops. Cuyler proceeded immediately to the Indian camp, informed their
warriors that vast numbers were coming against them; that major Butlar
was taken, (which was a truth) and that several shot passed though his
coat though he got off unhurt. When the Indian camp was thoroughly
alarmed, one of the American friendly Indians arrived, an hour or two
after Cuyler, with a belt, waited upon the chiefs, and confirmed the
intelligence, adding, that the Americans did not want to hurt one of
them—all they desired was to fall upon the British. An Indian in camp,
unknown to Arnold, was secretly prevailed upon to aid the project, by
going off unobserved, taking a circuit, and then coming into that part
of the camp, where were those Indians who were most inimical, with a
similar story to that of Cuyler’s. The Indians were completely
frightened, and determined to go off. St. Leger in vain used every art
to prevent it. He attempted making them drunk with rum, and then getting
them to alter their resolution. Fond as they are of rum, they would not
be taken in at this season of apprehending danger. He then would have
prevailed with them to keep in the rear, while the other troops
retreated. Neither would they do that; but told him—“You mean to
sacrifice us. When we marched down, you told us there would be no
fighting for us Indians; we might go down and smoke our pipes; whereas
numbers of our warriors have been killed.”—Nothing could change their
determination. They went off, and St. Leger was obliged to decamp, about
noon of the 22d, in such hurry and confusion, as to leave his bombardier
asleep in the bomb battery. His tents, with most of the artillery and
stores, fell into the hands of the garrison. Some of the Indian Sachems,
who were highly disgusted with him, concluded to play upon him, and
divert themselves at his expence. In the evening, the flying troops came
to a clay soil, pretty soft. St. Leger and Sir John Johnson were in an
altercation, St. Leger reproaching Sir John about his Indians, and Sir
John blaming St. Leger for not carrying on the siege differently. A
couple of Indian chiefs upon a rising hill at a small distance, with
light enough to observe their situation, and near enough to notice their
wranglings which proceeded almost to fighting, directed an Indian to
withdraw some considerable way behind them and then to run after them,
crying out with all imaginable earnestness in the Indian language, _they
are coming, they are coming_ and to continue it. St. Leger and Sir John,
upon hearing the dismal note, made off as fast as they could, but often
tumbled into the dirt. The men threw away their packs, and pushed off in
the greatest hurry. The Indians renewed the joke; and continued thus and
in the like ways to divert themselves, till the royalists arrived at the
Oneida lake. The animosity between the two commanders rose at last to
such height that they drew upon each other, meaning to settle the
contest by the point of the sword. The Indians being fully satisfied
that they had carried the jest far enough, and not being in a
blood-thirsty humor, approached the parties with much gravity and
friendship, interposed their good offices, recommended peace, made them
friends, and carried off the secret of their own management, wherewith
to entertain themselves and favorites in future[60]. Considering the
predominant disposition of the Indians while retreating in consequence
of the ill success that had attended St. Leger, and the loss they had
sustained, it was not in the least surprising that they plundered
several of the boats belonging to the army, and took even from the
baggage of the officers what they fancied.
When gen. Washington perceived from events in the north, that a proper
officer must be chosen to command the eastern militia, he sent on gen.
Lincoln, having learned that he had influence over them, and that they
confided in him. He arrived at Manchester, from the southward, on the 2d
of August, and found about 600 militia there, including 250 that arrived
a few days before from New-Hampshire. Lincoln wrote to the Massachusetts
council, that a body of troops in that part would not only cover the
eastern states, but being in the rear of Burgoyne, oblige him to leave
so considerable a part of his army at the different posts he possessed,
as would weaken him. Scuyler, attending mainly to making head against
Burgoyne’s front, wrote to Lincoln on the 4th, to march his whole force,
except Warner’s regiment, and join him with all possible dispatch. On
the 6th Lincoln had not been joined by any of the Massachusetts militia,
saving a man or two; but was the same day reinforced by the arrival of
brigadier gen. Stark, with about 800 more men, from New-Hampshire. That
state had been applied to for a large body of militia. Stark, who was
one of their brigadier generals, had considerable influence among them;
but he was exceedingly secured, thought himself neglected, and that he
had not had justice done him by the congress. He had fought courageously
at the battle of Breed’s Hill; and shewn himself to be a soldier of
sterling courage. He had also no particular liking for Scuyler. When,
therefore, he was to be entrusted with the New-Hampshire militia, he
would not take the command, but upon the condition of being left at
liberty to serve or not under a continental commander, as he pleased;
and he determined not to join the continental army till the congress
gave him his rank in it. He had about 1400 brave men under him, well
officered. Many of them had been in service the two preceding campaigns,
and were not raw militia. Scuyler urged him repeatedly to join him; but
he declined complying. He was induced so to do, not only from the
forementioned reasons, but from considering that Burgoyne would not care
what number of enemies he had in front, if he had none in his rear, and
the country was open to his incursions. Stark resolved therefore to hang
upon his rear, and neglected Scuyler’s application. The matter was
brought before congress, so that on the 19th they resolved, “That the
council of New-Hampshire be informed, that the instructions which gen.
Stark says he has received from them, are destructive of military
subordination, and highly prejudicial to the common cause at this
crisis; and that therefore they be desired to instruct gen. Stark to
conform himself to the same rules which other general officers of the
militia are subject to, whenever they are called out at the expence of
the United States.” But before this resolve, Stark had assured Scuyler,
that he would do every thing to promote the public good, but was not for
doing any thing that might prove inconsistent with his own honor;
however, if it was thought best that he should march immediately to the
camp, he would acquiesce. On the 13th he wrote, that he should throw
away all private resentment when put in balance with the good of his
country. Gen. Washington did not approve of Scuyler’s apparent intention
of uniting all the militia and continental troops in one body, and of
making an opposition wholly in front. He was of opinion, that a
sufficient body of militia should alway be reserved to fall upon
Burgoyne’s flanks or rear, and to intercept his convoys. Stark however
had concluded, on the day last mentioned, upon marching from Bennington
to meet Lincoln at a certain appointed place, and to proceed with him
and join Scuyler; but while writing to the former, he received
information that the enemy were on their march to Cambridge.
Gen. Burgoyne’s progress toward Albany was delayed through the want of a
speedy and sufficient supply of provisions. He considered in what way
the difficulty was to be surmounted. According to information, the
Americans had a great deposit of corn, flour and store cattle at
Bennington, which was guarded only by militia. Every day’s account
confirmed the persuasion of the loyalty of one description of the
inhabitants in that part of the country, and of the panic of the other.
He therefore entertained the design of surprising the stores at
Bennington, and of sending a very large detachment upon the expedition;
but was diverted from the latter (as supposed) by major Skeen, who
assured him, “The friends to the British cause are as five to one, and
they want only the appearance of a protecting power, to show
themselves.” Relying upon their attachment, the gen. sent the German
lieut. col. Baum, with only about 500 men and 100 Indians, who carried
with them two light pieces of artillery. To facilitate the operation,
the army moved along the east shore of Hudson’s-River, and encamped
nearly opposite to Saratoga; and a bridge of rafts being thrown over,
the advance corps passed to that place. Lieut. col. Breymen’s corps,
consisting of the Brunswick grenadiers, light-infanty and chasseurs,
were posted at Batten-kill, in order, if necessary, to support Baum.
Stark hearing that a party of Indians was at Cambridge, sent lieut. col.
