LETTER III.

_Roxbury, July 19, 1776._

The affairs of Canada shall employ our first attention. Sir Guy Carleton

has treated the prisoners, taken at the attack of Quebec, both officers

and privates, with the utmost humanity. In conversation with major

Meigs, when returning his sword, Sir Guy said, “You were certainly

deceived in our numbers, and did not expect we were so strong.” The

major answered, “No we knew your strength.” Carleton persisted, “You

must have been deceived: for you never could have attacked us, had you

known that we were double your number.” The major rejoined, “We were not

deceived; but were persuaded, that many of your men would not fight, and

thought that some of them might join us.” The discourse was changed, and

soon ended.

The blockade of Quebec was continued; but great were the fears of the

Americans, as they had no more than 400 men to do duty, while there were

upward of three times the number in the city. They were in daily

expectation, that the latter would sally out upon them. At length capt.

Seaborn, with twenty-seven men from the Massachusetts arrived for their

encouragement; (Jan. 25.) and was followed by other small

reinforcements, whereby they were enabled to rest one night out of two,

which had not been the case for a month. They advanced, and began again

to erect works before Quebec: but their ordnance proved inadequate. All

the troops that could be spared from the garrison of Montreal were sent

down: but it was not till late in February, that the army before the

city amounted to 960, officers included; of rank and file fit for duty,

the number was only 772. Mr. Beaujeu imbodied a party of Canadians, with

the design of raising the siege; but was encountered, and easily

dispersed (Mar. 25.) by a detachment from the continentals. The

misconduct of the American soldiery however, lost them the friendship of

the Canadians. The account forwarded by an officer was to the following

purport—“When gen. Montgomery first penetrated the country, the

Canadians were friendly. His most unfortunate fate and other accidents

have produced such a change, that they can be no more looked upon as

friends. Their clergy have been neglected, perhaps ill used, and so are

unanimously, though privately against the Americans. The peasantry in

general have been mal-treated; in some instances have been dragooned

with the point of the bayonet, to furnish wood at a lower rate than the

current price. They have had given them, for articles furnished,

certificates which are not legible, or are without a signature; so that

one half them have, of consequence, been rejected by the

quarter-master-general. They have had promises of payment, without being

paid; and so been brought to look upon the promises as vague, their

labor and property as lost, and congress as bankrupt. With respect to

the better sort of people, both French and English, seven-eights wish to

see the throats of the continentals cut. The whole country has been left

without any kind of law, other than that of the arbitrary and despotic

power of the sword, in the hands of the several commanding officers, too

frequently abused in all cases of this nature. The Americans have

themselves brought about by mismanagement, what gen. Carleton himself

could never effect. A priest’s house has been entered with great

violence, and his watch plundered from him. At another house the

Americans ran in debt about twenty shillings sterling; and because the

owner wanted to be paid, they ran him through the neck with the bayonet.

Women and children have been terrified, and forced to furnish horses to

private soldiers, without any prospect of pay. While the Canadians have

in this way been alienated from, and imbittered against the

continentals, these have been practising the most scandalous waste of

provisions, and by it, absurdly adding to the danger arising from their

other conduct.” On the receipt of this information, congress resolved

[April 13.] “That instructions be sent to the commissioners, to cause

justice to be done to the Canadians; and that the commanding officer in

Canada be directed to be very attentive to military discipline, and to

inflict exemplary punishment on all those who violate the military

regulations established by congress.” They had before ordered four

battalions to Canada, they now added six more; and directed the

commissary-general to forward 2000 barrels of pork thither with all

possible dispatch.

While the troops lay before Quebec, they caught the smallpox from a girl

who had been a nurse in the city hospital, and came out among them. The

distemper spread, and the soldiers inoculated themselves for their own

safety, regardless of all orders to the contrary. The reinforcements,

which were daily arriving, practised the same method; so that though, by

the first of May, the army consisted of more than 3000 men, there were

not 900 fit for duty at the several posts; and the whole were greatly

scattered for want of barracks. What added to the distress, medicines

and every thing necessary for the sick, were wanted. This was the

situation of the troops when gen. _Thomas_ arrived to take the command;

but still something was attempted. The river about _Quebec_ being

sufficiently cleared from ice [May 3.] the Americans took the

opportunity of the flood for sending up a fire-ship, about ten o’clock

at night, in order to fire the shipping; and drew up ready to attack the

walls, if the fire should take place. They were provided with ladders,

and their scheme was well laid. Had it succeeded, the garrison must have

been thrown into great confusion: and had that opportunity for making an

assault been embraced, the town must have been in eminent danger of

being taken. The ship coming from below was at first supposed to be a

friend, arrived from sea to the relief of the besieged. Being night, it

was not till she was very near the shipping, that she was discovered to

be an enemy, when a heavy fire at her commenced; the people on board,

finding that they were no longer concealed, lighted the train, and in a

moment she was in a blaze; her sails took fire, and checked her way; and

the tide beginning to ebb, she was carried down the river. The men made

their escape in boats.

General Thomas, perceiving that nothing effectual could be done by the

army in its present condition, learning that they had only three days

provision, and apprehensive of the danger that would take place upon the

arrival of British reinforcements [May 5.] called a council of war, when

it was concluded to make the best retreat in their power. The measures

which immediately followed, were sufficient indications to the enemy of

what was intended. It so happened, that early in the morning [May 6.]

after the retreat was concluded upon, the Surprise frigate, from

Great-Britain arrived, and was soon followed by the Iris of 54 guns, and

the Martin sloop, with succours. They had, by the zeal and activity of

the officers and crews, forced their way through the ice while the

passage up the river was deemed almost impracticable. They had on board

1000 marines, and two companies of the 29th regiment, which were landed

with all expeditson. About noon, gen. Carleton having joined them to his

own troops, marched out, 800 strong, to attack the Americans, who had

began their retreat before; for gen. Thomas could not hazard waiting an

attack, as he was not able to collect more than about 300 men, on

account of their being so scattered on Point Levi, Isle of Orleans, Beau

Port and other villages. The Americans abandoned their baggage,

artillery, stores and other incumbrances. The sick got off as they

could, creeping away from the hospitals, many with the small-pox full on

them. The Canadians proved kind, secreted and took care of them till

they were able to march off and join their comrades. Sir Guy Carleton

did not take more than about 100 prisoners. The king’s troops that had

just arrived, were in no condition for a pursuit; but could the whole

have followed with vigor, they must have taken or destroyed nearly all

the American forces, for they had little ammunition. They retreated

forty-five miles before they stopped, having marched almost the whole

night. After halting a few days, they proceeded to Sorel, in a condition

not to be expressed by words; but had the satisfaction of being joined

there by four regiments, that were waiting for them. Here they remained,

and were reinforced by the arrival of other battalions. During this

period gen. Thomas sickened by the small-pox, and died. Having ordered

that the troops should not enoculate, he would not have a recourse to

that precaution for his own security. The Americans have lost in him one

of their best generals. He was amiable in public and private life.

Contented with domestic happiness, he was not ambitious of an exalted

station; but was ready to serve his country in the most hazardous

situation. General Thompson commanded after. Thomas sickened, and when

the latter died, the command devolved on general Sullivan, who had

repaired to Canada early in May.

