LETTER VIII.

_Roxbury, October 30, 1777._

Be not surprised at reading that there is in the United States, one

enemy more formidable than famine, pestilence and the sword—a prevailing

corruption in American hearts, a depravity more incompatible with their

republican governments than darkness with light. Such languor and

supineness reigns every where, that they seem unable to effect any

point, though ever so important and interesting. In the military

department, it looks as if all public spirit was sunk into the means of

making money by the service, or quarrelling upon the most trivial points

of rank. Did you know the pullings and haulings, the jealousies and

emulations of the military and other gentlemen, which come before

congress, you would be greatly confirmed in your ideas of the sameness

of human nature in Britain, here, and every where.

[April 8.] Congress concluded upon the erection of a monument to the

memory of gen. Warren, in the town of Boston; and another to the memory

of gen. Mercer, in Fredericksburgh in Virginia; and that the eldest son

of gen. Warren, and the youngest son of gen. Mercer, be educated from

henceforward at the expence of the United States. They conveyed in a few

words the highest eulogium on the characters and merits of the deceased.

As Mercer had a good landed estate, the propriety of adopting his

youngest as the child of the public was obvious.—Through inattention,

gen. Warren, who fell on Breed’s Hill, had not been properly noted when

congress passed their resolve respecting gen. Montgomery the prososal

for paying due respect to the memory of Mercer, led to the like in

regard to Warren.

But to advert to military operations. Gen. Lincoln was posted with only

500 men fit for duty at Boundbrook, to guard an extent of five or six

miles, which occasioned their flanks being exposed. Lord Cornwallis

formed the design of attacking this post, and chose the morning of the

13th for his execution. The plan was exceedingly well laid, and nearly

as well executed.—Gen. Lincoln had expected a manœuvre of this kind, and

been particularly cautious against a surprise. The enemy however,

through the neglect of the patroles, crossed the Rariton just above the

general’s quarters, undiscovered till they had advanced within 200 yards

of him. At the head of this party, consisting of about 1000 men, were

generals Cornwallis and Grant. About 1000 were advanced up each side of

the Rariton to Boundbrook, to attack the Americans in front, where the

action began nearly at the same time the others were surrounding

Lincoln’s quarters.—This happened between day break and sun rise. The

general and one of his aids had just time to mount and leave the house

before it was surrounded. The other aid, with the general’s papers and

their bagage, fell into the hands of the enemy. The artillery consisting

of one six pounder, and two three pounders, were also taken. Gen.

Lincoln went immediately to give directions to those engaged in

front;—while lord Cornwallis flung a party into the rear of the right of

the Americans. Another party, from their reserve body of about 2000, was

flung over Boundbrook in the rear of the left, with the design of

encircling the Americans and preventing their retiring to the

neighbouring mountain. Lincoln was hereby reduced to the necessity of

being either imprisoned with the whole party in front, or of passing

between the two columns of the enemy, which had nearly closed. But he

effected his passage with the small lass of not more than 60 killed,

wounded and taken.—The enemy soon evacuated the place after destroying

twenty barrels of flour, a few casks of rum, and some other articles.

Congress are well assured that Sir William Howe had the last year

instructions from ministry, to secure the North-River, and thereby to

separate the northern from the southern states.—The general’s successes

carried him into the Jerseys, and led him to believe that the business

with the Americans was at a close, so that the North-River was

neglected. Under a persuasion that Philadelphia was the object this

year, congress resolved upon forming a camp immediately on the western

side of the Delaware.

[April 15.] The following prudential act was passed——“Whereas the

continental battalions are all on footing, liable to the same kind of

services, and entitled to equal privileges; Resolved, That the

appellations—congress’s own regiment—gen. Whashington’s life guards, &c.

given to some of them, are improper and ought not to be kept up; and the

officers of the said battalions are required to take notice hereof, and

to conform themselves accordingly.”

[April 17.] “Resolved, that the stile of the committee of secret

correspondence be altered, and that for the future it be stiled—the

committee of foreign affairs; that a secretary be appointed to the said

committee. Congress proceeded to the election of the said secretary, and

the ballots being taken, Thomas Paine was elected,”—the author of

_Common Sense_.

“The committee appointed to inquire into the conduct of the enemy,

reported [April 18.]

“That in every place where the enemy has been, there are heavy

complaints of oppressions, injury and insults suffered by the

inhabitants from officers, soldiers and Americans disaffected to their

country’s cause. The committee found these complaints so greatly

diversified, that it was impossible to enumerate them, so it appeared

difficult to give a distinct and comprehensive view of them, or such an

account as would not if published, appear extremely defective, when read

by the unhappy sufferers or the country in general.”

“In order however, in some degree, to answer the design of their

appointment, they determined to divide the object of their inquiry into

four parts—First, the wanton and oppressive devastation of the country

and destruction of property.—Second, the inhuman treatment of those who

were so unhappy as to become prisoners.—Third, the savage butchery of

many who had submitted or were incapable of resistance.——Fourth, the

lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“They will therefore now briefly state what they found to be the truth

upon each of these heads separately, and subjoin to the whole,

affidavits and other evidence to support their assertions.”

“1. The wanton and oppressive devastation of the country and destruction

of property.”

“The whole track of the British army is marked with desolation and a

wanton distruction of property, particularly through West-Chester county

in the state of New-York; the towns of Newark, Elizabeth-town,

Woodbridge, Brunswick, Kingston, Princeton and Trenton, in New-Jersey.

The fences destroyed, the houses deserted, pulled in pieces or consumed

by fire, and the general face of waste and devastation spread over a

rich and once well cultivated and well inhabited country, would effect

the most unfeeling with melancholy or compassion for the unhappy

sufferers, and with indignation and resentment against the barbarous

ravagers. It deserves notice, that though there are many instances of

rage and vengeance against particular persons, yet the destruction was

very general and often undistinguished: those who submitted and took

protections, and some were known to favor them, having frequently

suffered in the common ruin. Places and things, which from their public

nature and general utility, should have been spared by a civilized

people, have been destroyed, or plundered, or both. But above all,

places of worship, ministers and religious persons of some particular

protestant denominations, seem to have been treated with the most

rancorous hatred, and at the same time with the highest contempt.”

“2. The inhuman treatment of those who were so unhappy as to become

prisoners.”

“The prisoners, instead of that humane treatment which those who were

taken by the United States experienced, were in general treated with the

greatest barbarity. Many of them were near four days kept without food

altogether. When they received a supply, it was both insufficient in

point of quantity, and often of the worst kind. They suffered the utmost

distress from cold, nakedness and close confinement. Freemen and men of

substance, suffered all that a generous mind could suffer, from the

contempt and mockery of British and foreign mercenaries. Multitudes died

in prison; and when others were sent out, several died in the boats

while carrying ashore, or upon the road attempting to go home. The

committee, in the course of their enquiry, learned, that sometimes the

common soldiers expressed sympathy with the prisoners, and the

foreigners more than the English. But this was seldom or never the case

with the officers; nor have they been able to hear of any charitable

assitance given them by the inhabitants who remained in, or resorted to

the city of New-York; which neglect, if universal, they believe was

never known to happen in any similar case, in a christian country.”

“3. The savage butchery of those who had submitted and were incapable of

resistance.”

“The committee found it to be the general opinion of the people in the

neighborhood of Princeton and Trenton, that the enemy, the day before

the battle of Princeton, had determined to give no quarter. They did not

however, obtain any clear proof that there were any general orders for

that purpose; but the treatment of several particular persons at and

since that time, has been of the most shocking kind, and gives too much

countenance to the supposition. Officers wounded and disabled, some of

them of the first rank, were barbarously mangled or put to death. A

minister of the gospel in Trenton, who neither was nor had been in arms,

was massacred in cold blood, though humbly supplicating for mercy.”—[Mr.

Roseburgh, of the Forks of Delaware.]

“4. The lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“The committee had authentic information of many instances of the most

indecent treatment, and actual ravishment of married and single women;

but such is the nature of that most irreparable injury, that the persons

suffering it, and their relations, though perfectly innocent, look upon

it as a kind of reproach to have the facts related, and their names

known. They have however, procured some affidavits, which will be

published in the appendix. The originals are lodged with the secretary

of congress.”

“Some complaints were made to the commanding officers upon the subject,

and one affidavit made before a justice of peace; but the committee

could not learn that any satisfaction was ever given or punishment

inflicted, except that one soldier, at Pennington, was kept in custody

for part of a day.”

“On the whole, the committee are sorry to say, that the cry of barbarity

and cruelty is but too well founded; those who are cool to the American

cause, have nothing to oppose to the facts, but their being incredible,

and not like what they are pleased to stile the generosity and clemency

of the English nation. The committee beg leave to observe, that one of

the circumstances most frequently occurring in the enquiry, was the

opprobious, disdainful names given to the Americans; these do not need

any proof, as they occur so frequently in the news-papers printed under

their direction, and in the intercepted letters of those who are

officers, and call themselves gentlemen. It is easy therefore to see

what must be the conduct of a soldiery greedy of prey, toward a people

whom they have been taught to look upon, not as freemen defending their

rights on principle, but as desperadoes and profligates, who have risen

up against law and order in general, and wish the subversion of the

society itself.”

“This is the most candid and charitable manner in which the committee

can account for the melancholy truths which they have been obliged to

report. Indeed the same deluding principles seems to govern persons and

bodies of the highest rank in Britain; for it is worthy of notice, that

not pamphleteers only, but king and parliament, constantly call those

acts lenity, which on their first publication filled this whole

continent with resentment and horror.”

“Resolved, That the said report be accepted, and that the committee who

brought it in, publish the same, with the affidavits.”

The royalists, or tories as they are generally called, in the Maryland

counties of Somerset and Worcester, became so formidable that an

insurrection was dreaded; and it was feared that the insurgents would in

such case be joined by a number of disaffected persons in the county of

Sussex, in the Delaware state. Congress, to prevent the evil [April 20.]

recommended the apprehension and removal of all persons of influence or

of desperate characters, within the counties of Sussex, Worcester and

Somerset, who manifested a disaffection to the American cause, to some

remote place within their respective states, there to be secured; and

authorised the governor of Maryland to detain the weakest continental

battalion till further orders.