Gregg, with 200 men to stop their progress. Toward night he was informed
by express, that there was a large body of regulars in the rear of the
Indians. On that he drew together his brigade and the militia who were
at hand, in order to stop their march; sent to Manchester for col.
Warner’s regiment, and forwarded expresses to the neighbouring militia
to join him with all speed. He then marched, in the morning of the 14th,
with colonels Warner, Williams and Brush, and the men present, and in
about seven miles met Gregg retreating, and the enemy within a mile of
him. The troops drew up in order of battle; and the enemy, upon coming
in sight, halted upon a very advantageous piece of ground. Baum
perceiving that the Americans were too strong to be attacked by his
present force, sent an express to Burgoyne with an account of his
situation; and Breymen was immediately dispatched to reinforce him. Mean
while small parties of the Americans skirmished with the enemy, killed
and wounded 30 of them with two Indian chiefs, without any loss to
themselves, which had a good effect upon their courage. The ground Stark
occupied, not being suitable for a general action, he retreated about a
mile and encamped. In a council of war it was agreed, to send two
detachments into the enemy’s rear, while the rest of the troops attacked
in front.
[Aug. 15.] It rained all day, which retarded the intended assault,
however there were frequent skirmishings in small parties. The heavy
rain, together with the badness of the roads, prevented also Breyman’s
advancing to Baum’s assistance with dispatch. The next day, [Aug. 16.]
Stark being joined in the morning by colonel Seymonds from Berkshire,
pursued his plan. Baum in the mean while had intrenched and rendered his
post as defensible as time and its nature would admit. Stark detached
col. Nichols with 200 men to the rear of his left: col. Henrick, with
300 men, was sent to the rear of his right: they were to join, and then
attack. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with 200 were ordered still
further on his right. A hundred men were also advanced toward his front
to draw his attention that way. About three o’clock in the afternoon all
were ready for the attack. Before Nichols and Henrick could join, the
Indians pushed off between the two corps, but receiving a fire as they
passed, had three killed and two wounded. Nichols then began the assault
upon Baum, and was followed by the rest; those in front pushing forward.
In a few minutes the action became general and lastsed about two hours,
with one continued noise like the ruffling of a drum. Baum made a brave
defence; and the German dragoons kept together after having expended
their ammunition, and led by their colonel charged with their swords,
but were soon overpowered. The whole detachment, though well enclosed by
two breast works, were forced to give way to the superior number and
courage of the Americans, who with their brown firelocks, scarce a
bayonet, little discipline, and not a single piece of cannon, ventured
to attack 500 well-trained regulars, furnished with the best and
completest arms and accoutrements, having two pieces of artillery, being
advantageously posted, and accompanied by 100 Indians. When the militia
had gained the victory, they dispersed to collect plunder, which they
were very desirous of securing. This nearly proved fatal to them. While
thus busied, Stark received information, that the reinforcement under
Breyman was within two miles of him. Happily at that instant, Warner’s
continental regiment, which had been sent for from Manchester, came up
fresh, marched on and began to engage; mean while the militia collected
as fast as possible, and pushed on to its assistance. The action became
general; and the battle continued obstinate on both sides till sunset,
when the Germans gave way partly through a failure of ammunition,
leaving their two pieces of artillery behind them, and a number of
prisoners. They retreated in the best manner they could, improving the
advantage of the evening and of the night.
The Americans took four brass field-pieces, twelve brass drums, two
hundred and fifty dragoon swords, four ammunition waggons, and about 700
prisoners, among whom was lieut. col. Baum. Three hundred dead are said
to have been found upon the spot: but if so surely the slain on each
side must have been included. The Americans lost but about 100 killed
and wounded. The courage of the men was sharpened by the prospect of
advantage, for in gen. Stark’s orders they were promised all the plunder
that should be taken in the enemy’s camp. The royal officers were
astonished to see how undauntedly they rushed on the mouths of the
cannon. Both men and officers are entitled to much honor for their
gallant behavior. Colonels Warner and Henrick’s superior skill in
military matters was of service to the general, who was less conversant
with them than they; but his rank in the army of the United States was
afterward given him by congress, on the 4th of October, when they
“resolved, That the thanks of congress be presented to gen. Stark of the
New-Hampshire militia, and the officers and troops under his command,
for their brave and successful attack upon, and signal victory over the
enemy in their lines at Bennington: and that brigadier Stark be
appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United States.” Never
were thanks more deservedly bestowed. This was the first turn of affairs
in favor of the Americans in the northern department after the death of
gen. Montgomery. It raised the spirits of the country and made the
militia willing to turn out beyond what would otherwise have been done.
When gen. Gates wrote to the commander in chief some days after his
arrival at Stillwater, he thus expressed himself—“Upon my leaving
Philadelphia, the prospect this way appeared most gloomy, but the severe
checks the enemy have met with at Bennington and in Tryon county, has
given a more pleasing view of public affairs. I cannot sufficiently
thank your excellency for sending col. Morgan’s corps (of riflemen.)
They will be of the greatest service to the army; for until the late
successes this way, I am told it was quite panic struck by the Indians,
and their tory and Canadian assassins in Indian dress. Few of the
militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers on their
march.” Stark’s victory gave reputation to the militia, as well as
increased their courage. They found that neither British nor German
regulars were invincible; but that they could beat both. The artillery
and other trophies excited their hope and confidence. While the
Americans were exulting upon the occasion on the one side, the royal
army under Burgoyne experienced a degree of depression on the other;
especially as the disaster at Bennington not only added to their delay,
but gave Gates the opportunity of strengthening himself, by the arrival
of the militia, who were upon their march to reinforce him. When he was
upon his journey to take the command, he was much dejected, no less than
the troops which were to be under him; but the Bennington affair put
them both in better spirits, and afforded them some promising
expectations. They relied on his abilities, so that his appearance at
camp, and his mode of conducting military business, at once filled them
with courage and resolution; and in a few days they faced about and
advanced toward Burgoyne.
On the 30th of August, the British commander had occasion to write to
him; and in his letter complained of inhumanity exercised toward the
provincial soldiers in the king’s service after the affair of
Bennington; and then hinted a retaliation. Gen. Gates, in his answer of
September the 2d, invalidated the charge, and then retorted the Indian
cruelties, which he imputed to Burgoyne, saying, “Miss M’Rea, a young
lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable
disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was with other women
and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the
woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner. Two
parents with their six children, were all treated with the same
inhumanity, while quietly residing in their once happy and peaceful
dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M’Rea was particularly aggravated,
by her being dressed to receive her promised husband, when she met her
murderer employed by you. Upward of 100 men, women and children, have
perished by the hands of the ruffians, to whom, it is asserted, you have
paid the price of blood.” General Burgoyne, in his reply of the 6th of
Sept. vindicated his own character; showed that Miss M’Rea’s death was
no premeditated barbarity; and declared that instance excepted, Gates’s
intelligence, respecting the cruelties of the Indians, was false. It
might be erroneous in point of numbers and other circumstances; but
Burgoyne was undoubtedly mistaken in pronouncing it all false, with only
a single exception. The number of Indians that joined him was 500. The
first party sent out paid attention to the restrictions he had laid them
under, in his speech of June the 21st, near Crown-Point; and when they
had made several of the Americans prisoners in the heat of the action,
treated them with European humanity. But they could not long brook such
restraints. They grew uneasy, and reverted to their cruelties and habits
of plunder; and several persons became victims to their mode of war. My
account of Miss M’Rea’s death will differ only circumstantially from
Burgoyne’s. Mr. Jones, her lover, anxious on her account, engaged some
Indians of two different tribes to convey her away from among the
Americans for the purpose of security. He might fear for her on account
of her father’s being interested in the royal cause and of her
attachment to himself. He promised to reward the person, who should
bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. The two who took her and
carried her to some distance, disputed who of them should convey her to
Mr. Jones. Each was anxious for the reward; and that the other might not
receive it, one of them struch his tomahawk into her skull and killed
her.[61] As no whisper contrary to her being of an unblemished character
ever reached me, in any place or company; be it far from any future
European writer to tomahawk her reputation.[62] Upon the first
intelligence of what had happened, Burgoyne obliged the Indians to
deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. Many
thought the threat would have been executed; but he was pardoned, upon
the Indians agreeing to terms enjoined them by Burgoyne, which the
general thought would be more efficacious, than an execution to prevent
similar mischiefs. He told their interpreter, that he would lose every
Indian rather than connive at their enormities, or to that effect.[63]
They were not however satisfied and to his astonishment some of the
tribes told him, at a council held the beginning of August, that they
intended to return home, and demanded his concurrence and assistance.