The Americans had for some time posted at the Cedars, a small fort

forty-three miles above Montreal, a party of 390 men, under the command

of col. Beadle. Capt. Foster, with a detachment of the 8th regiment,

about 40, Canadians 100, and 500 Indians, but without cannon descended

from the lakes, and approached toward the fort.[8] The colonel, in a

cowardly manner abandoned his command to major Butterfield, and repaired

to Montreal for a reinforcemant. The major having little or no more

courage than the other, surrender the fort [May 15.] without making any

resistance worth noticing. Meanwhile, major Henry Sherberne was detached

with 140 men from Montreal; but col. Beadle, valuing safety more than

fidelity or honor, refused to return with the reinforcement. It was the

day after the surrender before major Sherburne could proceed from the

lake (which he was obliged to cross) with 100 men including himself. The

rest were left for guards and other services [May 20.] About five, they

were attacked by a body of about 500 Indians and Canadians, who, under

cover of a wood fired upon them. The Americans maintained an obstinate

engagement for an hour and forty minutes; when the Indians having

surrounded them, rushed upon and disarmed them. Many of them were

sacrificed to Indian fury, butchered with tomahawks and other

instruments of death. They lost in the action twenty-eight killed and

wounded. About twenty were afterward killed in cold blood; and seven or

eight were carried off by the Indians. The prisoners were immediately

stripped almost naked, drove to the fort, and delivered to capt. Foster,

whose success in taking the fort was not known before the action. The

enemy had twenty-two killed, among them a chief warrior of the Seneca

tribe, on account of whose death the prisoners were probably treated

with the grosser insult and abuse. Arnold, who had been made a brigadier

general the beginning of January, had commanded in Montreal some time,

having returned thither upon gen. Wooster’s going down to Quebec. He was

desirous of remedying the evil that had taken place at the Cedars, and

went forward with a party of between 8 and 900 men to the lake. When it

was discovered that the general was approaching [May 26.] and making

dispositions to attack the enemy, capt. Foster took care to acquaint

him, that if he would not agree to a proposed cartel, (which major

Sherburne and the other officers had been required to sign and had

signed) but proceeded to attack him, every man of the prisoners would be

put to instant death by the Indians. Gen. Arnold was extremely averse to

entering into any agreement, but was at length induced by the motive of

saving the prisoners. A cartel was concluded upon and signed on the

27th, for the exchange of 2 majors, 9 captains, 20 subalterns, and 443

soldiers. It was agreed [May 27.] that four American captain should be

sent to Quebec as hostages, and remain there until the prisoners are

exchanged.

Let us now direct our attention to Sir Guy Carleton, who had a fresh

opportunity of exercising his humanity toward the Americans. That the

sick, who were left behind and could not get off when the others fled

from before Quedec, might not perish, he issued a proclamation,

commanding the proper officers to find out and afford the unhappy

persons all necessary relief at the public expence; and to render the

benefit complete, and to prevent obstinacy or apprehension from marring

its effect, he assured them, that upon recovering they should have free

liberty of returning to their respective provinces.

Toward the end of May several regiments arrived; and the British force

in Canada, when completed, was estimated at about 13,000 men. The

general rendezvous was appointed to be at Three Rivers, half way between

Quebec and Montreal, about 90 miles from each. The place takes its name

from the viscinity of one of the branches of a large river, whose waters

are discharged, through three mouths, into that of St. Lawrence. The

British and Brunswick troops were at this time much separated. A

considerable body was at Three Rivers under gen. Frazer. Another under

gen. Nesbit lay near it on board the transports. A greater than either,

with the generals Carleton, Burgoyne, Phillips and Reidesel, was in

several divisions by land and water, on its way from Quebec. Gen.

Sullivan, from the information he received, concluded upon an expedition

against, as he apprehended, the British advance guard at Three Rivers,

the execution of which was committed to gen. Thompson. The latter

embarked at Sorel, with 1800 men, under colonels Maxwell, St. Clair and

Wayne, in fifty boats, and coasting the south side of Lake St. Peter,

where the St. Lawrance spreads to a great extent, arrived at Nicolet,

from whence they fell down the river by night, and passed to the other

side, with an intention of surprising the forces under gen. Frazer.

Three Rivers is to be considered rather as a long village than a regular

town. The plan was to land nine miles above the town, so seasonably as

to march down under cover of the night, and to attack it a little before

day-break. [June 8.] By reason of unexpected delays, it was so long ere

the troops landed, that in a few minutes the day-light appeared. They

had then to make a forced march of nine miles. They hastened, ran down

hill and up, and got tired. The general pushed on, having procured a

Canadian guide, who was either ignorant or unfaithful; for a little

before sun-rise he found his forces were too much out of the way. They

returned, but lost the road on the side of the river; were soon however,

in view of some of the enemy’s boats, between which and the flanking

party several balls were exchanged. They then quickened their pace, and

continued advancing in sight of the shipping, with drum beating and fife

playing, as they knew they were discovered. They soon heard the speaking

trumpets sound, “land the troops—land the troops.” The general judging

there was no possibility of passing the ships without being exposed to

all their fire; and yet determining to persist in the expedition, filed

off at a right angle from the river. He meant to take a circuitous

route, and enter the town on the back side. A bad morass interposed; the

troops entered it; they were then about two miles from the town. A worse

march, for about a mile and a half, did not offer in all Alnold’s

expedition, the men were almost mired. About nine o’clock they came to a

cleared spot, formed and got into some order about ten. They advanced,

but before the rear had got off the place of formation, the front

received a heavy fire from the enemy, which struck them with terror. The

fire was instantly repeated; and though the balls flew over the heads of

the troops, without doing any material execution, they gave way and

crowded back in the utmost confusion, which left them without a leader,

so that every one did as he pleased. They turned their faces up the

river, and hastened through the swamp as fast as possible. About eleven

they began to collect, and after a while learnt from the Canadians, that

the enemy had sent a detachment, with several field pieces by land, to

cut off their retreat, and a party by water to seize their boats. About

four they were told, that the enemy had secured the bridge before them,

which it was supposed they must pass. They were also soon convinced,

that a large body was close in their rear. Col. Maxwell ordered all who

had collected together to halt, called the officers to him, and said,

“What shall we do? Shall we fight those in the front or in the rear? or

shall we tamely submit? or shall we turn off into the woods, and each

man shift for himself?” The last proposal was preferred; but the enemy

was so near that the rear of the Americans was exposed to another

tremendous fire while going down the hill into the woods, but the balls

flew over them without injuring any. The person who was trusted with the

care of the boats, had removed them in time to a secure place, so that

the loss of the Americans, which must otherwise have been much greater,

amounted only to about 200 prisoners. The troops that escaped, began to

collect about ten the next day, and by noon were considerably numerous.

They got along by degrees, and by sun-set the day following arrived

opposite Sorel. [June 10.] General Thompson and colonel Irwin, the

second in command, with some other officers, were taken. The killed and

wounded of the king’s troops was trifling. This attempt to surprize the

British troops at Three Rivers, which may appear to have been a

desperate undertaking, would scarce have been made, had it been known in

time, how much they had been reinforced by fresh arrivals; and probably

ought to have been abandoned the moment that the surprise was no longer

possible.

The king’s forces having joined at Three Rivers, proceeded by land and

water to Sorel [June 14.] off which the fleet arrived in the evening, a

few hours after the rear of the Americans had left it. A considerable

body was landed, and the command of the column given to gen. Burgoyne,

with instructions to pursue the continental army up the river, to St.

John’s, but without hazarding any thing till another column on his

right, should be able to co-operate with him. Sir Guy’s extraordinary

precaution in putting nothing to the hazard, when not absolutely

necessary, gave the Americans the opportunity of escaping. Had Burgoyne

been instructed to press on with the utmost expedition, great numbers of

them must have been made prisoners, and but few would have crossed Lake

Champlain.

Major Nathan Fuller, of col. Bond’s Massachusetts regiment, was

entrusted with the care of the baggage when the Americans retreated up

the Sorel. It was put on board several vessels. They had a fine passage

for a while, but at length were becalmed so long as to give the advance

of the British an opportunity of approaching them apace. The major

acquainted gen. Sullivan, who was considerably a-head, of the dangerous

situation he should soon be in. The gen. sent a hundred batteaux to

bring off the men and baggage, and gave orders for burning the vessels.

The major had but just time to accomplish the work, and was in some

danger before it was finished. [June 15.] General Arnold, with his

troops, left Montreal and crossed from the island of Longueil to the

continent, in his way to Chamblee. A great part of the British fleet and

army sailed for the same place, and had not the wind failed, would

probably have arrived at Longueil the same night and about the same time

with gen. Arnold. The general carried away with him from Montreal a

quantity of goods, which he ordered col. Hazen to take the charge of;

but the colonel disapproving the measure, would have nothing to do with

them. When the troops entered the road near Chamblee, they occasioned

such an alarm in the place, that the three companies of artillery formed

immediately and marched up the hill to meet them, which brought on a

discovery of their belonging to gen. Arnold, and being from Montreal.