From appearances, the friends of America had reason to believe, that the

tories in the New-England governments and New-York state, had also

concerted an insurrection. [April 23.] General Gates, who had been sent

to command in the northern department, wrote to general Fellows—“The

committee of Albany, alarmed at the amazing increase and plots of the

tories in this and the Mohawk’s country, have desired me to apply to you

and the committee of Berkshire, to send immediately a strong

reinforcement of militia, not less than a complete regiment, to secure

this place (Albany) and the magazines at different posts between Albany

and Lake George.”

Sir William Howe having obtained intelligence that the Americans had

deposited large quantities of stores and provisions in Danbury and the

neighborhood, ordered an expedition to be undertaken for the destruction

of them, under the command of gov. Tryon, who had accepted of the rank

of major-general of the provincials, and aspired after a military

character. Sir William very prudently appointed gen. Agnew and Sir

William Erskine to accompany him upon the service. A detachment of about

2000 men passed through the Sound, under the convoy of a proper naval

armament, and landing between Fairfield and Norwalk, a little before

sun-set, advanced without interruption, and arrived the following day

[April 26.] a little after one in the afternoon, at Danbury, about 23

miles distant. The handful of continentals there, was obliged to

evacuate the town, having previously secured a small part of the stores,

provisions, &c. The enemy, on their arrival, began burning and

destroying the remainder, together with 18 houses, their furniture,

linen, &c. which were judged from circumstances, to have been singled

out for that purpose. In one they killed two elderly men and a negro,

and then burnt them with the house. Not one of the tory houses was

damaged. They destroyed at Danbury 1800 barrels of pork and beef, 700

barrels of flour, 2000 bushels of wheat, rye, oats and Indian corn,

clothing for a whole regiment, and 1790 tents, which, through their

scarcity, were a great loss to the Americans. To these must be added

about 100 barrels of flour and 100 hogsheads of rum, which met with the

same fate upon the road by which they returned; these are the main

articles that were destroyed. The burning of the houses appears to have

been unnecessary, and wholly the effect of malevolence.

On the first approach of the British armament, the country was alarmed;

and early the next morning, gen. Silliman, with about 500 militia (all

that had then collected) pursued the enemy. He was joined on his way by

generals Wooster and Arnold, and a few more militia. A heavy rain so

retarded their march, that they did not reach Bethel (a village two

miles from Danbury) till eleven at night. An attack on the British was

postponed till they should be upon their return. On the 27th in the

morning, the royal troops quitted Danbury. The Americans were early in

motion. Two hundred remained with gen. Wooster; and about 400 were

detached under generals Arnold and Silliman. About nine o’clock gen.

Wooster was informed that the enemy had taken the road to Norwalk, on

which he pursued them; came up with, and harassed their rear, and took

40 prisoners, but was mortally wounded. General Arnold, by a forced

march across the country, reached Ridgfield at eleven; made a barricade

on a rising ground across the road; posted his small party of 500 men

(100 having joined him) so as to have his right flank covered by a house

and barn, and his left by a ledge of rocks; and thus waited the approach

of the enemy, who, upon discovering the Americans, drew up and advanced

in a heavy column, extending themselves in order to outflank and

surround them. They marched up, and received several fires, which they

returned briskly. For ten minutes the action was very warm, till they

had made a lodgment on the rock, when a retreat was ordered. After

gaining the rock, they levelled a whole platoon at gen. Arnold, within

30 yards, and yet but one shot had effect, and that killed his horse. He

had presence of mind to take his pistols, and got safe off by shooting a

soldier dead who was advancing hastily to run him through with his

bayonet. The Americans continued to keep up a scattering fire for the

remaining part of the day. The British halted all night at Ridgfield,

and in the morning attempted to burn the church, in which was a

considerable quantity of pork and wheat, but the fire was extinguished

without having done any material damage. They however fired four private

houses, which were consumed. Monday [April 28.] about sun-rise they

renewed their march; but perceiving that Arnold, with a number of men,

was on the road to Norwalk, they filed off to the east, forded Sagatuck

river, and marched by the side of it on a ridge of hills. The Americans

kept on the west side, nearly half a mile from them. Each cannonaded the

other at times very warmly. About three o’clock in the afternoon, col.

Deming and a small party of continental troops forded the river up to

their middle, undiscovered by the enemy, and fell on their rear and

left, and galled them exceedingly. The Americans marched on till they

got to Sagatuck bridge, about two miles from Campo, of which the enemy

possessed themselves after landing; when both being upon high land, a

furious cannonading ensued, which continued for fifteen minutes. The

British then pushed on with vigor to reach their shipping. Arnold, with

a division, pursued closely, and by a quick march gained an eminence on

the right flank of the enemy’s rear. An incessant fire of field-pieces

and small arms followed for a small time, but with little or no

execution. The Americans could not pursue further without being exposed

to the fire of the ships. The van of the British immediately embarked.

The centre and rear formed on the hill. While the field-pieces were

playing on the boats, col. Lamb, of New-York, advanced with a party of

200 men within 100 yards of the enemy on the hill, and galled them from

behind a stone wall. They in about ten minutes sent a party from their

right, to flank the Americans, and advanced another party from their

front, who came running down the hill with great fury. Notwithstanding

the spirited exertions of col. Lamb, his party instantly retreated in

great disorder, and were pursued to the foot of the hill; and not a

single man would venture to support them. Those who were at hand, sought

their own safety by a speedy flight. The remainder of the British soon

after embarked without further molestation.

Thus ended an affair which reflects much honor on gen. Arnold for his

personal bravery; but not much upon gen. Tryon’s expedition (if the plan

was his) as the destruction of American property was not a sufficient

compensation for the loss which the detachment under him sustained. The

enemy allow that the excursion cost them dear; and from various accounts

and circumstances, there is little reason to doubt, but they had at

least four hundred killed, wounded and taken. A great number of the

Connecticut militia assembled, but not more than 6 or 700 of them

subjected themselves to any order, the rest were mere spectators; of

such as did subject themselves, too many behaved in a disgraceful

cowardly manner. Their assembling however, and exerting themselves as

they did, served to show in a striking point of view, the spirit of

opposition prevailing among the people. The loss of the Americans was

about twenty men killed and forty wounded. Doctor Atwater, a gentleman

of considerable influence, was among the slain. Col. Lamb received a

violent contusion on his back from a grape shot, while attempting to

rally his men. Gen. Arnold was exposed at the same time, and had his

horse shot through the neck. Gen. Wooster languished for a few days

under the wound he had received, and died on the 2d of May. Congress

resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory, as an

acknowledgment for his merit and services. The gen. behaved with great

valor, and lost his life gloriously, in defending the liberties of

America at the advanced age of seventy. Proper notice was taken of gen.

Arnold on the twentieth of May, when congress resolved, “That the

quarter-master-general be directed to procure a horse, and present the

same, properly caparisoned, to major-gen. Arnold, in the name of this

congress, as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct in the

action against the enemy in their late enterprize to Danbury, in which

gen. Arnold had one horse killed under him, and another wounded.” They

had chosen him major-general on the second of May.

General Washington concluding that a bridge which the British had been

preparing at Brunswick, was intended for the conveying of them across

the Delaware, directed Mr. Mersereau to procure the exact breadth of the

river from Corriel’s ferry to the falls, that so knowing that and the

length of the bridge, which he meant to obtain, he might penetrate where

it was that they designed to pass over. Instead of his army’s gathering

strength proportionable to the exigencies that existed, he had to

complain of the uncommon prevalency of desertion in it. The deficiency

in some of the corps which joined him, from that and other causes, was

almost incredible. It was the case, that too many convict servants were

purchased from their masters by the recruiting officers; and on such

there could be no reliance. [May 21.] The general wrote, “Nothing, but a

good face and false appearances have enabled us hitherto to deceive the

enemy respecting our strength.”

Gen. Parsons, knowing that the British commissaries had been employed in

procuring forage, grain and other necessaries for the royal army, which

were deposited at Sagg-harbour, projected a scheme for destroying them;

and employed col. Meigs in executing it. The col. left New-Haven, with

his men in thirteen whale-boats, on the 21st of May, and proceeded to

Guilford. The wind being high and the sea rough, he could not pass the

Sound till Friday the 23d. He then left Guilford at one o’clock in the

afternoon, with one hundred and seventy men of his detachment, under

convoy of two armed sloops, and in company with another unarmed to bring

off prisoners, and crossed the Sound to the north branch of the island,

near Southhold, where he arrived about six in the evening. He ordered

the whale-boats, with most of the men, over land to the bay, where they

re-embarked, to the number of one hundred and thirty, and at about

twelve o’clock arrived safe across the bay (which separated between the

north and south branch of the island) within about four miles of

Sagg-harbour; the boats being first secured in the wood, under the care

of a guard, the colonel marched with the remaining detachment, in the

greatest order and silence, and at two o’clock arrived at the harbour.

[May 24.] The several divisions with fixed bayonet, attacked the guards

and posts assigned them. The alarm soon became general, when a schooner

of twelve guns and seventy men began a fire: the Americans returned it,

and fired the vessels and forage, killed and captivated all the soldiers

and sailors, except six who escaped under cover of the night. Twelve

brigs and sloops (one an armed vessel with twelve guns) about a hundred

tons of pressed hay, oats, corn (meaning Indian) and other forage, ten

hogsheads of rum, and a large quantity of merchandize were consumed. The

colonel returned safe with all his men to Guilford by two o’clock in the

afternoon, with ninety prisoners (having in twenty-five hours, by land

and water, transported his men full ninety miles) without having a

single man killed or wounded. The enemy had six killed. Congress have

since ordered an elegant sword to be presented to him.

General Washington at length being somewhat reinforced, quitted

Morristown toward the end of May; and advancing within a few miles of

Brunswick, took possession of the strong country about Middle-Brook. His

whole force however, present and fit for duty, including what was under

gen. Sullivan (who lay at a small distance from him) with matrosses and

one hundred and eighty cavalry, amounted, on the 9th of June, to no more

than 7271.[47] He wrote on the 12th, “A council of general officers all

agreed, that our present army was insufficient to make a proper

resistance, or to attack Howe’s united force, or to make an impression

upon him should he leave us unmolested, and march through the flat

country toward the Delaware.” The plea that Sir William Howe made for

not taking the field, was the want of tents and field equipage, which

were not sent him in time.