The general was convinced, that a cordial reconciliation was only to be
effected by a renunciation of all his former prohibitions, and an
indulgence in blood and rapine; but he firmly adhered to the controuls
he had established; and the speech he made to them seemed to have the
desired effect. But a desertion took place the next day, and they went
off by scores, loaded with what plunder they had collected.
The murder of miss M’Rea exasperated the Americans; and from that and
other cruelties, occasion was taken to blacken the royal party and army.
The people detested that army which accepted of such Indian aid, and
loudly reprobated that government which could call in such auxiliaries.
General Gates was not deficient in aggravating, by several publications,
the excesses which had taken place; and with no small advantage to his
own military operations.
General Lincoln, about this time marched from Manchester to Pawlet, with
the few militia that had joined him. Having received some reinforcement,
in order to divide and distract the royal army, he sent off, with the
advice of his officers, on the 13th, colonel Brown and five hundred men,
to the landing at Lake George, to release the prisoners and destroy the
British stores there; and the same number of men under colonel Johnson,
to Mount Independence. The latter was to give a diversion to the enemy,
while the former executed his command; and if an opportunity offered
without risking too much, to push for Mount Independence, while col.
Brown attempted Tyconderoga. Further to amuse and divide the enemy, by
attacking the out-posts, &c. a like number of men were sent under col.
Woodbridge, to Skeensborough, thence to Fort Anne, and so on toward Fort
Edward. He doubted not but that these movements would meet with general
Gates’s approbation, though made without his knowledge. He would have
mentioned the design, and not have put the plan into execution without
his advice, could he have been sure that the information would not have
fallen into the hands of the enemy.[64]
Colonel Brown conducted his operations with such secrecy and address,
that he effectually surprised all the out-posts [Sept. 18.] between the
landing at the north end of Lake George and the body of the fortress at
Tyconderoga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the French lines and a
block-house, with 200 batteaux, an armed sloop, and several gun-boats,
were almost instantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an
equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers and crews of the
vessels, amounting in the whole to 293, were made prisoners, and 100
Americans released. Brown, beside taking a number of arms and other
things, retook the continental standard left at Ty when the fort was
evacuated. His loss in killed and wounded was trifling. Finding after
four days trial, that he and Johnson could not master Ty and Mount
Independence, they abandoned the design and returned.
While the aforementioned expedition was carrying on, gen. Burgoyne
having at length obtained about thirty days provision, with other
necessary stores, resolved upon passing the Hudson’s-River with the
army, which having executed, he encamped on the heights and in the plain
of Saratoga. He took this measure upon himself, on the supposition that
he was not authorised to call any officers in council, as the peremptory
tenor of his orders, and the season of the year admitted of no
alternative. He then advanced along the side of the river, and encamped
on the heights about two miles from general Gates’s camp, which was
three miles above Stillwater. On the eighteenth the Americans marched
out, three thousand strong, in order to at-attack him, but found that to
be prudentially impracticable.—However, they drew up in full view of
him, and there tarried till dark. Gates was careful to keep colonel
Morgan’s regiment of riflemen and a large corps of light-infantry under
colonel Durbin, always in advance, ready to oppose the approach of the
enemy. Large scouting parties from this advanced body were continually
patrolling, to prevent a surprise. The next day gen. Burgoyne put
himself at the head of the British line, which composed the right wing;
this was covered by by gen. Frazer and colonel Breyman, with the
grenadiers and light infantry of the army, being themselves covered by
the Indians, provincials and Canadians, in the front and flanks. He
advanced toward the American left wing, through some intervening woods
of no great extent, while the left of the royal army and artillery,
under the generals Philips and Reidesel, kept along the great roads and
meadows by the river side.
[Sept. 19.] Some of the American scouting parties fall in with those of
the British, and with great boldness begin the attack, about one o’clock
at noon. The firing is no sooner heard by gen. Philips, than he makes
his way, with a part of the artillery, through the wood, and renders
essential service. Each commander supports, reinforces, and orders
different regiments to engage; and the battle is hot and obstinate on
both sides till about half past two o’clock, when it ceases for half an
hour. The American and British line, being fully formed, the action is
renewed and becomes general at three. Both armies appear determined to
conquer or die. There is one continual blaze of fire for three hours
without intermission. The report of the muskets resembles an incessant
roll beating on a number of drums. The Americans and British alternately
drive and are driven by each other. Three British regiments, the 20th,
the 21st, and the 62d, are in constant and close fire for near four
hours. All suffer considerable loss; the 62d, which was 500 strong when
it left Canada, is reduced to less than 60 men, and to 4 or 5 officers.
The 24th regiment, belonging to Frazer’s brigade, with the grenadiers
and a part of the light-infantry are brought into action. Breyman’s
riflemen, and some other parts of his corps, are also of service; but
only act occasionally. The American troops in action, are those under
Morgan and Durbin; the first, second and third New-Hampshire regiments;
the eighth, ninth and tenth Massachusetts; the second and third
New-York; and a Connecticut regiment of militia. The ninth Massachusetts
regiment, col. Wesson’s, is warmly engaged, and greatly distinguishes
itself. Col. Scammell, of the first New-Hampshire regiment, is
peculiarly active, enterprising and brave; and leads on his men close to
the enemy with great undauntedness, before he suffers them to fire.
Capt. Jones, with his brigade of British artillery, behaves with the
utmost intrepidity. His four cannon are repeatedly taken and retaken. He
is killed; other officers are wounded; and thirty-six out of forty-eight
of the matrosses, are killed or wounded. Few actions have been
characterized by more obstinacy in attack or defence, than is the
present. The British bayonet is repeatedly tried without effect. During
the engagement many Americans place themselves in high trees in the rear
of their own line; and there is seldom a minute’s interval of smoke in
any part of the British line, without officers being taken off by a
single shot. One is aimed at Burgoyne, but passes through the arm of
captain Green, aid-de-camp to Philips, while delivering a message. The
British commander’s escape is owing to the captain’s having a laced
furniture to his saddle, which occasions his being mistaken for the
general. Toward the close of the day, gen. Gates orders out of camp to
the field of battle the 10th Massachusetts regiment under col.