When the army left Chamblee, the men were obliged to draw their loaded

batteaux, to the number of 100 or more, some with cannon in them, up the

rapids, by bodily strength and up to the middle in water. Here they

destroyed the saw-mills, three vessels and three gondolas, together with

all the batteaux which they could not bring off. Major Fuller commanded

the rear, consisting of five hundred men, and had under his care the

batteaux and baggage. The British entered Chamblee at one end while he

quitted it at the other. When he was about a mile beyond the town, all

his party except seventy, pushed off to escape danger. Soon after you

leave Chamblee, in the way to St. John’s, the road enters a wood, which

thickens as you advance in it. Though the road is open and good, yet the

brush, wood and trees on each side, afford such a cover to parties, that

you cannot ascertain their number, nor be sure that there are not

ambushes in various places. The major had an active, sensible, bold

officer in the second lieutenant, Mr. George,[9] who remained with him.

The lieutenant was ordered, with 27 men, to flank the advancing parties

of the enemy. He, by dividing his men, concealing them on each side of

the road, employing them in popping with their guns on the enemy, first

in one place then in another, and so changing the scene of their attack,

as though they were far more numerous, amused the advance of the enemy

in such a manner as to save the rear. Major fuller imputes it very much

to the conduct of lieutenant George, that the rear, and of course the

boats and baggage were saved. The salvation of these was probably the

salvation of the army. When the major found himself abandoned, he sent

forward a messenger to col. Stark and other officers, who were not far

before, acquainting them with his situation, and requesting their

assistance. Cols. Stark, Poor, Porter and others, immediately put

themselves under the command of the major, who had also sent on an

express to St. John’s, to inform gen. Sullivan of his danger, and the

necessity of a speedy reinforcement. The general hastened away 1500 men

under col. Bond, who met the major about half way between the two

places, seven miles from Chamblee. The danger being ended by the

arrrival of the reinforcement, the major left the command to his

colonel, and went forward to carry gen. Sullivan the agreeable news of

all being safe, which, after the various false distracting reports that

had reached him, was received with inconceivable transport. The major

lost but two men in the retreat; the loss was occasioned by their

getting drunk; but from them the enemy could learn nothing of the

major’s real condition time enough to take the advantage of it.[10]

[June 18.] General _Burgoyne_ arrived at _St. John’s_ in the evening.

The Americans had taken away every thing and set fire to the forts and

barracks. Major John Bigelow staid with about 40 men till they were

destroyed, and at dusk pushed off his boats for Isle aux Noix, to which

the whole army had repaired. Greater confusion than it had been in

during the retreat, is seldom heard of; and yet the loss it sustained is

too inconsiderable to be given in detail, or in sum total. From the Isle

the army proceeded to _Crown-Point_ without any danger from a

pursuit—every boat that could be found being destroyed, and every thing

done to impede the enemy. The Americans had also the command of Lake

Champlain, and will continue masters of it until a number of vessels can

be procured to give Sir Guy Carleton a superiority, and enable him to

traverse it with safety. Other matters will now demand our attention.

[June 15.] The _New-Hampshire_ representatives voted unanimously, that

their delegates at the continental congress be instructed to join with

the other colonies in declaring the Thirteen United Colonies, a free and

independent state (not states) &c. provided the regulation of their

internal police be under the direction of their own assembly.

It appears by a return of the inhabitants, that the sum total of all the

males, females, whites and negroes, amounts to 82,394—The total excess

of males is 1131. The males in the continental army are 2488. If of

these so many as 1357 survive the service and return, the males and

females are equal. In about twenty years the inhabitants will be double

the number. “It has been found by calculations, that America has doubled

her numbers even by natural generation alone, upon an average, about

once in eighteen years.”[11] The continuance of the war, unless

excessively destructive, will make no material difference. “In the

French war, which lasted from 1755 to 1763 (during which time the

colonies made great exertions, and had in the field a great number of

men) it was found that the population had increased nearly as fast as in

times of peace[12].”

One Mugford, who had been a master of some trading vessel, applied to

gen. Ward for the command of a continental cruiser which lay unemployed.

By his importuninity and professions he prevailed and had an order given

him. The captain made all possible expedition, got possession of the

vessel, procured powder and ball and with twenty men pushed immediately

into Boston bay. After he was gone from the general, the latter received

such a bad character of him, that he sent off an express to recal the

order: but it was to late, Mugford had sailed. He was no sooner in the

bay but the ship Hope of 270 tons, 4 guns, and 17 men, presented to

view. She was last from Cork, and had on board 1500 barrels of powder,

beside carbines and bayonets, travelling carriages for heavy cannon, a

vast variety of tools, implements and necessaries for the army and

artillery. Capt. Mugford in his cruiser of fifty tons and four guns ran

up to her, [May 17.] and ordered her to strike. The Hope, either from

the sailors declining to fight, or from other motives, made no

resistance. Commodore Banks lay a few miles off with his men of war, and

in sight; and his boats might soon have been up with the ship. The

captain of the Hope, sensible of this advantage, gave orders for the men

to cut the top-sail halliards and ties.—Mugford heard the orders, and

knew the consequence of executing them—that the sailing of the ship

would be so long prevented, that the men of war’s boats would recover

her. He therefore opened with vollies of oaths and execrations: and in

the most horrid manner threatened the captain and every one on board

with immediate death if the orders were executed, upon which the captain

was so terrified as to desist. When Mugford had taken possession of his

prize, he was joined by two other small cruisers, who assisted in

carrying her safe through Pulling-Point-Gut. The inhabitants of Boston,

who have been devoutly engaged in keeping the continental fast, had on

leaving their respective places of worship in the afternoon, the

peculiar pleasure of seeing the most valuable prize, on account of the

powden, taken since the commencement of the war, entering the harbour.

Captain Mugford having secured the Hope, and meaning to go out again

without loss of time, sailed down and came to an anchor in

Pulling-Point-Gut, with the Lady Washington, on Sunday evening. [May

19.] They were attacked, about nine o’clock, by thirteen boats from the

men of war at Nantasket.—The boats were beaten off, with great loss on

the part of the enemy, in the deaths of the brave lieutenant, who

commanded, and several of his men, but Mugford exerting himself

heroically, was killed, and was the only person lost on the side of the

American cruisers.

The Massachusetts general court for promoting the making of salt-petre,

had some time back agreed to take in all that could be made by the first

of June at five and three-pence sterling the pound. On the week that

closed the period of receiving it, they had purchased in this way

102,635lb. There are such quantities yet coming in, made before the

first of June, that the court passed an order to receive for some time

to come, at the said price, all that shall appear to be made before that

time.

The harbor of Boston had been left in a defenceless state ever since the

evacuation of the town, liable to the intrusions of a small naval force,

which might have entered and fired the town, or laid it under

contribution. The inhabitants of that and the neighbouring towns, being

dissatisfied with its continuing so, concluded upon assisting in

erecting a fort upon Noddle’s-Island.

In the beginning of May a number of volunteers both laity and clergy,

repaired thither from time to time, and aided in the work till it was

finished: while the poorer class were rewarded for their labours.

Something having been done for the security of the harbor, general

Benjamin Lincoln, while the court was sitting, entertained the thought

of driving the British shipping from Nantasket, and planned a scheme for

effecting it. They consisted of a fifty gun ship, commanded by commodore

Banks, the Milford man of war, the Yankee Hero privateer, taken by the

last and seven large transports lately arrived with highlanders, an

armed brig and two schooners. The highlanders were supposed to be at

least seven hundred. On Thursday the 13th of June, the Bostonians were

acquainted by beat of drum, that an expedition was going to be

undertaken against the enemy at Nantasket. Detachments from colonels

Marshall and Witney’s regiments, and a battalion of train, commanded by

col. Crafts, were embarked at the Long wharf, together with cannon,

ammunicion, provisions, &c. and proceeded for Pettick’s Island and Hull,

where they were joined by more troops and sea-coast companies so as to

make near six hundred men at each place. Militia from the towns in the

vicinity of Boston harbour, with a detachment from the train and some

field pieces, took post on Moon Island, at Hoff’s-Neck, and at point

Alderton. A detachment from the continental army under col. Whitcomb,

with two eighteen pounders and a thirteen inch mortar, &c. were embarked

for Long-Island, and there took post. The troops did not arrive at the

several places of destination till near morning; but when arrived, were

active and alert in the highest degree. The cannon were soon planted,

and a shot from Long-Island announced their design; on which a signal

was made for the fleet to get under way. The commodore bore and returned

the American fire with spirit, till a shot from Long-Island pierced his

upper works, when he got under sail. Several shells were thrown at him,

which might hasten his departure.