The articles arriving, together with a body of Anspachers, and a number

of British and German recruits, he passed over to the Jerseys, and

marched from Brunswick on the night of the 13th, and took the field. But

he was not attended with that number of provincials which was expected.

“Mr. Oliver Delancey, reputed the most likely man in New-York to induce

the loyalists of that province to join the king’s troops, was appointed

a brigadier general, and authorised to raise three battalions, to

consist of 1500 privates. Every possible effort was used by him and gov.

Tryon, not only in the districts possessed by the king’s troops, but by

employing persons to go through the country, and invite the

well-affected to come in. Several of the officers, anxious to complete

their corps, sought for recruits among the prisoners, and ventured to

hold out to them the temptations of pay, liberty and pardon.

Notwithstanding all these efforts and encouragements, gen. Delancey

raised only 597 men.”—Mr. Courtland Skinner, who is acknowledged to

possess considerable influence in Jerseys, was also appointed a

brigadier general, and authorized to raise five battalions, to consist

of 2500 privates.—The same efforts were made as for the raising of

Delancey’s corps, but Skinner’s number amounted only to 517.”[48] No

sooner had gen. Howe taken the field, but the Jersey militia turned out

in a very spirited manner, as though determined, in conjunction with the

continentals, to harrass and oppose the royal army on their march

through the country. The gen. came out as light as he could, leaving all

his baggage, provisions, (except enough to subsist the troops two or

three days at a time) boats and bridges at Brunswick; which, in the

judgment of general Washington, forcibly contracted the idea of an

expedition toward the Delaware. Every appearance coincided to confirm

the opinion, that Howe intended in the first place a stroke at his army.

The American general reasoned thus: “Had their design in the first

instance been to cross the Delaware, they would probably have made a

strict rapid march toward it, and not have halted, as they have done to

awaken our attention, and give us time to make every preparation for

obstructing them[49].”——Of the sudden retreat of the royal army. The

general wrote on the 20th, “The enemy decamped the night before last,

and have returned to their former position. It appears to have been in

consequence of a sudden resolution, as they had raised a chain of

redoubts from Somerset to Brunswick. What may have determined them to

change their plan is hard to tell. Whether alarmed at the animation

among the people—disappointed in the movements they may have expected us

to make, thence concluding their design impracticable—or whether they

may have an operation in view in some other quarter, the event must

show.”——Howe’s front extended to Somerset Court-house, about nine miles;

his rear remained at Middle-Bush, half way between that and Brunswick.

Washington was encamped upon his right flank (as he marched) at the

distance of about five miles. His troops were so disposed under Sullivan

and himself, as to have been capable of giving a pretty successful

opposition. When the royal army retreated back to Brunswick, they burnt

and destroyed the farm houses upon the road. Their cruelties to the

inhabitants were inexpressible, they ruined and defaced every public

edifice, particularly those dedicated to the Deity. They removed their

baggage to Amboy, for which place they set out on the 22d. The evening

before, several pieces of information, and a variety of circumstances,

made it evident to the American general, that a move was in agitation,

and it was the prevailing opinion that it would be the next morning. The

general therefore detached three brigades under gen. Greene, to fall

upon the rear and kept the main body paraded to support them, if

necessary. A party of col. Morgans’ light-infantry attacked, and drove

the Hessian picket about sun-rise. The enemy, upon the appearance of

Wayne’s brigade, and Morgan’s regiment opposite Brunswick, immediately

crossed the bridge to the east side of the river, and threw themselves

into redoubts. The Americans advanced briskly upon them, upon which they

quitted the redoubts without making opposition, and retired by the Amboy

road. In the pursuit, col. Morgan’s riflemen exchanged several sharp

fires with the enemy which did considerable execution. From intelligence

through various channels, there was reason to believe, that their loss

was considerable and fell chiefly on the grenadiers and light infantry,

who formed their covering party. Gen. Howe arrived at New-York on Sunday

afternoon the whole of which day was employed in removing the wounded

soldiers from the docks to the hospitals there, said to amount to some

hundreds.[50] One of the American generals humorously wrote concerning

Sir William Howe’s returning to Brunswick by night—“Gen. Howe remained

five days, and then sneaks off by night, and it is well he did—for had

he went by day, we could have done nothing, but have looked at him.”

Lieut. col. Palfrey, formerly an aid-de-camp to gen. Washington, and now

pay-master-general, wrote to his friend, “I was at Brunswick just after

the enemy had left it. Never let the British troops upbraid the

Americans with want of cleanliness, for such dog kennels as their huts

were my eyes never beheld. Mr. Burton’s house, where lord Cornwallis

resided, stunk so I could not bear to enter it. The houses were torn to

pieces, and the inhabitants as well as the soldiers have suffered

greatly for want of provisions.”

[June 24.] Gen. Washington, upon the enemy’s retreat to Amboy, with the

advice of his general officers, moved the whole army to Quibble-town,

that he might be nearer to the royal forces, and might act according to

circumstances. The British general, after sending over from Amboy to

Staten-Island, the heavy baggage and all the encumbrances of the army,

ordered a number of the troops to follow; with an intention of deceiving

the Americans into an opinion, that they had nothing more to apprehend

from that quarter. The troops returned the evening of the 25th, and the

next morning, the general advanced unexpectedly with his whole army, in

two columns, from Amboy. Gen. Washington conjectured, that so sudden a

movement, was designed either to bring on a general engagement, upon

terms disadvantageous to the Americans; or to cut off their parties, and

lord Stirling’s division, which had been sent down to support them: or

to possess the heights and passes in the mountains on the left of the

continental army. The two last were adjudged to be the first object of

Howe’s attention, as his march was rapid againt these parties, and

indicated a strong disposition to gain the passes. Upon this gen.

Washington judged it absolutely neccessary to move his force from the

low ground to occupy the heights before the enemy, which was affected

with much dispatch. The enemy fell in with some of the light parties,

and a part of lord Stirling’s division. His lordship was in no hurry to

retreat, but preferred engaging for a while, wherein he made a wrong

choice, for he had nearly been cut off, by the right column under lord

Cornwallis. He lost three field pieces, but the loss of men was

trifling. The enemy’s loss in the several skirmishes of the day, was

thought to be more considerable than that of the Americans. The royal

army continued the pursuit as far as Westfield; but the woods and

intense heat of the weather prevented its effect. When the American

general had gained the passes, he detached a body of light troops to

watch their motions, and afterward ordered Morgan’s riflemen to join the

service. The British remained till the next day about three in the

afternoon, and then returned to Rahway and the day following to Amboy.

On the 30th, at ten o’clock in the morning, the troops began to cross

over to Staten-Island, and the rear guard passed at two in the

afternoon, without the least appearance of an enemy. Thus they evacuated

the Jerseys, to enter upon new conquests, in hope of reducing the United

States to unconditional submission. Unless they can hold, when they have

conquered, they will never accomplish the business assigned them by the

British ministry.

Let us leave gen. Howe engaged in embarking his army from Staten-Island,

and preparing for some grand expedition; that we may attend to the

affairs of the northern department.

Gen. Scuyler presented a memorial to congress explaining the expressions

in his letter which had given them offence. They resolved, on the 8th of

May, that the explanation was satisfactory, and that now they

entertained the same favourable sentiments concerning him, which they

entertained before that letter was received. This seems to have been

designedly preparative to what followed a fortnight after, when it was

resolved, “That Albany, Tyconderoga, Fort Stanwix and their

dependencies, be henceforth considered as forming the northern

department—that major-general Scuyler be directed forthwith to proceed

to the northern department, to take the command there.” It was said that

he was the only single man who could keep the New-York subjects united

against the common enemy, and that his presence was absolutely necessary

for their immediate succour and service, as well as that of the United

States, closely connected therewith. The New-England delegates, the

president excepted, opposed his being directed to take the command, as

it superseded general Gates. But they were obliged to yield to numbers,

at a time when unluckily some men were absent, who would otherwise have

turned the scale. The choice of general Scuyler caused great boasting,

though there were only five states out of eleven in favor of the

measure, and others were either against it, or could not vote for want

of the requisite number of delegates, or their being equally divided.

There is what numbers deem a New-York party in congress, whose

proceedings have in some instances been mysterious. An absolute order

for relinquishing the western lines and Tyconderoga, was pushed for

before the choice of Scuyler, but did not prevail; however it was

resolved, that general Gates should be empowered to abandon Tyconderoga

at pleasure.

It was incumbent on the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts in

particular, and Connecticut, to furnish the troops necessary for the

defence of the northern posts; but a strange remissness prevailed,

greatly from an expectation that Tyconderoga would not be attacked. The

Massachusetts general court learning that this was the opinion of the

commander in chief, neglected forwarding their quota of men. Reports

(occasioned probably by the arts of the enemy) were spread, that the

troops in Canada were to join gen. Howe. Members of congress were

deceived by them, so that gen. Gates, after he had taken the command,

wrote that he had the strongest assurances from congress, that the

king’s troops were all ordered round, by the river St. Lawrence, to

New-York, leaving only a sufficient number to garrison their forts.

Gates estimated, that for the defence of Ty and its dependencies, 11,700

continentals, beside the aid of the militia, would be wanted. Scuyler

afterward estimated them at 10,000, but then he thought the lines at

Mount Independence not one half so extensive as he found them.

The British operations against this department, were taken out of the

hands of Sir Guy Carleton, and committed to the charge of gen. Burgoyne.

The force alotted to them, consisting of British and German troops,

amounted to more than 7000 men, exclusive of the artillery corps. Of

these the Germans, mostly Brunswickers, exceeded 3200. Arms and

accoutrements were amply provided to supply those royalists who were

expected to join the army as soon as it penetrated the frontiers of the

United States. A powerful brass train of artillery was furnished,

probably the finest, and the most excellent supplied as to officers and

private men, that had ever been alotted to second the operations of any

army not exceeding the present in number. Beside the regular forces,

several tribes of Indians were induced to come into the field. It has

been generally supposed, that Carleton’s scruples upon the point of

employing them, were by no means acceptable to ministry. They were

considered as a principal number of the force destined to the

prosecution of the northern war; and the governor of Canada was

accordingly enjoined to use his utmost influence in bringing them

forward in support of it. In the execution of the proposed operations,

gen. Burgoyne was seconded by able and excellent officers, gen. Philips,

of the artillery, generals Frazer, Powel and Hamilton, with the

Brunswick generals Baron Reidesel and gen. Specht. The army was, in

every respect, in the best condition; the troops were in the highest

spirits, admirably disciplined, and uncommonly healthy. Colonel St.