Marshall.[65] When he comes upon the open ground, he is perceived by a
British officer, who has entered the neighboring wood with his soldiers,
and is upon the point of overpowering an American regiment. The British
officer quits the wood, calls out to him not to fire, for that he is a
friend. Marshall suspects it, but the dusk of the evening prevents his
distinguishing the regimentals; he therefore orders his men to make
ready. He observes the officer directing his soldiers by the motion of
his sword, how to form; and at length discerns the grenadier-caps, on
which he calls out to his men _fire_. The British officer falls, and
after a while the regiment seeks its safety in a retreat, which
terminates the action in this quarter. In another spot, the Americans
give way to the British bayonet and quit the field. Gen. Reidesel by
exerting himself, brings up a part of the left wing, and arrives just in
time to charge some of the Americans. But a regiment of the latter
remains longest on the field of battle, by continuing upon it hours
after the action totally ceases. Lieut. col. Brooks who commands the
eighth Massachusetts regiment, by order of gen. Gates, goes to the left
of all the American troops, so as to out flank the British, when he
forms his line; but perceives troops in front of him, whom he cannot
clearly distinguish because of the lateness of the evening, and the dusk
being increased by the trees. They soon fire, and kill one of his men
wounding others; on which he immediately engages them, and they give
way. He concludes they are Germans from the brass cases on their
breasts, for containing lighted match. Brooks remarking that the other
American regiments are withdrawn, and that he cannot be supported in
case the enemy advance upon him, and hearing them talk at a distance,
changes his position, and falls back into the open road leading to the
camp, and there remains. At length he sends to Gates for orders how to
act, who directs him to return into camp; where it was before
apprehended all the troops had collected that had been in action.—It is
near upon eleven o’clock at night when he quits the ground and returns.
The British lost in this action rather more than 500 in killed, wounded
and prisoners.[66] The loss of the Americans was, officers included, 64
killed, 217 wounded, and 38 missing, in all 319.[67] None of the right
wing or centre were engaged, except Marshall’s regiment. The number that
engaged was about 2500. Gates’s whole army, with the militia present was
about 7000. Lincoln had not then joined him with his militia; neither
was he in the action, but at or in the neighborhood of Bennington.
Arnold’s division was out in the action, but he himself did not head
them; he remained in the camp the whole time. The foreign officers said,
that in all the engagements in which they had been, whether in Flanders
or elsewhere, they never knew so long and hot a fire. The American army
expended nearly all their ammunition and had but about forty rounds a
man left them. After the action the general was under the necessity of
sending not only for powder, but also to Albany for all the window leads
and other lead that could be gotten for the making of bullets. He had
never more than three days provision of flour at a time; but on the day
of action the army had none, for it did not arrive till the 20th. It had
been constantly the practice of gen. Gates, to take the precaution of
having the baggage loaded every morning, and of being ready for a sudden
movement; some of the British officers not knowing this was his practice
wrongly inferred from his being taken the morning after the action, that
he was apprehensive of being pushed, and of being obliged to give way.
The royal army however discovered apprehension, by lying all the ensuing
night upon their arms, at some distance from the field of battle. The
next day they took a position nearly within cannon shot of the
Americans, and fortified their right. The engagement answered so little
to the expectation of their Indian auxiliaries, that a fresh desertion
among them took place, in this season of danger and distress: while a
number of other Indians repaired to the American camp. The last were
attending a treaty with the American commissioners; who, finding they
were inclinable to engage in a war, prepared a speech, and the next day
offered them the war belt, which was immediately and solemnly accepted
by warriors of the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagos and Mohawks. On the
17th the war feast was prepared, at which the belt was solemnly accepted
by the whole. The 18th and 19th passed in equipping them. Being informed
the 19th at night, that the American army was engaged, many of the
Indians marched off without delay, and with such dispatch as to reach
Gates, before noon next day though the distance was very considerable,
and by night the remainder arrived in camp, making in all near 150.
The proximity of the two armies induced the American general to redouble
his ardor in strengthening his left. The Americans are expert beyond all
other nations, in the mode of defence by intrenchment, covered with
strong abbatis.[68] From the 20th of September to the 7th of October,
the armies were so near, that not a night passed without firing and
sometimes concerted attacks upon the British advance pickets. No
foraging party could be made by the royal troops, without great
detachments to cover it. It was the American plan to harrass the enemy
by constant alarms.[69] Mean while gen. Lincoln, agreeable to the orders
sent him, marched toward the camp. By the 29th, he joined Gates with
about 2000 militia.
General Burgoyne had from the beginning, a firm hope of being powerfully
succoured when wanted, and at any rate of being met and joined at
Albany, by a strong force from the army at New-York. With great
difficulty he received on the 21st, a letter in cypher from Sir H.
Clinton, informing him, that the latter intended making a diversion on
the North-River, by attacking Fort Montgomery. Though this fell short of
the aid he expected, he hoped it might afford essential service by
obliging Gates to divide his army. He returned the messenger; and
afterward dispatched two officers in disguise, and other confidential
persons, all separately by different routes, to acquaint Clinton with
his exact situation and condition, and to press him urgently to the
immediate prosecution of his design, and to inform him that in point of
provision he could, and was determined to hold his present position, in
hope of favorable events, until the 12th of October. The British
commander had to encounter disappointments and difficulties; and the
Americans was not exempted. The latter wrote to gen. Washington on the
5th of October, “I am sorry to repeat to your excellency the distress I
have suffered for want of a proper supply of musket cartridges from
Springfield, or the materials to make them.——My anxiety also on account
of provisions has been inexpressible. A greater error has not been
committed this war, than the changing the commissariot in the middle of
the campaign.”
Sir H. Clinton’s intended diversion did not commence so soon as
proposed; for the British reinforcement under gen. Robertson, amounting
to near 2000 men, did not arrive from Europe till about the beginning of
October. They were three months on their passage, owing partly to
contrary winds, and partly to their being on board heavy sailing Dutch
bottoms. Had they arrived a month sooner, the state of affairs would
undoubtedly have been widely different. When they did arrive, Clinton
lost no time in employing them. Numbers of them were immediately removed
to proper vessels, and joined in the expedition against the forts in the
highlands. The arrangements being made he proceeded up the North-River
with about 4000 men; and landed on the 4th of October at Tarry-town,
meaning to excite an apprehension in gen. Putnam, that his post at
Peek’s-kill was the object. A thousand continental troops had been left
him, therewith to defend it, but the effectives were fewer: he had made
repeated application for militia from New-York state and Connecticut,
but had been joined by very few, they having been called away from an
expedition against the royal force on Rhode-Island. At eight at night he
wrote to gov. Clinton, and informed him of the arrival of the British,
and what he thought was their destination. The governor, upon the
receipt of the letter, penetrated his namesake’s design; prorogued the
assembly the next day; and hastened to Fort Montgomery, where he arrived
at night. The royal troops were secretly transferred across the river,
and dispositions made, for an assault upon the forts on the 6th.
[Oct. 6.] The American advanced party is attacked by the enemy at
Doodle-town, about two miles and a half from Fort Montgomery. They
receive the enemy’s fire and retreat to Fort Clinton. The enemy then
advance to the west side of the mountain, to attack the Americans in the
rear. Gov. Clinton orders out a detachment of 100 men toward
Doodle-town, and another of 60 with a brass field-piece, to a very good
spot on a different road. They are both attacked soon by the enemy’s
whole force, and obliged to give way; but behave with spirit, and
retreat with great order till they reach the fort. The governor
immediately posts his men in the most advantageous manner; but it is not
many minutes before his post, as well as Fort Clinton, is invaded on all
sides. He is summoned when the sun is about an hour high to surrender in
five minutes; but refuses. In about ten minutes after, the British make
a general and desperate attack on both posts, which is received with
spirit. Officers and men, as well as militia as continentals, behave
well. A most incessant fire is kept up till dusk, when the assailed are
overpowered by numbers, who force the lines and redoubts at both posts.