Thus was free egress and ingress to the harbour for all friendly

vessels, recovered on that very day on which, two years before, the

sailing of every one of that kind from the port of Boston ceased by

virtue of a British act of parliament. This circumstance was not thought

of when the expedition commenced, but was merely accidental, though it

could not be overlooked when it had happened. The same day the house of

assembly received a letter from the president of the general convention

of Virginia, enclosing their resolutions with respect to independency.

Commodore Banks omitting to leave cruisers in the bay, afforded an

opportunity to the American privateers of taking a number of

highlanders. Three days after his quitting it [June 17.] the George and

Annabella transports entered, after a passage of seven weeks from

Scotland, during the course of which they had not an opportunity of

speaking a single vessel that could give them the smallest information

of the British troops having evacuated Boston. They were attacked in the

morning by four privateers, with whom they engaged till evening; when

the privateers bore away, on which the transports pushed for Boston

harbour, not doubting but that they should receive protection, either

from a fort or ship of force stationed for the security of British

ships. They stood up for Nantasket Road, when an American battery opened

upon them, which was the first serious proof they had of the situation

of affairs at the port to which they were destined. They were too far

embayed to retreat, as the wind had died away, and the tide of flood was

not half expended. The privateers with which they had been engaged,

joined by two others, made toward them. They prepared for action. By

some misfortune the Annabella got aground so far a-stern of the George,

that the latter expected but a feeble support from her musketry. About

eleven at night, the privateers anchored close by, and hailed them to

strike the British flag. The mate of the George, and every sailor on

board, the captain excepted, refused to fight any longer; but every

officer and private of the seventy-first regiment, who were in the ship,

stood to their quarters with ready obedience to the lieutenant-colonel.

On their refusing to strike, the action was renewed, when after a sharp

combat of an hour and a half, they had expended every shot belonging to

their artillery. They were then obliged to yield, there being no power

of escaping, nor the most distant hope of relief. Their killed were

eight privates and major Menzies, beside seventeen wounded. The major

was buried with the honors of war at Boston. The prisoners experienced

the utmost civility and good treatment. A week before the capture of

these transports, the Ann, in the same service, was taken and carried

into Marblehead, though commodore Banks was then at Nantasket. The

number of highlanders taken is two hundred and sixty-seven privates,

forty-eight others, beside the honorable Archibald Campbell,

lieutenant-colonel to the second battalion of the seventy-first

regiment.

[July 3.] On motion in the Massachusetts assembly, it was voted

unanimously, “that if congress shall think proper to declare the

colonies independent, this house will approve of the measure.”

There is no doubt of its being approved by all the colonies; but there

has been manœuvreing in order to produce the necessary disposition among

the New-Yorkers; of which you will form the best idea from the following

letter, written the beginning of May, from New-York, in answer to one of

the preceding month from Philadelphia—“Soon after I received your

letter, I sent for colonel Sears, Mr. John Smith and some others, whom I

knew to be staunch, to spend an evening with me, that I might converse

with them upon the subject (supposed to be that of taking up

government.) It would not do to show your letter, or even hint that I

had received it; but an opportunity for introducing the subject soon

offered. A captain of my guard came and reported, that the committee of

safety had sent some persons to the main-guard, who had no complaint

lodged against them. I immediately sent to the committee, and they sent

a sub-committee to wait upon me. I asked them what charge they had to

lay against the prisoners. They informed me one was a collector who had

not accounted for the money he had collected, and had abused their

congress. The others were in for different crimes. I told them that I

could by no means consent to have free citizens subjected to trials by

court-martial. They must try them by proper courts, if such there were;

and if not, the offenders must run at large, till necessity obliged them

to constitute the proper courts. This opened the door for me, and I took

advantage of it. The sub-committee thanked me for my care over the

liberties of their fellow citizens, and owned the necessity of taking up

government. Sears, Smith, &c. were strongly of that opinion, and all

went home perfectly satisfied, and without suspecting the conversation

was any thing more than accidental. The next day Greene and I were

ordered to the jail to see some prisoners of war. There I found some

persons in for robbery, and one for murder. As I found I had good

success in the beginning I determined to keep on, and frequently took

occasion to mention the great difficulty which must attend their present

state:—that it would be tyrannical to execute those persons without a

trial:—to try and execute them, by process in the name of a king, with

whom we were at war, would be absurd; and if neither of these methods

were taken, they must whether guilty or not suffer perpetual

imprisonment. The argument took effect; and even tories themselves

acknowledged it was best to take up government, till reconciliation

should take place.—This doctrine pleased me well; for _I knew if

government was once assumed upon whatever motives, they would find that

the Rubicon was passed, and that they could never return to their

ancient form_. I then, by the advice of my privy council, drew up a

piece purporting a petition to the committee of safety, to request leave

from the continental congress to take up government.—This piece I

enclose you, and though badly wrote, it steers so directly between

whiggism and toryism, that no person can tell whether it was drawn by a

whig or tory. My privy council informed me, that it had the desired

effect; the whigs were fond of it because it took effect, their point

was carried, and no retreat could ever take place; the tories were fond

of it, because it held up the d—d reconciliation they were seeking

after. Being well informed of my success, I thought it time to sound our

colonel (thought to be M’Dougall.) I sent for him. We conversed freely

upon the matter of taking up government. He owned the necessity of it,

and said it would be carried into execution at all events, at the

meeting of their convention. He informed me, that almost every person

began to see the necessity, and that the instructions, then drawing up

for their delegates, mentioned nothing about effecting a reconciliation,

but to protect and defend America. When I found him in the true way to

happiness, I dismissed him, and attacked others;—to tories I painted the

evils attending their present state; to whigs I held up the advantage of

seizing the precious moment, I soon found my party increase with

surprising rapidity.”

Within seven days after this letter was sent to Philadelphia, congress

resolved, [May 10.] “That it be recommended to the respective assemblies

and conventions, of the united colonies where no government sufficient

to the exigencies of their affairs hath been hitherto established, to

adopt such government as shall in the opinion of the representatives of

the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their

constituents in particular, and America in general.” The following

preamble was prepared and agreed to, five days after, “Whereas his

Britannic majesty, in conjunction with the lords and commons of

Great-Britain has, by a late act of parliament, excluded the inhabitants

of these united colonies from the protection of his crown; and whereas

no answer whatever to the humble petitions of the colonies for redress

of grievancies and reconciliation with Great-Britain has been or is

likely to be given, but the whole force of that kingdom, aided by

foreign mercenaries, is to be exerted for the destruction of the good

people of these colonies; and whereas it appears absolutely

irreconcilable to reason and good conscience, for the people of these

colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the

support of any government under the crown of Great-Britain, and it is

necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority, under the said

crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government

exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the

preservation of internal peace, virtue and good order, as well as for

the defence of their lives, liberties and properties against the hostile

invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies, therefore resolved.”

&c. as above.

[May 18.] The secret committee was ordered to endeavour to discover the

design of the French in assembling so large a fleet and so great a

number of troops in the West-Indies, and whether they mean to act for or

against America. By this it appears that the congress have no assurance

or certainty of support from France.

Corporal Cruz, the rifleman who was carried to England and discharged by

the mayor, is arrived with dispatches from Arthur Lee, esq. containing

intelligence of the whole naval and land force intended for the attack

of the united colonies, and of the places for which they were destined.