Leger was detached by way of Oswego, to make a diversion on the Mohawk

river. He had 220 men, from the eighth and thirty-fourth regiments, Sir

John Johnson’s corps of New-Yorkers, lately raised, some Hannau

chasseurs, a company of Canadians and a party of Indians, beside the

expectation of being joined by a much larger number. His force did not

propably exceed 800 men. The main army, under gen. Burgoyne, proceeded

up Lake Champlain, landed, and encamped at no great distance from

Crown-Point, where he met the Indians in congress, and afterward, in

compliance with their customs, gave them a war feast. He made a speech

to them [June 21.] calculated to excite their ardor in the common cause,

and at the same time to repress their barbarity. He enjoined it upon

them, that they should only kill those who opposed them in arms; that

old men, women, children and prisoners, should be held sacred from the

knife or hatchet, even in the heat of actual conflict; that they should

only scalp those whom they had slain in fair opposition; but that under

no pretence should they scalp the wounded, or even dying, much less kill

persons in that condition. They were promised a compensation for

prisoners, but informed that they should be called to account for

scalps. Four days before this speech, gen. Scuyler arrived at Ty; but

did not find the post in so good a state of defence as he expected. He

imagined that the proposed obstructions (which had been ordered by

congress the last December, and which had been backed by his order given

in February, and repeated the fifth of June) would have been completed,

or at least considerably more advanced. That they were carried on with

no more dispatch, was imputed greatly to the late arrival of such troops

as could not be brought to work in spirit; to artificers not coming by

the time they were ordered, and to a want of working cattle. Gen. St.

Clair would before this have called in the militia, but for the state of

his magazine; which made him apprehend, that should they come in fast,

they might eat him out before the arrival either of the enemy or a

supply.

[June 29.] General Burgoyne issued out a proclamation, meant to spread

terror among the Americans who avowedly professed themselves the friends

of congressional measures; and especially to excite in them a fear of

the Indians, whose number was magnified, and eagerness to be let loose

on their prey, described with uncommon energy. Protection and security,

clogged with conditions, were held out to the peaceable, who continued

in their habitations. All the outrages of war, arrayed in their most

terrific forms, were denounced against those who persevered in their

hostility. But the people at large were so far from being frightened,

that they diverted themselves with the proclamation, as a complete model

of pomposity.

General St. Clair hoped that the enemy would have assaulted him; and

depended on that for rendering his small garrison serviceable to his

country, as he was persuaded that his troops were brave, and in case of

an assault, would have given a good account of the assailants. But the

moment he was informed of Burgoyne’s numbers, and saw that a regular

siege was meant, he was certain that the effectual defence of the posts

was impossible. The old French lines at Ty, had been strengthened with

additional works. There were other posts with works and blockhouses

toward Lake George. Opposite Ty, on the eastern shore of the inlet by

which the waters from Lake George empty themselves into Lake Champlain,

a high circular hill, alias Mount Independence, was strongly fortified.

These two posts were joined by a floating bridge, below which a slight

boom was thrown across the lake, and large cassoons were sunk above, but

this arduous work for obstructing the navigation, was not completed.

Instead of a full complement of troops to man the extensive lines and

defend the numerous works, the whole force consisted only of 2546

continentals, beside 900 militia, badly equipped and worse armed,

particularly in the article of bayonets, which not above one in ten had.

The smallness of the garrison would not admit of their possessing

themselves of Sugar-hill, alias Mount Defiance, which by its height and

proximity, had such an entire command both of Ty and Mount Independence,

that an enemy might from thence have counted their very numbers, and

enfiladed every part of their works, as had been discovered months

before, upon trial, when a cannon had been drawn up and fired from the

top of it.

[July 2.] On the near approach of the right wing of the royal army upon

the Tyconderoga side, the Americans abandoned their works toward Lake

George, and left gen. Philips to possess the advantageous post of Mount

Hope, without making any resistance, which must have been ineffectual,

and could have answered no good purpose. That apparent supineness and

want of vigor with which they were chargeable, was not occasioned by

cowardice or incapacity, but actual imbecility. Gen. Burgoyne’s troops

proceeded with much expedition in the construction of their works, the

bringing up of artillery, stores and provisions, and the establishment

of their posts. But what gave the greatest alarm, was the very rapid

progress they made in clearing a road and getting artillery on

Sugar-hill. When once they had erected a battery on this height, only a

few hours more would have been required to have invested the Americans

on all sides, which might have been effected by occupying the ground on

the east side of Lake Champlain, below Mount Independence, where the

pass from the lake to East-Creek is very narrow. The same reason which

prevented gen. St. Clair’s calling in the militia when the royal army

was at a distance, prevailed when they drew nearer. Having received

intelligence by spies, that in 24 hours the investiture would be

completed, when he should be cut off from all possibility of succour,

gen. Scuyler, not having force sufficient at Fort Edward to relieve him,

he determined to evacuate his posts, though he knew it would produce

such astonishment as had not happened since the commencement of the war.

If he was sensible at the time, that should he remain there, he would

save his character but lose the army; whereas did he go off, he should

save the army but lose his character, and did he courageously conclude

upon sacrificing the last to the cause in which he was engaged, he

deserves the warmest commendations. A council of war was called, and it

was unanimously concluded upon to evacuate as soon as possible. The

general, by evacuating, intended to throw his troops between the country

and the royal army, that the militia might have a body to collect to,

whereas Burgoyne would otherwise be at liberty to pursue his operations

without any obstacle. Proper measures were immediately taken for

effecting the evacuation. Orders were given to the troops to take with

them, before they left the ground 8 days provisions, sufficient to have

carried them to the North-River had they pursued the route intended. The

general meant to push for Skeensborough, and there to have met the 200

boats and 5 armed gallies, on board of which were embarked at night as

much cannon, stores and provisions as time would permit. The officer in

the Jersey redoubt was to continue firing his connon every half hour,

toward the battery the enemy were erecting opposite to him till further

orders, that there might be no suspicion of the manœuvres going forward.

All the connon that could not be removed were to be spiked up, and many

were. The knocking off of the trunnions was omitted, as it might alarm

the enemy. Previous to the striking the tents every light was to be put

out. Though the evacuation was resolved upon about three in the

afternoon, it could not be carried into execution till night; and it was

at a season when the nights were at the shortest, and when it was moon

light. The necessity of keeping the matter a secret until the very

moment prevented any preparatory steps to expedite the business. Hence

difficulties arose, which occasioned some irregularities in the

different embarkations and made it impossible to prevent all disorder.

But for want of gen. Fermoy’s circulating proper orders in season to his

brigade, and of due attention on his part, every thing appeared in the

greatest confusion on Mount Independence.

[July 6.] At two o’clock in the morning St. Clair left Tyconderoga.

About three, the troops were put into motion for the evacuation of the

Mount, but Fermoy having set fire to his house (contrary to positive

orders) the whole Mount was enlightened by it, so that the enemy had an

opportunity of seeing every movement, which damped the spirits of the

Americans, and induced them to push off in a disorderly manner. Colonel

Francis brought off the rear guard in good order about four o’clock.

Many regiments after a while recovered from their confusion through the

exertion of St. Clair. Upon the army’s arriving at Hubbardton they were

halted for near two hours.—The rear guard was increased by many who at

first did not belong to it, but were picked up, through an inability of

keeping up with their regiments. Most of the stragglers and rear guard

having joined, the army was again put in motion. The rear guard was here

given to col. Warner, with orders to follow as soon as the whole came

up, and to halt about a mile and a half short of the main body (which

was to continue that night at Charlestown, about six miles from

Hubbardton) and to march in the morning by four and join it. Charlestown

is thirty miles from Ty, and twelve from Skeensborough. Col. Warner,

with the rear-guard and stragglers, amounting to near 1200, determined

to remain at Hubbardton that night, because the men were much fatigued.

In the morning the general paraded the army, and waited near two hours

for the rear-guard.

When general Frazer perceived in the morning, that the Americans were

retiring, he commenced a pursuit with his brigade, consisting of the

light troops, grenadiers and some other corps. General Reidesel, with

most of the Brunswickers, was ordered by the British commander to join

in the pursuit, either to support Frazer or to act separately. The

latter continued the pursuit through the day; and receiving intelligence

that St. Clair’s rear was at no great distance, ordered his troops to

lie that night on their arms. In the morning he came up with the

Americans, commanded by colonel Warner, who had beside his own, the

regiments of colonels Francis and Hale. The British advanced boldly

[July 7.] and the two bodies formed within about sixty yards of each

other. Frazer began the attack about seven o’clock, expecting every

moment to be joined by Reidesel, and apprehending that if he delayed,

the enemy would escape. Hale being apprized of the danger, never brought

his regiment to the charge, but fled; so that Warner could bring into

action no more than about seven hundred men. The conflict was bloody.