Not a few of the Americans fight their way out, others mix with the
enemy, and so make their escape, knowing all the avenues in the
mountains, and being favored by the night. The governor, and his brother
gen. James Clinton, who is wounded, but not dangerously, get off clear.
The former is joined the next day by better than 200 of the garrison;
and is in expectation of many more.
The whole garrison consisted of but 600 men, not one half of whom had
bayonets, wherewith to oppose those of the enemy, whose repeated
assaults with that weapon at length prevailed.—When it was evident that
the enemy meant an attack upon these posts, application was made for a
reinforcement from Peek’s-kill; but through mistake, and the treachery
of the issuing commissary at Fort Montgomery, it was not sent in time:
the forts were carried while it was crossing the river, which occasioned
its return. A seasonable supply of 500 men might have secured them. They
were no sooner lost, but Fort Constitution was demolished without the
orders of the governor, and without first removing the artillery and
stores. The Americans set fire also to two fine new frigates, and some
other vessels, which with their guns and stores were all consumed. Gen.
Tryon was sent off with a detachment, and destroyed a new settlement,
called Continental-village, which contained barracks for 1500 men,
beside many stores.
The cannon, stores, ammunition, &c. taken and destroyed by the British,
were very considerable; but the main advantage obtained by them was the
opening of the passage up the North-River. This had been obstructed by a
boom and chain running across the river from fort Montgomery. The chain
weighed above 50 ton, and the links were about 2 & 1–2 inches square.
There was another inferior boom near Fort Constitution. These booms and
chain cost the Americans an amazing deal of labour and more than fifty
thousand pounds sterling, as is supposed, in paper continental money.
The reduction of the forts put the British into immediate possession of
the power of removing there obstructions, and passing up to Albany. Gen.
Putnam was in such expectation of their improving this advantage, that
he wrote to gen. Gates on the 8th, “I cannot flatter you or myself with
the hopes of preventing the enemy’s advancing, therefore prepare for the
worst.” The next day he said, “The Connecticut militia came in
yesterday, and the day before in great numbers, but I am sorry to say,
they already begin to run away. The enemy can take a fair wind, and with
their flat-bottomed boats which have all sails, to go to Albany or
Half-Moon with great expedition, I believe without any opposition.”
Half-Moon is sixteen miles below where Gates was encamped. The same day
a spy was brought before gov. Clinton, and confessed—“That he was
charged by Sir Henry to go to Burgoyne and acquaint him, that on Monday,
the 6th, he stormed and carried the forts with the loss of lieut. col.
Campbell, majors Grant and Sill slain; besides a number of other
officers, and upward of 300 rank and file, killed and wounded: that a
number of people were employed, who were constantly from one army to the
other:—That gen. Clinton intended to push up the river;—and that a capt.
Campbell of Burgoyne’s army, lately arrived with dispatches to Sir Henry
and set off on his return, the Wednesday morning with the news of the
reduction of Fort Montgomery.” The captain however, did not get back to
Burgoyne till the night before the convention was signed. The spy did
not mention the death of count Grabouski a Polish nobleman, who was
killed in the attack, while acting as aid-de-camp to Sir Henry Clinton.
Let us now attend the motions of generals Burgoyne and Gates. In the
begining of October, the British commander judged it expedient to lessen
the soldiers’ rations of provision, to which they submitted with
cheerfulness. Things continued in this state with the royal army till
the 7th, when no intelligence having been received of the expected
co-operation, and four or five days for their limited stay in the camp
only remaining, it was thought advisable to make a movement to the left
of the Americans, not only to discover whether there was any possible
mean of forcing a passage, should it be necessary to advance, or of
dislodging them for the convenience of a retreat; but also to cover a
forage of the army in the greatest distress by the present scarcity.
Before general Gates has gained any knowledge of this intended movement
he has ordered out a party of about 300 men in the morning; soon after
he directs lieut. col. Brooks to repair to head-quarters when he gives
him the command of them, and desires him to call between one and two
o’clock, for particular directions. The party is destined to go into the
rear of Burgoyne, to drive in his out-posts, and to occasion an alarm,
which Gates means to take advantage of, if opportunity offers. But
unknown to him, a royal detachment of 1500 regular troops with two
twelve-pounders, two howitzers, and six six-pounders, are ordered to
move, being commanded by Burgoyne in person, seconded by generals
Philips, Reidesel and Frazer. The guard of the camp upon the high
grounds is committed to generals Hamilton and Specht; that of the
redoubts and plain near the river to brigadier Gall. The force of the
Americans in front is thought to be so much superior, that it is not
judged safe to augment the detachment beyond the number stated.
While Brooks is waiting at the American head-quarters, a serjeant
arrives with an account of the motion of the royal detachment; which is
speedily confirmed. On this the party he was to have commanded is
dismissed; and the officers and men present are ordered to their posts.
Burgoyne’s scouting parties are driven in by col. Morgan’s riflemen and
the corps of light-infantry: but his troops continue advancing, and are
formed within three quarters of a mile of Gates’s left. The artillery is
posted on a clear spot of ground, in a great measure surrounded by
woods, the two medium twelve-pounders on a small eminence, nearly in the
centre of it. The irregulars are pushed on through by-ways to gain the
American rear, and to keep them in check. Gen. Arnold, who had mounted
his horse, receives a message from Gates, directing him to be cautious,
for that he apprehends that Burgoyne designs to make his main attack on
the right. Arnold shows much displeasure at it, expresses himself
improperly, and says, “I will be answerable for consequences.” He orders
out Cilly’s New-Hampshire regiment with others, and soon follows them.
About four o’clock in the afternoon, the American column approaches the
royal detachment and is immediately fired upon by the twelve-pounders
and the four six-pounders; notwithstanding which, the men draw up along
the skirts of the woods behind trees, about 200 yards distant from the
artillery. They make a very sudden and rapid attack upon the British
grenadiers, who are posted to support the left wing of the line. Major
Ackland at the head of them sustains this fierce attack with great
resolution. General Gates having ordered out more regiments, the number
of the Americans enables them soon to extend the attack along the whole
front of the Germans, who are posted immediately on the right of the
grenadiers. It is therefore impracticable to remove any of the Germans,
for the purpose of forming a second line to the flank where the stress
of the fire lies. The right it still unengaged; but it is observed that
the Americans are marching a large corps round their flank in order to
cut off their retreat. To oppose this bold and dangerous attempt, the
light-infantry, with a part of the 24th regiment, which are joined with
them at the post, are directed to form a second line, in order to cover
the retreat of the troops into camp. While this movement is in process,
the Americans push forward a fresh and strong reinforcement to renew the
action on Burgoyne’s left which is totally overpowered and compelled to
give way; on this the light-infantry and 24th regiment are obliged, by
quick movement, to attempt saving that wing from being totally ruined;
but in doing it gen. Frazer is mortally wounded. The situation of the
detachment is now exceeding critical; but the danger to which the lines
are exposed, is still more alarming. Generals Philips and Reidesel are
ordered to cover the retreat; and those troops which are nearest or most
disengaged, return as fast as they can for the defence of the lines. A
little after five, in the height of the action, lieut. col. Brooks, by
Gates’s order, quits the camp at the head of col. Michael Jackson’s
regiment, and directs his march to the warmest fire. On advancing into
the field, he finds the royal detachment has given way in all quarters,
and Arnold pushing with Paterson’s brigade for the works possessed by
the British light-infantry assisted by some of the line, who have just
thrown themselves into the same, with great precipitation, by means of a
circuitous retreat. The brigade has a large abbatis to cross, and many
other obstructions to surmount, in the face of a brave enemy, occupying
works advantageously constructed and completed, it is therefore at
length compelled to retire. But during the contest, Jackson’s regiment
passing the rear of the brigade, falls into the fire on its left, having
in front two stockade redoubts occupied by some Canadians, and the left
of the works, in which are the German grenadiers, under colonel Breyman.