He got a passage to Halifax, from whence he made his escape to Boston;

and then went on to head quarters at New-York. Soon after, congress

resolved, [May 23.] That a committee of five be appointed to confer with

generals Washington, Gates and Mifflin, upon the most speedy and

effectual means for supporting the American cause in Canada. It was the

opinion of the generals, that it would be impossible to keep the Indians

in a state of neutrality; that they would undoubtedly take an active

part, either for or against the Americans; and that it would be best

immediately to engage them on their side, and to use their utmost

endeavors to prevent their minds being poisoned by ministerial

emissaries. When the committee brought in their report, it was resolved,

among other things [May 25.] “That it is highly expedient to engage the

Indians in the service of the united colonies.”

Upon the first intelligence received at Philadelphia of the troops to be

employed against the Americans, a citizen of eminence wrote to his

correspondent, “We now know who the commissioners are, and their

numbers, viz. Messrs. the Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, English,

Scotch and Irish. This gives the _coup de grace_ to the British and

American connection. It has already wrought wonders in this city;

conversions have been more rapid than ever under Mr. Whitefield. The

Pennsylvania farmer (Dickinson) told me yesterday in the field, that his

sentiments were changed; he had been desirous of keeping the door open

as long as possible, and was now convinced that nothing was to be

expected from our enemies but slavery.”

The detaching of the ten strongest regiments to Canada, made the most

strenuous exertions necessary for getting New-York into a proper state

of defence. Congress therefore authorised general Washington to direct

the building of as many fire rafts, row gallies, armed boats and

floating batteries, as might be judged requisite for the immediate

defence of that port and of Hudson’s river. They afterward resolved

[June 3.] that 13,800 militia be employed to reinforce the army; and

that a flying camp be immediately established in the middle colonies, to

consist of 10,000 men. They did not overlook Canada; but on the same day

agreed that the general should be empowered to employ in that province a

number of Indians, not exceeding two thousand; and two days after [June

5.] ordered that the standing committee for Indian affairs, do devise

ways and means for carrying the same into effect. Within four and twenty

hours after, they complimented the earl of Effingham, for the singularly

noble part he had acted, by naming one of their frigates now building,

the Effingham. The names of the rest are, the Congress, Randolph,

Hancock, Washington, Trumbull, Raleigh, Montgomery, Warren, Boston,

Virginia, Providence and Delaware.

[June 7.] Certain resolutions respecting independency, were moved and

seconded, and the consideration of them referred till the next day.

Richard Henry Lee, esq. one of the Virginia delegates, had given notice

to congress, that on that day he should move for a declaration of

independence; he accordingly made the motion. Various occurrences had

contributed to ripen the colonies for the measure: several of which have

been occasionally mentioned: others remain to be noticed. The

North-Carolinians were at one time violent against a separation from

Great-Britain; a delegate in their convention mentioning independence,

the cry was—treason—treason; and he was called to order: but they have

been wearied out by the proceedings of the British ministry, and the

methods pursued and countenanced by governor Martin; so that all regard

and fondness for the king and nation of Great-Britain has subsided, and

independence has become the word most in use among them. They ask, “Is

it possible that any colony, after what has passed, can wish for

reconciliation? The constant publications, which have appeared and been

read with attention, have greatly promoted the spirit of independency:

but no one so much as the pamphlet under the signature of Common Sense,

written by Mr. Thomas Paine, an Englishman. The stile, manner, and

language of the author is singular and captivating. He undertakes to

prove the necessity, the advantages, and practicability of independence.

That no lurking affection for the sovereign may impede it, kings are

placed in a light, that tends not only to destroy all attachment to

them, but to make them distasteful; their very office is attempted to be

rendered odious; from whence the transition to the royal person is easy.

Nothing could have been better timed that this performance. In unison

with the sentiments and feelings of the people, it has produced most

astonishing effects and been received with vast applause; read by almost

every American; and recommended as a work replete with truth; and

against which none but the partial and prejudiced can form any

objections. It has satisfied multitudes, that it is their true interests

immediately to cut the Gordian knot by which the American colonies have

been bound to Great-Britain, and to open their commerce, as an

independent people, to all the nations of the world. It has been greatly

instrumental in producing a similarity of sentiment through the

continent, upon the subject under the consideration of congress. On the

10th, the business was postponed to the 1st of July; but that no time

might be lost, the next day Messrs. Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin,

Sherman and R. R. Livingston, were appointed a committee to prepare a

declaration of independence. Directly upon which, congress resolved,

“That a committee be appointed to prepare and digest the form of a

confederation to be entered into between these colonies; and that a

committee be appointed to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to

foreign powers.”

Let us pass for a while to other matters.

[June 17.] Congress resolved to send major general _Gates_ into Canada,

to take the command of the forces in that province; but before the

latter could reach them, they were at Crown-Point; this however could

not be known by congress. They concluded upon authorizing gen.

Washington to offer the Indians a reward of a hundred dollars for every

commissioned officer, and thirty dollars for every private soldier of

the king’s troops, that they should take prisoners in the Indian country

or on the frontiers of the united colonies. The general’s army is

surrounded by a great number of secret foes, who, he is persuaded, will

stick at nothing to effect their purposes of destroying it. They had

laid a deep scheme for doing it, which was prosecuted with the utmost

vigilance, but has been happily discovered. The general has full proof

as to their intentions against the army; but is not so clear whether

there was any thing personal designed against himself. The reliance

however, which he has on the protection of an all-wise and beneficent

Being, has secured him at least against the fear of it; and will prevent

any change in his conduct from taking place through apprehension.[13]

Two of the general’s guard were concerned; a third, it is said, whom

they tempted to join them, made the discovery. Several were taken into

custody; and among them the mayor of New-York, who confessed the

bringing of money from governor Tryon to pay for rifles made by a

gunsmith now in irons. The mayor, after being twice examined, was

remanded to prison, under a proper guard.

This affair produced a change in the politics of _New-Jersey_. That

colony, it was thought, would be among the last to alter its government,

whereas it will now be among the first that gets a settled constitution.

Nothing more than a bare majority in favor of the alteration, was

expected in the provincial congress; but the plot against the general

wrought wonders; there were but four dissenting voices. On the 21st,

however, before they could know the plot as a body, they proceeded to

elect delegates for the continental congress, whom they empowered to

join in declaring the united colonies independent of Great-Britain. In

this election they left out William Livingston, esq. under a strong

persuasion that he was not favorable to independency; and chose the Rev.

Dr. Witherspoon, the president of the college at Princeton, from a

conviction that he would support it with all his abilities.

[June 25.] Gen. _Howe_ arrived at _Sandy-Hook_ in the Greyhound frigate.

He soon received from gov. Tryon a full account of the state and

disposition of the province, as well as of the strength of the

Americans. Gen. _Washington_’s army was small, rather below nine

thousand fit for duty. Of this little army, he wrote [June 28.] “at

least 2000 are wholly destitute of arms, and near as many with arms in

such condition as to be rather calculated to discourage than animate the

user.” The same day the British fleet arrived with gen. Howe’s troops

from Halifax. They took possession of Staten-Island July the 2d. On the

4th the American adjutant-general, col. Joseph Reed, wrote to a member

of congress, “With an army of force before and a secret one behind, we

stand on a point of land, with 6000 old troops, if a year’s service of

about half, can entitle them to the name, and about 1500 new levies of

this province, many disaffected, and more doubtful. In this situation we

are, every man in the army, from the general to the private (acquainted

with our true situation) is exceedingly discouraged. _Had I known the

true posture of affairs, no consideration would have tempted me to have

taken an active part of this scene; and this sentiment is universal._”

Gen. Howe is sufficiently strong, considering the goodness of his

troops, to make a successful attempt upon the Americans; but being in

daily expectation of the reinforcement from Europe, he will undoubtedly

remain inactive till their arrival.

This then is a proper opportunity for relating the operations in South

Carolina.