Francis fell fighting with great bravery. Warner, officers and soldiers,

behaved with much resolution and gallantry, so that the British broke

and gave way, but soon formed again, and running on the Americans with

their bayonets,[51] the latter were put into no small confusion, which

was increased by the critical arrival of gen. Reidesel with the foremost

of his column, consisting of the chasseur company, and eighty grenadiers

and light infantry, who were immediately led into action. They now fled

on all sides. Gen. St. Clair heard when the firing began, and would have

supported Warner; but the troops that were nearest, two militia

regiments, would not obey order, and the others were at too great a

distance. Hale, who had attempted to get off by flight, fell in with an

inconsiderable party of British, and surrendered himself, with a number

of his men prisoners. The Americans lost 324 in killed, wounded and

prisoners. Among the last were 12 officers. The royal troops, including

British and Germans, had not less than 183 killed and wounded. They had

three officers killed and twelve wounded.[52] While St. Clair was at

Castleton, an officer of one of the gallies arrived with information

that the British were pursuing in force toward Skeensborough and would

reach it before he could get there. This determined him to change his

route, and to strike into the woods on his left, lest he should be

intercepted at Fort Anne. Two New-England regiments of militia,

Leonard’s and Well’s discovered such a plundering disposition on their

march, and behaved so disorderly during the whole retreat, that two days

after leaving Castleton be was obliged to dismiss them from the army

with disgrace.[53] General Burgoyne confiding in Frazer’s abilities to

conduct the pursuit of the Americans by land, turned has attention to

the pursuit by water. The boom and the other obstructions of the

navigation, not having been completed were soon cut through; so that the

gun-boats, the Royal George and the Inflexible frigates had passed by

nine o’clock in the morning. Several regiments embarked on board the

vessels, and the pursuit was supported with such vigor, that by three in

the afternoon, the foremost brigade of gun-boats were engaged with the

enemy’s gallies near Skeensborough falls. Upon the approach of the

frigates, opposition ceased, two of the gallies were taken, and the

other three blown up. The Americans not being in sufficient force to

make an effectual stand, set fire to the works, fort, mills and

batteaux; and escaped as they could up Wood Creek to Fort Anne, where

they were joined by others, ordered thither by gen. Scuyler, who lay at

Fort Edward. On the day of the engagement at Hubbardton, the general was

obliged to strip the men at the last fort, to send to the troops at the

former; by which his own were left without lead for some days, except a

mere trifle from Albany, obtained by stripping the windows. At this

period he had not above seven hundred continentals, and not above twice

the number of militia; and could not furnish small cannon sufficient for

a couple of little schooners on Lake George. Lieut. col. Hill was

detached by gen. Burgoyne from Skeensborough with the ninth regiment, to

take post near Fort Anne, and watch the motions of the Americans. The

next morning [July 8.] at half past ten, they attacked him in front,

with a heavy and well-directed fire. A large body passed the creek on

the left, and fired from a thick wood across the creek on the left flank

of the regiment; they then began to recross the creek, and attack it in

the rear. It took post on the top of a hill on the right to prevent

being surrounded. No sooner had it taken post, than they made a vigorous

attack, which continued for upward of two hours, and would certainly

have carried their point, had it not been for some Indians, who arrived

and gave the Indian war-whoop, which was answered by the regiment with

three cheers, after which the Americans soon gave way.[54] They then

fired the fort, and retreated to Fort Edward. The artillery lost by the

evacuation of the northern posts, and taken or destroyed in the armed

vessels at Skeensborough, was prodigious, amounting to no less than 128

pieces serviceable and unserviceable. The loss of flour, biscuit, pork

and beef was also very considerable.

Gen. St. Clair joined gen. Scuyler at Fort Edward on the twelfth, after

a fatiguing march, in which the army suffered much from bad weather and

want of provisions. Three days after, their whole strengh did not exceed

4400 men, including militia. The day following the affair at Fort Anne,

Scuyler ordered a brigade of militia to begin, as near the fort as

possible, to fall trees; to take up the bridges, and burn the covering

and timber; and to make the utmost obstructions. [July 16.] A

continental brigade was directed to assist in destrying and completely

stopping the roads. The same day gen. Scuyler took out of a canteen with

a false bottom, a letter written by Mr. Levius to gen. Sullivan. Scuyler

prepared an answer designedly worded so as to deceive and perplex

Burgoyne; which he signed Canteen, communicated to several gentlemen,

and then forwarded. The British general when it was received, could not

tell what to make of it. He was puzzled for two or three days, and at a

loss whether to proceed or retreat; the latter was so completely

enigmatical.[55]

Happily for the Americans, the British general continued for several

days, with the army partly at Skeensborough, and partly spread in the

adjoining country, waiting the arrival of tents, baggage and provision.

In which time no labor was spared in opening roads for advancing toward

Scuyler, and in clearing Wood Creek of all impediments laid in the way,

in order to open a passage for the batteaux. Like exertions were used at

Ty, in carrying gun-boats, provision vessels and batteaux over land into

Lake George. By reason of the route which the general took, he did not

arrive at Hudson’s-River, and fix his head-quarters near Fort Edward,

till the 30th of July. Fort Edward is no more than the ruins of a former

fort, and of no consequence to any party. It could afford no cover to

general Scuyler, and only gave a name to the place where it was

situated. The general left it several days before Burgoyne gained its

neighborhood. He gave this state of his army on the 27th, at Moses’

Creek, in an official letter—“It consists of about 2700 continental

troops—of militia from the state of Connecticut—one major—one

captain—two lieutenants—two ensigns—one adjutant—one quarter-master—six

sergeants—one drummer—six sick—and three rank and file fit for duty—the

rest, after remaining three or four days, deserted us—Of those from the

county of Berkshire (in the Massachusetts) who consisted of upward of

1200, half of which were to have remained, somewhat more than 200 are

left, the remainder having also deserted—Of colonel Mosely’s regiment,

from the county of Hampshire (Massachusetts) about ten or twelve are

left, the rest having deserted—Of colonel Porter’s regiment, of the

county of Hampshire, about 200 left—Of the militia of the county of

Albany, 1050 are left, being forty-six more than half of what were upon

the ground when it was resolved to let half return to their

habitations.” He added, “That torpor, criminal indifference and want of

spirit which so generally prevails, is more dangerous than all the

efforts of the enemy. Nor is that jealousy and spirit of detraction

which so unhappily prevails, of small detriment to our cause.” The next

day he wrote from Saratoga, twenty miles below Fort Edward and

thirty-seven above Albany, “Every effort of the enemy would be in vain,

if our exertions equalled our abilities, if our virtue was not sinking

under that infamous venality which pervades throughout, and threatens us

with ruin.”

The desertions above mentioned, were not to the enemy, but to their own

homes; Scuyler was, for some reasons, a very unacceptable commander to

the New-England militia. They were in general disgusted with, and would

not serve under him. There were no desertions to the royal army worth

noticing, which argues there were no lurking seeds of disaffection to

the American cause.

Had the British commander returned immediately to Ty, and advanced from

thence in the most expeditious manner, with a few light field-pieces,

instead of suffering any delay, in order to his dragging along with him

a heavy train of artillery, he might have been at Albany by the time he

got to Hudson’s-River.[56] Your correspondent, the fifth of October, the

last year, breakfasted with general Gates, at Ty; sailed in company up

Lake George (about 35 miles long) with their horses in batteaux; landed,

stayed a while, and reached Fort Edward (about 9 miles from Fort George)

at night, a little after eight. From Ty to Lake George is rather more

than two miles. The two small schooners on the lake, could have made no

long resistance against a brigade of gun-boats. Fort George was well

adapted to keep off Indians and small parties, but not to stop the royal

army. The Americans there, instead of defending the fort or opposing the

landing of the army, would undoubtedly have retreated to gen. Scuyler,

at Fort Edward. The latter felt himself so weak, that by the first of

August he drew back from Saratoga to Stillwater (25 miles north of

Albany) from whence he wrote on the 4th, “We have not above 4000

continental troops; if men, one third of which are negros, boys and men

too aged for the field, or indeed any other service, can be called

troops. The states from whence these troops came, can determine why such

boys, negroes and aged men were sent. A great part of the army took the

field in a manner naked, without blankets, ill armed, and very deficient

in accoutrements. Too many of our officers would be a disgrace to the

most contemptible troops that were ever collected; and have so little

sense of honor that cashiering them seems no punishment. They have stood

by and suffered the most scandalous depredations to be committed on the

poor, distressed, ruined and flying inhabitants.” He had also about

fifteen hundred militia.

The evacuation of Tyconderoga and Mount Independence, surprised gen.

Washington, and spread astonishment and terror through the New-England

states. The general was led to believe that the garrison was much

stronger. The Massachusetts general court were faulty in not having

seasonably forwarded their quota of troops, agreeable to the requisition

of congress. The apprehensions of the Massachusetts people were the

greater, as their military friends with gen. Washington’s army, informed

them that the expedition which Sir William Howe had undertaken, and for

which he was embarking his troops from Staten-Island, was meant against

Boston. But amid all the disasters which had happened, and the

consequent terrors, no sort of disposition to comply with British

propositions, appeared in any quarter. Notwithstanding the success that

had attended the northern army, and the military storm that was

gathering at Sandy-Hook, and no one state knowing where it would fall,

yet each discovered a determination to remain independent. The American

commander in chief received information that the common report among the

sailors and soldiers was, that the fleet was going to the Delaware; but

as Howe’s conduct was to him puzzling beyond measure, so were the

informations he obtained. One time the ships were standing up toward the

North-River. In a little while they were going up the Sound; and in an

hour after, they were sailing out of the Hook. Before their sailing, a

spirited adventure took place on the side of Rhode-Island, which not

only fully retaliated the surprisal of general Lee, but procured an

indemnification of his person. Lieutenant colonel Barton, of a militia

regiment belonging to that state, with several other officers and

volunteers, to the number of forty, passed by night [July 10.] from

Warwick Neck to Rhode-Island, and though they had a passage of ten miles

by water, eluded the watchfulness of the ships of war and guard-boats

which surrounded the island. They conducted their enterprize with such

silence and dexterity, that they surprised general Prescot in his

quarters, about one mile from the water side, and five from Newport, and

brought him, with one of his aids-de-camp, safe to the continent, which

they had nearly reached before there was any alarm among the enemy. This

adventure, which with impartial judges must outweigh col. Harcourt’s

capture of gen. Lee, produced much exultation on the one side, and much

regret on the other, from the influence it would necessarily have on

Lee’s destination. But more than a month before, congress had received

information that Lee was treated by gen. Howe with kindness, generosity

and tenderness, which had led them to desire that col. Campbell and the

five Hessian officers should be treated in a similar manner, consistent

with the confinement and safe custody of their persons. They resolved,

within a few days after hearing of Prescot’s being taken, that an

elegant sword should be provided and presented to colonel Barton.