At some considerable distance on the left of Brooks, are Wesson’s
regiment, Morgan’s corps, and the York troops. Paterson’s brigade
failing, Arnold leaves it, and comes to Jackson’s regiment, which he
orders instantly to advance, and attack the lines and redoubts in front.
Brooks commands two platoons from the right to attack the stockades;
they move with great rapidity, carry the point with charged bayonets,
and suffer little more than the loss of two lieutenants killed. The
regiment instantly makes an assault on the main lines, though manned
with double its number. Arnold having given Brooks his orders, passes on
to the left; and having ordered the Americans there to make a general
assault, returns to Jackson’s regiment, the left of which has arrived at
the works; and a small sally-port presenting, Arnold and a part of the
left platoon pass through together. The enemy retire firing, and gain
their tents about thirty or forty yards from the works, but finding the
assault is general, they give one fire, and either retreat to the
British camp or throw down their arms. By this last fire Arnold is
wounded, and a sergeant of Jackson’s regiment, standing near the
general, killed. Orders are given by Burgoyne for the recovery of the
entrenchments of the German reserve; but they are not executed, and the
Americans remain in possession of an opening on the right and rear of
the royal army. The night puts an end to the action.
The heat of it, with small arms, lasted about forty minutes; but the
cannonading continued after the royal detachment had given way. In the
course of it, a shot passed through gen. Burgoyne’s hat, and another
tore his waistcoat. A battalion of Brunswickers ran, though not one of
them was killed, and would never come on again.[70] To this misbehavior
some may be ready to ascribe the want of success on the side of the
British, and as a consequence of it, the loss of the whole army.
Whatever such behaviour might contribute toward the event, the bravery
of the Americans had certainly a very considerable share in it. The
royal detachment was driven by them near upon two miles, and had scarce
entered the camp when it was stormed by them with great fury; for they
rushed on to the lines under one of the heaviest cannonades of
artillery, grape-shot and rifle fire ever beheld, and never gave way
till they met the British grenadiers. Some of the British officers were
astonished at hearing the fire of the American musketry kept up with
such vigor and constancy, after undergoing so heavy a fire of
artillery.[71] One of the bravest of them[72] is ready to declare, that
whenever he has been opposed to the Americans, they have fought with
courage and obstinacy. He found it so in the above action. General
Arnold was next to military mad. He appeared, in the heat of the
engagement, so beside himself as scarce to know what he did. He struck
several of the officers with his sword, without any apparent reason; and
when they told him of it the next day, meaning to remonstrate and
require satisfaction, he declared he recollected nothing at all of it,
and was sorry if it was so. Some of his orders were exceedingly rash and
injudicious, and argued thoughtlessness rather than courage.[73] His
attack upon the British varied so from established military maxims, that
the royal officers inferred from it, that gen. Gates did not personally
command in the action. Gates remained for the most part in the camp, as
on the 19th of September, that he might the better guide the general
operations, and give the necessary directions as they were wanted.
Arnold’s left-handed variation might however contribute greatly toward
obtaining the victory. The British have been at length taught by
experience, that neither American attacks nor resistance, are to be
despised.
Nothing could easily exceed the distress and calamity of the royal army
when the day was closed. The Americans halted half a mile in the rear of
them; and between twelve and one o’clock at night, gen. Lincoln (who
during the action, was in the centre of the encampment, commanding
within the works) marched with his division to relieve the troops that
had been engaged, and to possess the ground they had gained. The
situation of the British made a total change of position necessary to
secure them from certain destruction. It was executed during the night
with a great degree of coolness, silence, order and intrepidity. It was
a general remove of the whole army, of the camp and artillery, from its
late ground to the heights above the hospital; with the design, by an
entire change of the front, of reducing the Americans, if possible, to
the necessity of forming a new disposition. This remove was accomplished
without any loss whatever. The day of action proved fatal to numbers.
The officers suffered exceedingly. Several who had been grievously
wounded in the former action, and disdained absence from danger, were
again wounded. Beside general Frazer, Sir James Clark, Burgoyne’s
aid-de-camp, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. Major Williams of
the artillery, and major Ackland were also taken, the latter being
wounded. Lieut. col. Breyman was killed when the intrenchment where he
commanded was forced. The lists of killed and wounded, though avowedly
imperfect, and not including the Germans are very considerable. The loss
of the Americans was trifling both in men and officers. They took
officers and privates, to the amount of rather more than 200: beside 9
pieces of brass artillery, and the encampment of a German brigade with
all their equipage. But what was of the utmost consequence, they
obtained a large supply of ammunition from among the spoils of the
field, under an excessive scarcity of which they had long laboured. The
same troops were engaged as on the 19th of September, with detached
regiments, from generals Glover and Paterson’s brigades, together with a
strong brigade of New-Hampshire militia, and Green Mountain boys, alias
Vermont militia.
The royal troops were under arms the whole day of the 8th of October, in
continual expectation of an action, and were connonaded during the
greatest part of it; but all that happened was a succession of
skirmishes, which occasioned loss on both sides. Gen. Lincoln was
wounded in his leg by a random shot of the enemy, as riding in company
with gen. Gates. About sun set, the corpse of gen. Frazer was brought up
the hill, attended only by the officers who had lived in his family, for
he desired it might be carried, without parade, by the soldiers of his
corps to the great redoubt, and there buried. It necessarily passed
within view of both armies; generals Philips, Reidesel and Burgoyne,
standing together, were struck with the humility of the procession.
Their conforming to that privacy which had been requested, might be
construed into neglect. They could neither endure that reflection, nor
restrain their natural propensity to pay their last attention to his
remains. They followed the corpse to the grave. The incessent cannonade
during the solemnity:—the steady attitude, and unaltered voice with
which the chaplain officiated, though frequently covered with dust,
thrown up on all sides of him by the shot:—the mute but expressive
mixture of sensibility and indignation upon every countenance:—together
with the growing duskiness of the evining, may be hereafter described by
the pen of the British commander, as marking a character of that
juncture, which makes one of the finest objects for the pencil of a
master, that the field ever exhibited.[74] But had gen. Burgoyne
acquainted the American commander with the intended procession, the
serenity would have been varied; for Gates instead of admitting the
cannonade, would rather have ordered minue guns to have been fired in
honor to the deceased; and could he have gained in time the knowledge of
what was going forward, would undoubtedly have silenced the former.