The designs of ministry against the southern colonies, were

providentially discovered before the arrival of Sir _Peter Parker_. In

the beginning of April capt. James Barron arrived at Williamsburgh, with

dispatches from the secretary of state, for governor Eden of Maryland,

which he took from on board a small vessel sent by lord Dunmore to carry

them to Annapolis. The secretary’s letter is dated Whitehall, December

23, 1775, and says,

“SIR,

“An armament of seven regiments, with a fleet of frigates and small

ships, is now in readiness to proceed to the southern colonies, in

order to attempt the restoration of legal government in that part of

America. It will proceed in the first place to North-Carolina, and

from thence either to South-Carolina or Virginia, as circumstances

shall point out.” This discovery is ranked, by the American commander

in chief, among many other signal interpositions of Providence, and as

serving to inspire every reflecting mind with confidence. No one

professes “a more firm reliance on the all-wise and powerful

dispensations of the supreme Being, or thinks his aid more necessary.”

[April 18.] The Ann and Isabella arrived at Cape-Fear with part of the

17th regiment; she was the first vessel of Sir Peter Parker’s fleet.

From her arrival to the second of May, thirteen transports got in. On

the third of May, Sir Peter and twenty sail arrived with lord

_Cornwallis_, gen. _Vaughan_ and others; when they met with gen.

_Clinton_, who after leaving New-York, proceeded to Virginia, where he

saw lord Dunmore; but finding that no service could be effected in that

colony, he repaired to Cape Fear river, and waited the arrival of the

armament from Europe. [May 5.] Gen. Clinton issued out a proclamation

from on board the Pallas transport, offering free pardon to all such as

should lay down their arms, &c. excepting Cornelius Harnett and Robert

Howe. The defeat of the highlanders and regulators in February, and the

measures afterward taken for the safety of the colony, diverted the

commanders from attempting any thing against it; and led them to

conclude upon attacking _Charleston_, which they were in full

expectation of subduing, as they had about 2800 land forces to

co-operate with the men of war. Prior to their arrival and junction

every exertion had been made to put the colony of _South-Carolina_, and

especially its capital in a respectable posture of defence. As one mean

conducing to it, works were erected on _Sullivan_’s Island, situated so

near the channel as to be a very convenient post for annoying ships

approaching the town; and about thirty cannon, 32, 18 and 19 pounders,

were mounted on a fort constructed with palmetto. This is a tree

peculiar to the southern states, which grows from twenty to forty feet

high, without branches, and then terminates in something resembling the

head of a cabbage. The wood is remarkably spongy. A bullet entering it,

makes no extended fracture, but buries itself without injuring the parts

adjacent.

On the first of June advices were received in Charleston, that a fleet

of forty or fifty sail was at anchor about six leagues to the northward

of Sullivan’s Island. The next day the alarm signal was fired, and

expresses sent to the officers commanding the militia in the country, to

repair to the immediate defence of the capital, with the forces under

their respective command. In a few days several hundred of the enemy’s

troops were landed on Long-Island, situated to the eastward of

Sullivan’s, and separated from it by a creek. On the 10th the Bristol, a

50 gun ship, her guns being previously taken out, got safe over the bar.

About this time a proclamation was sent ashore, in which gen. Clinton

promised pardon to the inhabitants upon their laying down their arms and

quietly submitting to the re-establishment of royal government. It

produced none of the effects wished from it. The militia of the country

very generally obeyed the summons of president Rutledge, and repaired in

great numbers to the capital. The regular regiments of the adjacent

northern colonies, having been ordered to the assistance of their

southern neighbors, arrived at this critical juncture. The whole were

commanded by gen. Lee, who had been sent to the southward on gen.

Clinton’s leaving the Hook. The great opinion every where entertained of

his ability and experience, add to the spirits of the troops and

inhabitants. In a few days the Americans, including the militia of the

town and country amounted to five or six thousand men. The first

South-Carolina regular regiment, commanded by col. Gadsden, was

stationed at Fort Johnson, on the most northerly point of James Island,

and within point blank shot of the channel. The second and third regular

regiments of the colony, commanded by cols. _Moultrie_ and _Thompson_,

occupied the two extremities of Sullivan’s Island. The other forces had

their posts assigned them at Haddrell’s Point, James Island, and along

the bay in front of the town. The streets near the water were in

different places strongly barricaded. The stores on the wharfs, though

immensely valuable, were pulled down, and lines of defence continued

along the water’s edge. Domestic conveniencies were exchanged for

blankets and knapsacks, and gentlemen of the most independent fortune,

labored with the hoe and spade in their hands. Gov. Rutledge, sore

against his will, was obliged to adopt some absolute measures for the

defence of the place. He pressed 700 negroes, with tools, &c. belonging

to non-associators, to work upon the fortifications and trenches; and

seized, for the present, the cash and papers of many associators in name

only, to prevent their doing mischief, as they hung back in the hour of

trial. In a few days, by the labor of the citizens, in conjunction with

the negroes, such obstructions were thrown in the way, as would have

greatly embarrassed the royal army, had it attempted landing in the

town. [June 26.] The Experiment, of 50 guns, safely crossed the bar,

after taking similar precautions with the Bristol.

[June 28.] The fort on Sullivans’s Island is now to be attacked by the

two 50 gun ships the Bristol and Experiment, four frigates, the Active,

Acteon, Solebay and Syren, each of 28 guns; the Sphynx, of 20 guns, the

Friendship armed vessel, of 22 guns, the Ranger sloop and Thunder bomb,

each of eight guns. The Thunder bomb, covered by the armed ship, takes

her station in the morning, and begins to throw shells between the hours

of ten and eleven. The Active, Bristol, Experiment and Solebay come

boldly on to the attack. A little before eleven, the garrison fires four

or five shot at the Active, while under sail. When she comes near the

fort, she drops anchor, and pours in a broadside. Her example is

followed by the three other vessels, and a most furious and incessant

cannonade ensues. The Sphynx, Acteon and Syren are ordered to take their

station between the end of the island and Charleston, partly to enfilade

the works of the fort, partly to cut off the communication between the

island and the continent, and partly to prevent any attempts that may be

made to interrupt the grand attack. The western extremity of the fort,

off which they are to be stationed, is so unfinished as to afford very

imperfect cover to the men at the guns in that part, and also so

situated as to expose the men in the other parts of the fort to a very

dangerous cross fire. Providence on this occasion remarkably interposes

in behalf of the garrison, and saves them from a fate, that undoubtedly

would otherwise be inevitable. About twelve o’clock, as the three

last-mentioned ships are advancing, they all get entangled with a shoal

call the Middle Ground; two of them run foul of each other. The Acteon

sticks fast. The Sphynx, before she clears herself, loses her bowsprit;

but the Syren gets off without much injury. They are too late however,

or in no condition for executing the intended service. The Thunder bomb,

after having thrown about 60 shells, is so damaged as to be incapable of

firing longer. While the continued fire from the ships seem sufficient

to shake the bravest enemy, and daunt the courage of the most veteran

soldier, the return made from the fort calls for the respect of the

brave British seamen, though highly incommoded by it. The garrison,

which consists of col. Moultrie, 344 regulars and a few volunteer

militia, nearly all raw and unexperienced, stick to their guns with the

greatest constancy and firmness, amidst a most dreadful roar of

artillery. They fire deliberately and slowly, and take a cool and

effective aim. The ships suffer accordingly. They are torn almost to

pieces, and the slaughter is deadful. Never did British valor shine more

conspicuous, nor ever did their marine experience so rough an encounter,

in an engagement of the same nature with any foreign enemy. The springs

of the Bristol’s cable being cut by the shot, she is for some time most

dreadfully raked by the Americans. Capt. Morris, who commands her,

though he has received a number of wounds, disdains quitting his duty,

till his arm being at length shot off, he is carried away in

circumstances that afford no possibility of recovery. Sir Peter Parker

suffers a slight contusion. Every man stationed in the beginning of the

action on the quarter deck of the Bristol, is either killed or wounded.