The British fleet and army which lay at Sandy-Hook, were destined for

the reduction of Pennsylvania, particularly of Philadelphia, in

pursuance of a plan which had been settled between Sir William Howe and

lord George Germain; but did not sail till the 23d of July. The land

force consisted of thirty-six British and Hessian battalions, including

the light-infantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery, a New-York

corps called the queen’s rangers, and a regiment of light-horse,

estimated altogether, at about 16,000. The fleet consisted of 267 sail.

General Washington, upon the fleet’s sailing, marched his army toward

Pennsylvania, and halted it at Corriel’s ferry, Howel’s ferry, and

Trenton. He wrote from Corriel’s ferry on the 30th——“Howe’s (in a

manner) abandoning Burgoyne, is so unaccountable a matter, that till I

am fully assured it is so, I cannot help casting my eyes continually

behind me.” He mentioned his halting the army till the fleet should

appear in the Delaware, and put the matter out of doubt; and that he had

ordered gen. Sullivan’s division to halt at Morristown, that it might

march southward or northward, upon the first advice of the enemy’s

throwing any force up the North-River.

General Washington’s perplexity for some days, cannot be so well

conceived of as by extracts from his own letters; read then, and judge

for yourself. “July 31. The enemy’s fleet arrived at the Capes of

Delaware yesterday, therefore order the two brigades thrown over the

river, to march immediately.” “Chester, August 1. I had proceeded thus

far to look out for a proper place to arrange the army, when I received

the provoking account, that the enemy’s fleet left the Capes yesterday,

and steered eastward. I shall return with the utmost expedition to the

North-River; a sudden stroke is certainly intended by this manœuvre.

Call in every man of the militia to strengthen the highland posts.”

“August 1. The enemy’s fleet put to sea yesterday morning at eight

o’clock, and were out of sight three hours when the express came away.

It appears gen. Howe has been practising a deep feint to draw our whole

force to this point. Counter-march your division, and proceed with all

possible expedition to Peek’s-kill.” “August 3. The conduct of the enemy

is difficult and distressing to be understood.” “August 11. On the

seventh the enemy was off Sinepuxent Inlet, about 16 leagues to the

southward of the Capes of Delaware, on which I have halted for further

intelligence.” “August 22. The enemy’s fleet have entered Chesapeake.

There is not now the least danger of Howe’s going to New-England;

forward this account to governor Trumbull, to be by him sent on to the

eastward.”

Sir William Howe, while off the Capes, received that information which

led him to judge it most advisable to proceed to Chesapeake-Bay instead

of going up the Delaware. Such information could not relate to the

measures taken for rendering the navigation of the river impracticable.

These measures were matters of so great notoriety, that he must have

been strangely deficient in procuring intelligence, if he did not know

them before he left the Hook. Beside, the obstructions in the river did

not reach so low down as either Newcasle or Wilmington; as high as

either of which places the fleet might have come with safety; and had he

landed at the first of them, he would have been within 36 miles of

Philadelphia, and fourteen miles nearer than the Head of Elk. The

information most probably related to gen. Washington’s having marched

the continental army within a certain distance of Philadelphia; and

perhaps, to a prospect of his being joined by a number of disaffected

Americans in the states of Maryland and Delaware, upon his going up the

Chesapeak and landing in Maryland. Be that as it may, through

unfavourable winds he did not enter the Chesapeak till the 16th of

August; and the difficulty of the navigation made it the 25th, before

the army landed at Elk ferry. One part advanced to the Head of Elk, the

other continued at the landing place to protect and forward the

artillery, stores and necessary provisions. The day Sir William entered

the Chesapeak, he received from lord George Germain, a letter of May the

18th, wherein was given him the first intimation, that any support

whatever would be expected from him in favor of the northern expedition

under gen. Burgoyne, in words to this purpose—“I trust that whatever you

may meditate, it will be executed in time to co-operate with the army

ordered to proceed from Canada.” Gen. Washington upon advice of the

British army’s having landed, marched toward the Brandywine river, with

his troops, amounting in the whole to 11,000 present and fit for duty,

including 1800 of the Pennsylvania militia. Gen. Greene attended with

gen. Weedon, was sent to reconnoitre and find out an eligible spot for

their encampment. He pitched upon one at the Cross Roads, near six miles

distant from the royal army, which he judged suitable, as the Americans

would there have an open country behind them, from whence they could

draw assistance, and would have opportunities of skirmishing with the

enemy before they were organized and provided with teams and horses, &c.

for marching; and as Howe’s troops would be a long while cramped before

they could get what was wanting in order to their proceeding. He wrote

to the commander in chief, acquainting him with the spot he had chosen.

But the information was received too late: a council of war had

determined the same day it was transmitted, to take a position upon

Red-Clay Neck, about half way between Wilmington and Christianna, alias

Christeen, with their left upon Christeen-neck, and their right

extending toward, Chad’s Ford. When the reason for it, that it would

prevent the enemy’s passing on for Philadelphia, was assigned to gen.

Greene, he maintained, that they would not think of Philadelphia, till

they had beaten the American army; and upon his observing the position

which had been taken, he condemned it as being greatly hazardous, and

such as must be abandoned, should the enemy when organized advance

toward them. The Americans however, spent much time and labour in

strengthening the post.

Let us break off here to mention some of the congressional proceedings.

In the beginning of June, they approved general Washington’s conduct as

to the cartel for exchange of prisoners, and his reasoning upon the

subject. The general had acquainted Sir William Howe, that he did “not

hold himself bound either by the spirit of the agreement, or by the

principles of justice, to account for those prisoners, who, from the

rigor and severity of their treatment, were in so emaciated and

languishing a state at the time they came out, as to render their death

almost certain and inevitable, and which, in many instances, happened

while they were returning to their homes, and in many others after their

arrival.” He said to him “You must be sensible that our engagement, as

well as all others of the kind, though in letter it expresses only an

equality of rank and number, as the rule of exchange, yet it necessarily

implies a regard to the general principles of mutual compensation and

advantage. This is inherent in its nature, is the voice of reason, and

no stipulation as to the condition in which prisoners should be

returned, was requisite. Humanity dictated, that their treatment should

be such as their health and comfort demanded. Nor is this the language

of humanity alone—justice declares the same. The object of every cartel,

or similar agreement, is the benefit of the prisoners themselves, and

that of the contending powers—on this footing it equally exacts, that

they should be well treated, as that they should be exchanged: the

reverse is therefore an evident infraction, and ought to subject the

party, on whom it is chargeable, to all the damages and ill consequences

resulting from it.”[57]

[June 14.] Congress “resolved, That the flag of the Thirteen United

States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be

thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new

constellation.” [June 20.] “Resolved, That a corps of invalids be

formed, consisting of eight companies, each company to have one captain,

two lieutenants, two ensigns, five sergeants, six corporals, two

drummers, two fifers and a hundred men. This corps to be employed in

garrison and for guards in cities and other places, as also to serve as

a military school for young gentlemen, previous to their being appointed

to marching regiments.” Lewis Nicola, esq. was immediately after elected

colonel of the said corps.

The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire grants having set up an independent

government, presented a petition to congress, praying that they might be

considered as a free and independent state, and that delegates from them

might be admitted to seats in congress. [June 30.] Their petition was

dismissed. But though it was dismissed, the petitioners have not

dissolved their government, but are resolutely determined to continue a

free and independent state.

[July 7.] Congress resumed the consideration of certain letters from

generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox, all dated the first of July;

whereupon congress came to the following unanimous resolution: “That the

president transmit to gen. Washington copies of the letters from

generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox to congress, with directions to him

to let those officers know that congress consider the said letters as an

attempt to influence their decisions, an invasion of the liberties of

the people, and indicating a want of confidence in the justice of

congress; that it is expected by congress, the said officers will make

proper acknowledgments for an interference of so dangerous a tendency;

but if any of those officers are unwilling to serve their country under

the authority of congress, they shall be at liberty to resign their

commissions and retire.” Their letters are supposed to have related to

the affair of Monsieur du Coudray and other French officers, which will

be immediately mentioned; and to have contained an intimation, that

placing any of these over their heads would be preventive of their

serving their country longer. If they have made any acknowledgments to

congress, the same have been printed in the journals, or have hitherto

escaped my search.

About the latter end of April, the Amphitrite arrived at Portsmouth from

France, with military stores, intrenching tools, &c.—By the same or a

similar opportunity, Mous. du Coudray, and several more officers, came

over with a view of serving in the American army, upon terms agreed

between them and Mr. Deane. Mr. Deane contracted with du Coudray for

half a hundred officers. Coudray was to be commander in chief of the

artillery and engineers; to have the rank of major-general; to precede

some others by express stipulation and all by the preeminence usual to

artillery. He was to be under no order but of congress and general

Washington; to have the pay of a major-general in a separate department;

and to be pensioned for life. Congress was embarrassed. There was no

establishing of such an agreement without offering an insult to their

own American officers of the first rank, and obliging them (in honor) to

quit the service, unless they would ever after be esteemed the

spiritless tools of congress. On the 11th of July, a committee of the

whole resolved, “That Mr. Silas Deane had not any powers or authority

from congress to make the treaty with Mr. du Coudray, and the other

French gentlemen therein mentioned, and therefore that congress are not

by any means bound to fulfil the terms thereof.” Mr. Deane’s

instructions was to engage engineers _not exceeding_ four. The next day

it was resolved, “That it is the opinion of this committee, that the

said agreement is inconsistent with the interest, honor and safety of

these United States. This report being made, was smothered out of

tenderness, and laid on the table, that a trial might be made to quiet

the military ambition of du Coudray. They therefore on the 15th,

“resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with Mons.

du Coudray; that they inform him, congress cannot comply with the

agreement he has entered into with Mr. Deane; but sensible of the

services he has rendered these states, and having a favourable opinion

of his merits and abilities, they will cheerfully give him such rank and

appointments as shall _not_ be inconsistent with the honor and safety of

these states, or interfere with the great duties they owe to their

constituents.” They afterward ordered money to be advanced to him, for

the support of himself and the gentlemen who came with him from France;

and on the 11th of August appointed him inspector general of ordnance

and military manufactories, with the rank of major-general.

[July 31.] “Whereas the marquis de la Fayette, out of his great zeal to

the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left

his family and connections, and at his own expence come over to offer

his service to the United States without pension or particular

allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause:—Resolved, That

his service be accepted, and that in consideration of his zeal,

illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and commision of

major-general in the army of the United States.”