General Gates previous to the action, posted 1400 Americans on the
heights opposite the ford of Saratoga, and 2000 in the rear to prevent a
retreat to Fort Edward; afterward on the 8th, he posted 1500 at the ford
higher up. Gen. Burgoyne, having received intelligence of it, and
apprehending that Gates meant to turn his right, which when effected
would have enclosed him completely resolved on an immediate retreat to
Saratoga. The army began to move at nine o’clock at night and the
movement was made without loss; but the hospital with the sick and
wounded, was necessarily abandoned. In this instance, as well as in
every other which occured in the course of these transactions, Gates
behaved with such attention and humanity, to all whom the fortune of war
threw into his hands, as does honor to his character. The badness of the
roads, and the starving condition of the cattle for want of forage,
together with one incessent rain, like a continued thunder shower from
about eight in the morning of the 9th till long after the day closed,
and other difficulties, prevented the army’s reaching Saratoga though no
more than about six miles distant, before night, and then worn down with
excessive fatigue. During the rain a body of militia continued their
march, and got in above Gates’ army, but some way below Fort Edward.
Gates being informed of their arrival ordered them immediately to the
fort. They arrived there the next morning early, about two or three
hours before a detachment sent off by Burgoyne to possess that post
could get up to it. The detachment finding it occupied by the Americans,
returned much dispirited.
When the royal artillery and army had passed the fords of the Fish-kill
creek, a little to the northward of Saratoga on the morning of the 10th,
they found a body of Americans already arrived, who retired at their
approach over a ford of Hudson’s-River, and there joined a greater force
stationed to prevent the passage of the British. No hope remained, but
that of effecting a retreat at last to Fort George. Artificers were sent
forward to repair the bridges: but they were not long departed from the
camp with a strong escort, when the sudden appearance of the Americans,
on the opposite heights, with an apparent preparation to pass the
Fish-kill, and bring on an engagement, rendered it necessary to recall
the 47th regiment, and Frazers’s marksmen—these with M’koy’s provincials
formed the escort. The workmen had only commenced the repair of the
first bridge, when they were abandoned by their provincial guard, who
ran away and left them to shift for themselves, upon a slight attack of
an inconsiderable party of Americans.
On the morning of the 11th of October, gen. Gates called the general
officers together, and informed them of his having received certain
intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of
Burgoyne’s army was marched off for Fort Edward with what they could
take, and that a rear guard only was left in the camp, who after a while
were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind.
On this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour.
The officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. Gen.
Nixon’s, being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creek first.
Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of
brush wood, to support the post of artillery, where the others meant to
make their attack. Gen. Glover was upon the point of following Nixon.
Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across,
whom he called and examined. The soldier said he had deserted, that he
belonged to the bullock guard (the guard placed over the cattle) and
that he was going to the Americans. Glover asked him about Burgoyne’s
army. The soldier answered, It is encamped the same as days past. Glover
told him—“If you are found attempting to deceive me, you shall be hung
in half an hour; but if you speak nothing but the truth, you shall be
protected, and meet with good usage.” He then asked him—“Have not
numbers been sent off to Fort Edward?” The deserter replied—“A small
detachment was sent off a day or two ago, but are returned on finding
the passes occupied by the Americans, and the whole army is now in
camp.” Glover, though the junior officer to Nixon, sent off immediately
to him, to desist and recross the creek; and at the same time dispatched
his aid-de-camp, with the deserter behind him on horse-back to Gates;
who having examined the soldier, hurried away the aid-de-camp, the
adjutant general and others, to countermand the former orders and
prevent the attack. Gen. Nixon upon Glover’s message retreated; but
before he had recrossed, the fog cleared off, and the rear of the
brigade was galled by the enemy’s cannon, which killed several of his
men. Before the orders from gen. Gates arrived, the British deserter’s
information was confirmed by like intelligence from a German
deserter.[75] Glover’s message was received by Nixon in the critical
moment; a quarter of an hour later would probably have proved fatal to
his whole brigade, and given a turn to affairs in favor of the royal
army. On incidents of this kind may depend the rise and fall of mighty
kingdoms, and the far distant future transfer of power, glory, and
riches, of arts and sciences, from Europe to America. Are they blind
unmeaning casualties? Or are they the direct orderings of a Divine
Being, for the establishment of his own purpose, by a superintending
Providence, and the jarring devices of mortals?
Gates after a victory acknowledged in general orders a Providence, but
did not presume upon it, so as to neglect the dictates of human
prudence. That he might secure all the advantages of the successful
action on the 7th, he applied to the New-Hampshire assembly for more
troops. The speaker, John Langdon, esq. upon receiving the application,
immediately proposed that the assembly should adjourn, and that as many
of the members as could, should set off directly as volunteers for the
camp, taking with them all the men they could collect: which was agreed
to and done by himself and others.
In the course of the above transactions, large quantities of baggage,
provision, boats, &c. were taken by both the continentals and milita.
The latter were extremely eager after plunder; and even robbed the
former, as opportunity offered, of what they had secured, and made sale
of it for their own advantage. The irregularities in this business were
so gross, that the American commander, on the 12th, gave out in general
orders—“The general sees so many scandalous and mean transactions,
committed by persons who seek more after plunder than the honor of doing
their duty in a becoming and soldier-like manner, that he is obliged to
declare his unalterable resolution, to have the first person who shall
hereafter be detected pillaging the baggage and stores taken from the
enemy, tried and punished with the utmost severity of the military law.
Officers, who know their duty and have virtue to practise it, will not
be seeking plunder, when they ought to be doing their best service in
the field; it is only the worthless and the pilfering that are so truly
infamous. For the future, all plunder taken from the enemy is to be
delivered to lieut. col. Hay, deputy-quarter-master general who is to
give a receipt for the same, and after three days public notice in
general orders, it shall be sold by auction in the most central place in
the rear of the army and the money for which the plunder is sold, shall
be properly and fairly divided, to such persons as in the impartial
judgment of the general, have a right to receive a share: when there is
a sum sufficient to divide among the non-commissioned officers and
soldiers of the whole army, they may be assured of such having their
just quota.”
It is believed, that gen. Burgoyne when upon the point of retreating,
said to major Skeen to this purport—“you have been the occasion of
getting me into this difficulty, now advise me how to get out of
it,”—referring to the advice the major gave in relation to the
Bennington expedition; and that the major answered—“scatter your
baggage, stores and every thing else that can be spared, at proper
distances; and the militia will be so engaged in collecting and securing
the same, that the troops will have an opportunity of getting clear
off.” The major certainly knew the cast of the militia; and if military
honor and other circumstances, had admitted of trying the proposed
expedient, it might have succeded; for though gen. Gates had the
continentals under good discipline, it would have been next to
impossible for him to have prevented the militia’s being taken in by the
hopes of immediate gain.