In the whole she has 40 men killed and 71 wounded. The Experiment had 23

killed and 76 wounded. Capt. Scott, who commands her, loses his arm and

receives many other wounds. Lord Campbell, the late governor of the

colony, who serves as a volunteer, with the greatest spirit and bravery,

and is so condescending as to accept of the direction of some guns of

the lower gun deck, receives a hurt in his left side, which may finally

prove mortal[14]. The fire of the fort is principally directed against

the Bristol and Experiment, which suffer very much in their hulls, masts

and rigging. Not less than 70 balls go through the former. The Acteon

has a lieutenant killed and six men wounded. The Solebay has eight men

wounded. The loss of the garrison is only ten men killed and twenty-two

wounded.

The guns at the fort were at on time so long silenced, that it was

thought to have been abandoned. When the garrison had received a recruit

of powder, the expenditure of their stock having obliged them to cease

firing, they began it again, and did amazing execution by its excessive

severity. During the long, hot and obstinate conflict between the

American fort and the British men of war, the seamen looked frequently

and impatiently to the eastward, expecting to see the land forces, under

general Clinton and lord Cornwallis, advance from Long-Island, and march

up to second the attack; but in this they were disappointed. Though the

creek between that island and Sullivan’s is easily fordable in general,

yet at that time, through a long series of easterly winds it was

uncommonly deep, and impassable at the usual place of passage. The

British troops might have crossed higher up; but then they must have

been exposed so completely and so long to the American fire, that they

would have run the risk of being defeated. Col. Thompson, with 300

riflemen of his regiment; col. Clark, with 200 regulars of the

North-Carolina line; col. Horry with 200 South-Carolina militia, and the

Raccoon company of militia riflemen, with an eighteen pounder and a

field piece, were stationed at the east end of Sullivan’s Island to

oppose their crossing.

The British fire was kept up without intermission till near seven

o’clock, when it slackened considerably. At half past nine, the firing

on both sides ceased, and at eleven the shatered ships slipped their

cables and withdrew from the scene of action, after an engagement which

had been supported with uncommon courage and vigor on both sides for

above ten hours. Next morning all the men of war, except the Acteon, had

retired about two miles from the island. The garrison fired several shot

at her; she at first returned them, but soon after the crew set her on

fire and abandoned her, leaving the colours flying, the guns loaged, and

all her ammunition and stores behind. She was in a short time boarded by

a party of Americans, who brought off her colours, the ship’s bell and

as many sail and stores as three boats could contain. While the flames

were bursting out on all sides, they fired three of her guns at the

commodore, and then quitted her; and in less than half an hour after she

blew up.

There were many thousand shot fired at the fort from the shipping; but

the works suffered little damage; those which struck the fort were

buried in its soft wood. Hardly a hut or tree on the island escaped.

Seven thousand balls have been picked up since the engagement.

When the British fleet appeared off the coast, there was so scanty a

stock of lead, that to supply the musquetry with balls, it became

necessary to strip the windows of the dwelling houses in Charleston of

their weights. Powder also was very scarce, notwithstanding a seasonably

supply received a few days before the engagement. The proportion

allotted for the defence of the fort was but barely enough for slow

firing. It was expended with great deliberation. The officers, in turn,

pointed the guns with such exactness, that most of their shot took

effect on the shipping. In the beginning of the action the flag-staff

was shot away. Sergeant Jasper of the grenadiers immediately jumped on

the beach, took up the flag, and fastened it on a sponge-staff. He

mounted the merlon with it in his hand; and though the ships were

directing their incessent broad sides at the spot, deliberately fixed

it. The day after the action, gov. Rutledge presented the sergeant with

a sword, as a mark of respect for his distinguished valor. Seven of the

wounded of the garrison lost their limbs; but not with these their

spirits; for they enthusiastically encouraged their comrades, never to

abandon the standard of liberty and their country[15]. This was

particularly noticed of sergeant M’Donald who being mortally wounded by

a cannon ball, employed the interval between the wounding and his death

in exhortations to that purpose. He expired in a few minutes, when

Jasper removed the body out of sight, calling out at the same instant,

“revenge the brave mans death.”

Charleston has certainly had a narrow escape. Gen. Lee, wrote to the

board of war July the second, “For the want of cavalry, Charleston and

its dependencies had certainly been lost, if the enemy had acted with

that vigor and expedition we had reason to expect, but a most

unaccountable langor and inertness on their parts have saved us.” The

unfinished state of the fort, the danger of its being enfiladed, and the

difficulty of a retreat for want of a durable communication between the

island and the main by a bridge, led the general to view the fort rather

as untenable, and to incline to the abandoning of it: but when he found

that col. Moultrie was determined at all adventures to attempt its

defence, he satisfied himself with advising to a seasonable evacuation,

and against risking too much in its support.—The colonel and his

garrison have deserved the praises and thanks of their country and will

undoubtedly meet with due honor.

Some think there was a capital mistake on the part of the British

commander in stopping at the fort, when Charleston was the object; and

that the fleet should have passed the island, in order to their

attacking the town, which with a leading wind and tide, might have been

done with a tenth part of the loss and damage that the ships have

sustained. But had they passed the fort a successful attack upon the

town was not a necessary consequence. The very attack of the fort would

have been successful had the Acteon got safe to her station, instead of

running aground.

The fate of this expedition will contribute greatly to establish the

popular government it was intended to overset; while the news of it will

fly like a meteor through the continent, and carry with it a most

malignant influence on the royal cause. Sir Peter Parker will most

probably sail soon, with the fleet and troops for the Hook, and in order

the join lord Howe.

Now let us resume the momentous business of independency.

The _Pennsylvania_ assembly withdrew from its union with congress, in

consequence of instructions to their delegates, upon the congressional

resolve of May the 15th, for suppressing all authority derived from the

crown of Great-Britain in the united colonies. The committee of the city

and liberties of Philadelphia apprehended, that by this step an appeal

was made to the people; and in compliance with the request of a large

majority of the inhabitants, issued letters on the 20th of May (by

virtue of a power given to them in the provincial convention held in

January 1775) for calling a conference of the committees of the

counties, in order to collect the sense of the inhabitants upon the

aforesaid resolve of congress, and to bring about a re-union of the

provinces with the other colonies, by calling a provincial convention,

with a view to form a government for that purpose. They intimated their

belief, that the assembly had been dragged into a compliance with most

of the resolutions of congress from fear of a provincial convention.

Messrs. John Bayard and Daniel Roberdeau were particularly active in

this business. The deputies of the people assembled [June 24.] in full

provincial conference, and unanimously declared their willingness to

concur in a vote of congress declaring the united colonies free and

independent states. A change in their delegates followed. Mr. Dickenson

opposed openly, and upon principle, the declaration of independence, and

was therefore removed.

The _Maryland_ convention had instructed their delegates, last December,

to propose the question of independency. These therefore, having given

their vote against it, withdrew; not from a personal opposition, but in

compliance with their public representation. Mr. Samuel Chase was

strongly attached to it; and when he was returned to Maryland, procured

county instructions to the members of convention, by which the last were

induced to alter their own instructions. He transmitted an account of it

to his friend in congress, in the following terms—“Annapolis [June 28.]

Friday evening, nine o’clock. I am this moment from the house to procure

an expresss to follow the post with an unanimous vote of our convention

for _independence_, &c. See the glorious effects of county instructions.

Our people have fire, if not smothered. S. Chase.”

[July 1.] Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole upon

the subject of independency; but neither colonies nor members being

unanimous, it was postponed till the next day.

[July 4.] They had it under further consideration, when the declaration

of independence was agreed to and adopted. The title of it is,

A DECLARATION by the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in

Congress assembled.

The preamble follows in these words: “When, in the course of human

events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political

bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the

powers of the earth, the separate and equal station, to which the laws

of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the

opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which

impel them to the separation.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created

equal—that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unalienable

rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of

happiness—That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among

men, deriving their just powers, from the consent of the governed—that

whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is

the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a

new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing

its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect

their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that

governments long established, should not be changed for light and

transient causes—and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind

are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right

themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But

when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the

same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism,

it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and

to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the

patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity

which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.” The

declaration proceeds to give “a history of repeated injuries and

usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an

absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be

submitted to a candid world.” It then enters upon a specification of

injuries and complaints, to the following purport—

Assent has been refused to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the

public good.