The proceedings of congress must be suspended, till some account has

been given of this noble phænomenon.

In 1776, the marquis at the age of nineteen, espoused the cause of the

Americans, and determined upon joining them in person. He communicated

his intention to the American commissioners at Paris, who failed not to

encourage it, justly concluding that the eclat of his departure would be

serviceable to their cause. Events however immediately occurred, which

would have deterred from this undertaking a person less determined than

the marquis. News arrived in France, that the remnant of the American

army, reduced to 2000 insurgents as they were called, had fled toward

Philadelphia through the Jerseys, before an army of 30,000 regulars.

This news so effectually extinguished the little credit which America

had in Europe, that their commissioners could not procure a vessel to

forward this nobleman’s project. Under these circumstances they thought

it but honest to discourage his prosecuting the enterprize, till a

change in affairs should render it less hazardous or more promising. It

was in vain however that they acted so candid a part. The flame which

the American sons of liberty had kindled in his breast, could not be

interrupted by their misfortunes. “Hitherto (said he, in the true spirit

of heroism) I have only cherished your cause; now I am going to serve

it. The lower it is in the opinion of the people, the greater effect my

departure will have; and since you cannot get a vessel, I shall purchase

and fit out one to carry your dispatches to congress, and me to

America.” He accordingly fitted out a vessel, and in the mean while made

a visit to Great-Britain, that the part he was going to act might be

rendered the more conspicuous.

A step so extraordinary, a patron of so much importance, did not fail to

engage universal attention. The French court, whatever were their good

wishes toward America, could not at that time overlook his elopement. He

was overtaken by an order forbidding his proceeding to America, and

vessels were dispatched to the West-Indies, to have him confined in case

he was found in that quarter. He acknowledged the receipt of the order,

but did not obey it; and keeping clear of the West-Indies, arrived in

Charleston. Congress could not hesitate a moment about paying a due

attention to so remarkable a character, when intelligence of the same

was communicated. The marquis had left a pregnant consort, and the most

endearing connections. Independent of the risks he has now subjected

himself to, in common with the leaders of the American revolution, he

has exposed himself to the loss of every thing at home, in consequence

of the laws of France, after hazarding a long confinement without the

chance of being acknowledged by any nation, had he fallen into British

hands on his passage to America.

He received the congress’s mark of approbation with great condescension;

and yet not without exacting two conditions, which displayed the dignity

of his spirit—the one, that he should be permitted to serve at his own

expence—the other, that he should begin his services as a volunteer.

After joining the army, he lived with the commander in chief, and was

happy in his friendship and affection.

Now to resume the narration of what was done in the great council of

the United States.

Congress directed general Washington to order such general officer as he

should think proper, to repair immediately to the northern department,

to relieve general Scuyler in his command there; but upon his wishing to

be excused, they resolved, [August 4.] to proceed to the election of

one; when the ballots being taken, it appeared that general Gates was

elected by the vote of eleven states.

Congress having made new regulations in the department of the

commissary-general of purchases, Mr. Joseph Trumbull resigned his

commission, and signified his intention of discontinuing his service on

the 20th of the month. [August 6.] They upon that “resolved, That Mr.

Trumbull, with the officers under him, be desired to continue in the

business of supplying the army, under the former establishment, until

the commissaries-general of purchases and issues shall signify their

readiness to proceed therein under the new regulations.”

To what influence Mr. Trumbull imputed the regulations that occasioned

his resignation, and what was his opinion as to the manner of conducting

business in congress, may be gathered from a letter of his, wherein he

wrote, on the first of September, “I have quitted the commissary

department. The regulations which are the ground on which I have

quitted, were formed by the junto. Is it known in your state (the

Massachusetts) that the president is with the Yorkers and southern

Bashaws; that if he wants any thing moved, his brother delegates are not

applied to, but the motion comes from Duane, or some other person of no

better character; and that there is no harmony between him and his

brethren?”

[August 23.] “Resolved, that the president inform general Washington,

that congress never intended by any commission hitherto granted by them,

or by the establishment of any department whatever, to supersede or

circumscribe the power of general Washington, as the commander in chief

of all the continental land forces within the United States.”

The British troops stationed on Staten-Island were often making

incursions into the Jerseys, and carrying off inhabitants, cattle,

&c. This induced gen. Sullivan to settle a plan with col. Ogden, for

attacking the island. The latter had, properly speaking, a separate

command, but agreed to join the general in the expedition. The

general was to go from Elizabeth-Town point; and the col. with his

own and col. Dayton’s regiment, joined by a hundred militia, were to

cross from another spot, to pass up Fresh-kill creek, and to come to

the rear of col. Lawrence, who was encamped near the ferry with

about 150 men, whom he was to attack by day-break. The general

selected from the brigades of generals Smallwood and De Borre, such

men as were best able to endure the march, amounting to near 1000.

These he ordered to march at two o’clock in the afternoon from

Hanover to Elizabeth-Town, about 16 miles, where they arrived in the

evening. On the 22d of August they crossed over before day-light.

The colonel proceeded to execute the part of the plan alotted him.

It had been settled that the general should send two regiments to

the neck of land separating the quarter where the col. was to begin

his attack from the rest of the island, by their possessing of which

the retreat of the enemy would be cut off, and a surrender

necessarily follow. When the col. had succeeded in the commencement

of his operations, and saw numbers flying to the neck, he expected

they would have been stopt there; but was surprised at observing the

contrary, and that the occupancy of the ground had not taken place.

Unhappily the general, upon landing, instead of keeping to the plan

proposed, marched seven miles toward the forts, which occasioned a

loss of time, and increased the fatigue of the troops, many of whom

had marched near upon twenty miles to the place where they crossed.

Their fatigue occasioned several dropping behind, and being picked

up by the enemy. The colonel having captured 130 privates and some

officers, and having taken a king’s shallop, put them on board and

sent them off to Elizabeth-Town. The person who had the care of

them, being but an indifferent hand, though the best that could be

spared, was not sufficiently attentive to circumstances, so that the

boats which were to have attended general Sullivan’s motions, and

which had transported his division, rowed off, the boatmen

concluding from the regimentals of the prisoners upon deck and other

appearances, that the king’s shallop was in pursuit of them. The

troops of that division destroyed some stores, burnt a magazine of

hay and seven vessels, and did other damage; but the grand design of

the expedition failed by the general’s varying from the plan

concerted between him and the colonel. When the general was

advancing toward the ground occupied by the latter, no horsemen were

sent forward to reconnoitre or to inform the colonel of the

general’s approach, so that Ogden was at a loss for some time

whether it was a friend or an enemy that was marching up to him.

When the general joined him, though the boats which were to have

attended Sullivan were wanting, and the deficiency in number of

those present, made dispatch in transporting the troops absolutely

necessary, the general used no expedition in getting them over, but

loitered away the precious time that should have been improved to

the utmost, so that the misfortune of the day was increased. The

rear-guard, consisting of a hundred men, could not get off before

the enemy appeared in force to attack them. They were commanded by

majors Steward and Tillard, and took post on an eminence, where they

defended themselves bravely for a while, and then retreated to

another eminence, and so to a third. They maintained their ground

with great valor, till their ammunition was all spent, when a number

or them, who could not possibly get off, surrendered prisoners of

war. The Americans lost in the course of the day, in killed, wounded

and prisoners, about 200. The killed, wounded and prisoners on the

other side, might be nearly the same. General Sullivan captured

eight and twenty tories, and col. or capt. Barton, who was too

unwieldy to run off with his comrades. He joined to them the other

prisoners, and sent the whole to Philadelphia in triumph. While upon

the expedition, the gen. gained possession of some records and

papers belonging to the Quakers, which, with a letter, were

forwarded to congress, and referred to a committee. On the 28th of

August, the committee reported, “That the several testimonies which

have been published since the commencement of the present contest

betwixt Great-Britain and America, and the uniform tenor of the

conduct and conversation of a number of persons of considerable

wealth, who profess themselves to belong to the society of people

commonly called Quakers, render it certain and notorious, that those

persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected to the

American cause; that as these persons will have it in their power,

so there is no doubt it will be their inclination, to communicate

intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure the

counsels and arms of America; that when the enemy, in the month of

December, 1776, were bending their progress toward the city of

Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed “To our

friends and brethren in religious profession, in these and the

adjacent provinces, signed John Pemberton, in and on behalf of the

meeting of sufferings, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and

New-Jersey, the twenty-sixth of the twelfth month, 1776,” was

published, and as your committee is credibly informed, circulated

amongst many members of the society called Quakers, throughout the

different states; that as the seditious paper aforesaid, originated

in the city of Philadelphia, and as the persons whose names are

undermentioned, have uniformly manifested a disposition highly

inimical to the cause of America, therefore—Resolved, That it be

earnestly recommended to the supreme executive council of the state

of Pennsylvania, forthwith to apprehend and secure the persons of

Joshua Fisher, Abel James, James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel

Pemberton, John Pemberton, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Thomas

Wharton, sen. Thomas Fisher, son of Joshua and Samuel Fisher, son of

Joshua, together with all such papers in their possession, as may be

of a political nature.”

“And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these persons

maintain a correspondence and connection highly prejudicial to the

public safety, not only in this state, but in the several states of

America—Resolved, That it be recommended to the executive powers of the

respective states, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons, as

well among the people called Quakers as others, who have in their

general conduct and conversation evidenced a disposition inimical to the

cause of America; and that the persons so seized, be confined in such

places and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent with their

respective characters and security of their persons; that the records

and papers of the meetings of sufferings in the respective states, be

forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts of them as

may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to congress. The

said report being read, and the several paragraphs considered and

debated, and the question put severally thereon, the same was agreed

to.” “Ordered, That the board of war remove under guard, to a place of

security out of the state of Pennsylvania, the hon. John Penn, esq. and

Benjamin Chew, esq. and that they give orders for having them safely

secured, and entertained agreeable to their rank and station in life.”

A number of Quakers beside those mentioned, together with several

persons of a different denomination, were taken up by the supreme

executive council of Pennsylvania, concerning whom congress resolved on

the 8th of September, “That it be recommended to the said council, to

order the immediate departure of such of the said prisoners as refuse to

swear or affirm allegiance to the state of Pennsylvania, to Stanton, in

(Augusta county) Virginia.”