Burgoyne was at length reduced to the necessity of conforming in a
degree to the expedient. The only measure that appeared practicable for
the escape of the army, though difficult and dangerous, was by a night
march to gain Fort Edward, the troops carrying their provisions on their
backs. The impossibility of conveying, in their present situation, the
artillery and carriages, was too evident to admit of a question. It was
proposed to force the fords at or near the fort. But all hope of
effecting this manœuvre soon failed. The Americans who had been ordered
there, were too strongly posted. Beside, they made a discovery, which
they greatly improved. Below the fort, close in with the river, they
found the appearance of a grave, with an inscription on a board——_Here
lies the body of lieutenant_ ——. They were at a loss what it should
mean.—On searching, they discovered three boats, instead of a
body.—These the enemy had concealed. Having none of their own, they by
the help of them sent scouting parties across the river, which by
falling into a track a mile and a half beyond, discouraged the enemy’s
parties from attempting an escape that way.—A continental captain, on
furlough for his health being at hand and thoroughly acquainted with the
woods, collected a number of men together, and went off six miles
further, where he fell in with another track, just in time to prevent a
large corps of Canadians and others getting off by the some. Perceiving
them as they advanced, he concealed his men till they were near enough,
and then gave them a volley, attended with yells, shouts, and other
sounds, which put them into such confusion, that they fled back to
Burgoyne’s camp, with the report that the woods are filled with
thousands of Americans. The certain intelligence that was received, the
flying reports that were spread, and the various circumstances that
existed, rendered the state and situation of the royal army deplorably
calamitous. They had been obliged for some days to lie continually upon
their arms.
On the 13th, gen. Burgoyne finding that the troops had only three days
provision in store, on short allowance, and no apparent means of retreat
remaining, called into council all the generals, field-officers, and
captains commanding corps. There was not a spot of ground in the whole
camp for holding the council of war, but what was exposed to cannon or
rifle shot. While the council was deliberating, an eighteen pound ball
crossed the table. By the unanimous advice and concurrence of the
council, the general was induced to open a treaty with gen. Gates. The
first proposals of the latter were rejected, and the sixth article with
disdain, wherein it was required that the British army should lay down
their arms in the entrenchments. Burgoyne’s counter-proposals were
unanimously approved; and being sent to Gates, were agreed to on the
5th, without any material alteration. The proposals not being signed by
either party, and captain Campbell returning in the night of 16th to
Burgoyne, with the news of the reduction of Fort Montgomery and other
intelligence, the general submitted it to consideration, whether it was
consistent with public faith, and if so, expedient to suspend the
execution of the treaty, and trust to events. The opinion of different
officers was asked, in regard to the condition of their respective
corps, and what might be expected from them severally in desperate
cases. Some entertained doubts of part of the troops, if the negociation
ceased; and others of a greater part for want of bodily strength, if
desperate enterprises were to be afterward undertaken. The majority of
the council determined, that the public faith was _bona fide_
plighted.[76] Burgoyne, from the intelligence brought in the night by
Campbell, entertained a slight hope of remote relief, and accordingly
gave his voice against the majority; but the majority having determined
differently, the concurrence for signing the treaty was unanimous.[77]
Gates, jealous lest the signing would be unnecessarily delayed, and
fearful of the consequences which might follow, should gen. Vaughan,
with his troops, come up in time to Burgoyne’s assistance, determined
upon bringing the matter to an immediate issue. On the morning of the
17th, he got every thing in readiness for attacking the royal army. This
done, he took out his watch, the time agreed upon for signing being
come; sent col. Greaton, on horseback, to Burgoyne, with a message,
requiring their general to sign; and allowed him no more than ten
minutes to go and return. He was back in time. The treaty was signed:
all hostile appearances ceased; and the Americans marched into their
lines, to the tune of Yankee Doodle. They were kept there until the
royal army had marched out of their lines, and deposited their arms at
the place appointed by the treaty.
The delicacy with which this business was conducted, reflects the
highest honor upon the American general. It intimated, that he was
sensible of the mortification attending a reverse of fortune; and that
he was unwilling to aggravate the painful feelings of the royal troops,
by admitting the American soldiery to be eye-witnesses to the degrading
spectacle of piling their arms. His humanity and politeness are the more
praise-worthy, as some late, as well as former circumstances, had highly
enraged the militia. The extraordinary and severe measures pursued upon
the North-River by the British, and to be related below, might also have
afforded too much colour for a different mode of conduct.
When the arms was deposited agreeable to treaty, the royal troops were
served with bread by the Americans, as they had neither any left nor
flour to make it. They had only one day’s salt meat remaining.
The treaty is stiled—_A convention between lieutenant-general Burgoyne
and major-general Gates_. The articles follow:——1. The troops under
lieut. gen. Burgoyne, to march out of their camp with the honors of war,
and the artillery of the intrenchments to the verge of the river where
the old fort stood, where the arms and artillery are to be left.—The
arms to be piled by word of command from their own officers:—2. A free
passage to be granted to the army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne to
Great-Britain, upon condition of not serving again in North-America
during the present contest; and the port of Boston to be assigned for
the entry of transports, to receive the troops, whenever gen. Howe shall
so order:—3. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under
lieut. gen. Burgoyne, or any part of it, may be exchanged, the foregoing
article to be void, as far as such exchange shall be made:—4. The army
under lieut. gen. Burgoyne is to march to Massachusetts-Bay, by the
easiest and most expeditious and convenient route; and to be quartered
in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston, that the march of the
troops may not be delayed when transports arrive to receive them:—5. The
troops to be supplied on the march, and during their being in quarters,
with provisions, by major-general Gates’s orders, at the same rate of
rations as the troops of his own army; and if possible, the officers
horses and cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual rates:—6.
All officers, to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other cattle,
and no baggage to be molested or searched; lieut. gen. Burgoyne giving
his honor, that there are no public stores contained therein. Major-gen.
Gates will of course take the necessary measures for the due performance
of this article: should any carriages be wanted during the march, for
the transportation of officers baggage, they are, if possible, to be
supplied by the country at the usual rates:—7. Upon the march, and
during the time the army shall remain in quarters, in the
Massachusetts-Bay, the officers are not, as far as circumstances will
admit, to be separated from their men. The officers are to be quartered
according to their rank, and are not to be hindred from assembling their
men for roll-callings, and other necessary purposes of regularity:—8.
All corps whatever of lieut. gen. Burgoyne’s army, whether composed of
sailors, batteaux men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and
fowlers of the army, of whatever country, shall be included in the
fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles, and comprehended
in every respect as British subjects:—9. All Canadians, and persons
belonging to the Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors,
batteaux-men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and many other
followers of the army, who come under no particular description, are to
be permitted to return there: they are to be conducted immediately, by
the shortest route to the first British post on Lake George, are to be
supplied with provisions in the same manner as the other troops, and to
be bound by the same condition of not serving during the present contest
in North-America:—10. Passports to be immediately granted for three
officers, not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by
lieut. gen. Burgoyne, to carry dispatches to Sir Wm. Howe, Sir Guy
Carleton, and to Great-Britain by the way of New-York; and major-general
Gates engages the public faith, that these dispatches shall not be
opened. These officers are to set out immediately after receiving their
dispatches, and are to travel by the shortest route, and in the most
expeditious manner:—11. During the stay of the troops in the
Massachusetts-Bay, the officers are to be admitted on parole, and are to
be permitted to wear their side arms:—12. Should the army under lieut.
gen. Burgoyne find it necessary to send for their clothing and other
baggage from Canada, they are to be permitted to do it in the most
convenient manner, and necessary passports to be granted for that
purpose:—13. These articles are to be mutually signed and exchange
to-morrow morning at nine o’clock; and the troops under lieut. gen.
Burgoyne, are to march out of their entrenchments at three o’clock in
the afternoon. Camp at Saratoga, October 16, 1777.
HORATIA GATES, _Major General_.
To prevent any doubts that might arise from lieut. gen. Burgoyne’s name
not being mentioned in the above treaty, major-general Gates hereby
declares, that he is understood to be comprehended in it as fully as if
his name had been specifically mentioned.