Governors have been forbidden to pass laws of immediate and pressing

importance, unless suspended in their operation till assented to in

Britain; and when so suspended, an attention to them has been utterly

neglected.

Legislative bodies have been called together at places unusual,

uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records,

for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into a compliance with favorite

measures.

Houses of representatives have been dissolved repeatedly, for opposing

with manly firmness, invasions on the rights of the people.

For a long time after such dissolution, it has been refused to permit

others to be elected; whereby the legislative power, incapable of

annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise;

the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of

invasion from without, and convulsions within.

Endeavors have been made to prevent the population of these states, by

obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass

others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions

of new appropriations of land.

The administration of justice has been obstructed by the refusing of

assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

Judges have been made dependent on the crown alone for the tenure of

their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

A multitude of new offices have been erected, and swarms of officers

have been sent hither to harrass the people, and eat out their

substance.

Standing armies have been kept up among us in times of peace, without

the consent of our legislatures.

The military has been rendered independent of, and superior to the civil

power.

A plan has been formed to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our

constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws.

Acts have been passed by the British legislature, for quartering large

bodies of armed troops among us—for protecting them by a mock trial,

from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the

inhabitants of these states—for cutting off our trade with all parts of

the world—for imposing taxes on us without our consent—for depriving us,

in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury—for transporting us

beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences—for abolishing the free

system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein

an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render

it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same

absolute rule into these colonies—for taking away our charters,

abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms

of our governments—for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring

the British parliament invested with power to legislate for us in all

cases whatsoever.

The crown of Great-Britain has abdicated government here, by declaring

us out of its protection and waging war against us.

Our seas have been plundered, our coasts ravaged, our towns burnt, and

the lives of our people destroyed.

Large armies of foreign mercenaries are at this time transporting, to

complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with

circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most

barbarous ages, and totally unworthy a civilized nation.

Our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, have been

constrained to bear arms against their country, to become the

executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by

their hands.

Domestic insurrections have been excited amongst us, and endeavors have

been used to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless

Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished

destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. The declaration proceeds,

saying,

“In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in

the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by

repeated injury. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British

brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their

legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have

reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement

here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we

have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these

usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and

correspondence.—They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of

consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which

denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind,

enemies in war, in peace friends. WE, therefore, the Representatives of

the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing

to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions,

DO, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these

colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are,

and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are

absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all

political connection between them and the state of Great-Britain, is,

and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent

States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract

alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which

independent states may of right do. And for the support of this

declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE

PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes,

and our sacred honor.”

The declaration was by order of congress engrossed and signed by the

following members, _JOHN HANCOCK_—NEW-HAMPSHIRE, _Josiah Bartlett_,

_William Whipple_, _Mathew Thornton_—MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, _Samuel Adams_,

_John Adams_, _Robert Treat Paine_, _Elbridge Gerry_—RHODE-ISLAND and

PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, _Stephen Hopkins_, _William Ellery_—CONNECTICUT,

_Roger Sherman_, _Samuel Huntington_, _William Williams_, _Oliver

Wolcott_—NEW-YORK, _William Floyd_, _Philip Livingston_, _Francis

Lewis_, _Lewis Morris_—NEW-JERSEY, _Richard Stockton_, _John

Witherspoon_, _Francis Hopkinson_, _John Hart_, _Abraham

Clark_—PENNSYLVANIA, _Robert Morris_, _Benjamin Rush_, _Benjamin

Franklin_, _John Morton_, _George Clymer_, _James Smith_, _George

Taylor_, _James Wilson_, _George Ross_—DELAWARE, _Cæsar Rodney_, _George

Read_—MARYLAND, _Samuel Chase_, _William Paca_, _Thomas Stone_, _Charles

Carroll of Carrollton_—VIRGINIA, _George Wythe_, _Richard Henry Lee_,

_Thomas Jefferson_, _Benjamin Harrison_, _Thomas Neilson, jun._,

_Francis Lightfoot Lee_, _Cartar Braxton_—NORTH-CAROLINA, _William

Hooper_, _Joseph Hewes_, _John Penn_:—SOUTH-CAROLINA, _Edward

Rutledge_, _Thomas Hayward, jun._, _Thomas Lynch, jun._, _Arthur

Middleton_:—GEORGIA, _Button Gwinnett_, _Lyman Hall_, _George Walton_.

The declaration of Congress is intended for their act of separation from

the crown of Great-Britain; they therefore no longer regard that

prudential state maxim, _the king can do no wrong_ in his official

character; but, in making their complaints, charge the specified

grievances to majesty itself; by which they mean to justify, in the

sight of mankind, the renunciation of their former allegiance. Thus has

an event been produced which was not had in contemplation by any of the

colonies, or even by any delegate, scarce by Mr. Samuel Adams, as what

was so soon to happen, when congress first met in the year 1774. When

Lexington engagement had taken place, he and some of his colleagues

judged that the contest must then issue in independence, or slavery; and

therefore laboured to establish the first, that the last might be

prevented. But had a serious proposal of separating from the crown of

Great-Britain been early introduced into congress, the dissolution of

that body would have followed, through the general aversion of the

people at large and of particular colonies to such separation. The

Massachusetts delegates had a very nice part to act. The southern

colonies were jealous of their republican spirit, and of their aiming at

independency. These therefore, by a most prudent policy, secured those

of the Virginia delegates that verged toward republicanism, with whom

they intrusted any favourite measure which they wanted to have carried;

and who brought the same forward and supported it in congress, against

the other southern delegates, while their Massachusetts brethren

attended the debates without showing themselves particularly interested,

so that the jealousies of such as were most against it were not alarmed.

They took occasion also, from the various occurrences that offered,

gently to infuse their own sentiments into the minds of such as had

before opposed them. Their wise procedure aided, on the one hand by

certain trusty friends in congress, and on the other by the persevering

blundering politics of the British ministry, have under the direction of

Providence produced independency. It remains to be seen whether

Providence will give to the same an abiding establishment. The measures

which congress have adopted, may be deemed by some presumptuous,

considering the weakness of their own army: the strength of the British,

assisted by a powerful navy; and that they have not the least assurance

of aid from foreign power. But how could it have been avoided? The

people were ripe for it. Prudence dictated a compliance with their

expectations and wishes. A disappointment might have disgusted, and

produced disorder. The declaration may give confidence to the timid; and

animate the friends of liberty to greater exertions. It may lead France

to think, that the Americans have resources more than are known, and so

incline her to entertain the thought of giving them assistance; while it

admits of their applying for the same, with perfect consistency as an

independent people. They have nothing worse to apprehend from the

declaration than before. The force destined to act against them proves,

that if possible, they are to be reduced to unconditional submission;

the declaration cannot add to the misery of such submission. Beside, the

quarrel is in such a stage, that it cannot be ended with safety to the

inhabitants, but by their separating from Great-Britain, and becoming

independent: any thing short of that must now prove a continual source

of dissention and wretchedness. The members of congress have had it for

some time rung in their ears.

“The middle way, the best, we sometimes call,

“But ’tis in politics no way at all.”

[July 8.] This day at twelve o’clock, the declaration of independence

was proclaimed at the state-house in Philadelphia, amidst the greatest

acclamations. The day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at

the head of each brigade of the continental army at New-York, and every

where received with loud huzzas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy.

The same evening the equestrian statue of the king was laid prostrate on

the ground. The lead of which it is made, is doomed to be run into

bullets. The New-York congress have unanimously resolved, that they will

at the risk of their lives and fortunes, join with the other colonies in

supporting the declaration; and have authorised their delegates to adopt

all such measures as may be conducive to the happiness of the United

States.

The New-Jersey convention have declared their late governor, William

Franklin, esq. a virulent enemy to the country, and a person who may

prove dangerous, and who ought to be confined in such place and manner

as congress may direct; congress have ordered him to be sent under guard

to governor Trumbull of Connecticut, who is to admit him to his parole;

but if he refuses to give it, he is to be secured the same as other

prisoners. Matters are drawing on to such a crisis, that the next letter

must necessarily contain very interesting intelligence.