Eight days before, on the last of August, a member of congress, writing

upon public affairs, thus expressed himself, “The frauds, the

peculations, the profusion, which have done us more injury than the

whole force of our foreign enemies, have been chiefly owing to the want

of government and the want of discipline. Howe has planned his

operations in such a manner as to give us a vast advantage both of him

and Burgoyne.”

Reports prejudicial to gen. Sullivan were circulated, upon which

congress resolved, on the first of the month, “That gen. Washington be

directed to appoint a court of enquiry on the late expedition by gen.

Sullivan, against the British forces on Staten-Island.” The statement of

the particulars enquired into, was so formed that he obtained an

honorable acquittal, such as was highly pleasing to congress; but had

major Joseph Bloomfield been enough recovered of his wound to have

attended the court, he would scarce have escaped so well.

Let us resume the transactions of Sir W. Howe and gen. Washington. Sir

William was so distressed for want of horses (numbers having died on

their passage) and of other necessaries to aid his march, that it was

not till the third of September that the royal army moved forward. On

its advancing near to the Americans, these abandoned their ground,

perceiving that it would not answer their first expectation; crossed the

Brandywine at Chad’s Ford, and took possession of the heights on the

east side of it, with an evident intention of disputing the passage of

the river. Upon an apprehension that the royal forces would attempt

crossing at Chad’s Ford, gen. Washington posted his main strength at

that point; and gen. Maxwell with about 1000 light troops, was sent over

to possess himself of the opposite height; and in the night of the 10th,

they formed a slight breast-work with limbs of trees.

[Sept. 11.] By day-break the next morning, the British army advances in

two columns; the right under the command of gen. Knyphausen, which

marches directly for Chad’s Ford. A party is moved on to dislodge

Maxwell, which he repulses; they are reinforced, and come on a second

time without succeeding. On this a strong detachment is sent round a

piece of woods to come upon his flank, while the other attack him anew

in front. Perceiving this movement, he retreats across the river with a

trifling loss. Gen. Knyphausen keeps up a cannonade, and an appearance

of forcing the ford, till he shall hear that the left column has

attacked the Americans, and then he means to attempt it. This second

column, under the command of lord Cornwallis, generals Grey, Matthews

and Agnew, marches for the forks of the Brandywine. The movement is

early observed. Gen. Sullivan writes to the commander in chief, that it

is clearly his opinion, that the enemy will come round on their right

flank. He sends him two messengers in the forenoon confirming the same.

Lient. col. James Ross forwards, at eleven o’clock, from Great-Valley

road, this intelligence—“A large body of the enemy, from every account

five thousand, with sixteen or eighteen field-pieces, marched along this

road just now. Their front must be now at the ford; we are close in

their rear, with about seventy men. I believe general Howe is with this

party, as Joseph Galloway was here known by the inhabitants, with many

of whom he spoke, and told them that general Howe was with him.” Other

accounts corroborating the movement of the second column toward the

forks, gen. Washington settles it with gen. Greene, that he shall cross

with his division, at the lower ford, and attack gen. Knyphausen. He at

the same time sends word to Sullivan to cross the Brandywine with his,

and fall upon the enemy’s left, while the army crosses below to attack

their right. The commander in chief hopes, by defeating Knyphausen, to

secure those advantages which will outweigh any that gen. Howe may gain

by forcing the troops opposed to his left column, to retreat. Sullivan

is preparing to execute Washington’s order, when major Spears comes up

and tells him that there is not the least appearance of the enemy in

that quarter; which is confirmed by a sergeant Tucker, of the

light-horse, sent out purposely to make discoveries. Sullivan conceives

it to be his duty to convey Spears’s information to the commander in

chief. This unfortunate intelligence deranges the disposition that has

been determined on in consequence of prior information; so that general

Greene, who has crossed with his advanced-guard, is recalled. Mean while

the second or left column of the British army cross the forks of the

Brandywine, the first branch at Trimble’s Ford and the second at

Jeffery’s Ford, about two o’clock in the afternoon, taking from thence

the road to Dilworth’s, in order to turn the right of the Americans,

consisting of three divisions, general Sullivan’s, lord Stirling’s and

another officer’s. The British form and advance in order of battle.

Sullivan, upon information of what has taken place, marches to reinforce

the two other divisions nearest the British. He takes rather too large a

circuit, and is so late upon the ground as to exclude all possibility of

making a perfect disposition. Before he has time to ride from one end of

the line to the other, he is suddenly attacked by numbers unknown to

him, and upon ground that he never saw before; so that his troops are

thrown into confusion, and retreat with the utmost precipitation. This

happens between four and five in the afternoon. Generals Washington and

Greene being together, and hearing the firing, conclude that Sullivan is

attacked. Greene immediately hastens his first brigade, commanded by

gen. Weedon, toward the scene of action with such uncommon expedition,

that in forty and two minutes it advances near four miles. The second

brigade is ordered by Washington to march a different route, as it

cannot be up in time for service. General Knyphausen, finding that the

parties on his left are deeply engaged, crosses at Chad’s Ford, attacks

the division under gen. Wayne and the light troops under Maxwell,

obliges them to retire after a severe conflict, and possesses himself of

the entrenchment, battery and cannon which were meant for its defence.

Greene, as he approaches the scene of action, perceives that Sullivan’s

defeat is a perfect route. A council of war was held upon the field, and

it is agreed that Greene’s brigade should cover the retreat of the

flying troops. Greene keeps firing his field-pieces in the rear as he

retreats, and continues retreating half a mile, till he comes to a

narrow pass, well secured on the right and left by woods. Here he draws

up his force, consisting of the Virginia troops and a regiment or

Pennsylvanians, commanded by col. Stewart, and sends his artillery on,

that it may be safe in case of his being under the necessity of making

an hasty retreat. A warm engagement commences, which lasts from the

sun’s being three-quarters of an hour high till dark. The tenth Virginia

regiment, commanded by col. Stephens, supports the attack of the British

cannonade and musketry for fifteen minutes, though they have never

before been engaged. The whole brigade exhibits such a degree of order,

firmness and resolution, and preserves such a countenance in extremely

sharp service, as would not discredit veterans. Wayne and the

North-Carolinians, with the artillery and light troops, after their

defeat by Knyphausen, pass the rear of it in their retreat. At dark,

that also is withdrawn by gen. Greene; the extreme fatigue of the royal

troops, together with the lateness and darkness of the evening, prevents

its being pursued.

A few hours more of day-light might have so animated the conquerors,

notwithstanding all their fatigue, as to have produced those exertions

which would have been productive of a total and ruinous defeat to the

Americans. Gen. Greene is apprehensive that they lost in killed, wounded

and prisoners, twelve or thirteen hundred; and that the royal army did

not suffer, on their part, short of seven or eight hundred in killed and

wounded. The Americans lost also ten small field-pieces and a howitzer,

of which all but one were brass.

A great number of French officers were in the action. The baron de St.

Ouary, serving as a volunteer, was taken. The congress will undoubtedly

do all they can to obtain his release. Policy will oblige them to it, no

less than a regard to his rank and merit in the French army. The marquis

de la Fayette gave the first proof of his military character in this

engagement, and was wounded in the leg on the spot where the effort of

the enemy was greatest. The wound hower did not force him from the

field, where he continued his endeavors to rally the Americans, as well

by his words as example. Count Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, with a party

of light-horse, rode up to reconnoitre the enemy, within pistol shot of

their front; and on the fourth day after the action, was elected by

congress a commander of the horse, with the rank of brigadier. Captain

Louis de Fleury’s horse was killed under him. He showed much courage,

and was so useful in rallying the troops, that congress, within two

days, ordered him to be presented with another horse, as a testimonial

of the sense they had of his merit. Considering that general Washington

had to fight the British army with an inferior number of raw troops, and

how the attack upon him was circumstanced, through the false

intelligence he received, he may be thought to have suffered less than

could have been expected. He discovered a true magnanimity of mind, in

that (though he attributed the misfortunes of the day principally to the

information of major Spears) he never blamed general Sullivan for

conveying it, but declared that he should have thought him culpable had

it been concealed. He retreated after the action to Chester, and the

next day to Philadelphia.

The evening after the battle, a party of British was sent to Wilmington,

who took the governor of the Delaware state, Mr. M’Kinley, out of his

bed, and possessed themselves of a shallop lying in the creek, loaded

with the rich effects of some of the inhabitants, together with the

public records of the county, a large quantity of public and private

money, all the papers and certificates belonging to the loan-office and

treasury-office there, articles of plate, &c.

General Greene has been rather dissatisfied with gen. Washington’s

omitting to take special notice of Weedon’s brigade in general orders,

for its bravery. But the commander in chief, considering that there was

a prevailing apprehension that Greene was his favorite, and that the

Virginians were his own state troops, declined it, that so he might not

excite a disagreeable jealousy, and give offence to the troops of other

states.

[Sept. 15.] A letter from Mons. du Coudray to Mr. Chase, was laid before

congress and read, “wherein he requests for himself and sundry gentlemen

who accompanied him to this country from France, to have an opportunity

of fighting in the American army without running the risk of not being

subjects of exchange, should they by the fortune of war be made

prisoners; mentions that any rank which congress may think proper to

give him and them, will be acceptable; and asks for him only the rank of

captain, for the commissioned officers who accompanied him, the rank of

lieutenants, and for the non-commissioned, the rank of ensigns;

whereupon it was resolved, that his request be complied with, and that

commissions be made out accordingly.”

The same day gen. Washington left Philadelphia, and re-crossed the

Schuylkill, with a firm intent of giving Sir. W. Howe battle wherever he

could meet him; he accordingly by the next day had advanced as far as

the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. Mons. du Coudray, with a

number of French gentlemen, set off to join the army as volunteers

[Sept. 16.] about twelve o’clock. He rode a young mare, full of spirits,

into the flat-bottomed boat used for ferrying across the Schuylkill, and

not being able to stop her career, she went out at the other end into

the river, with her rider on her back. Coudray disengaged himself from

her, but was drowned, notwithstanding all the attempts made to save him.