The choice of George Washington, esq. by congress, to be commander in
chief of the American army, is adjudged highly prudent by the first
military characters that have served in America, and who conjecture from
his acceptance, that the reduction of the colonies by an armed force
will be more difficult than is generally expected. The ministers of
state however are bent upon making the attempt. They have not profited
by the Lexington skirmishes, nor the Breed’s Hill battle. It would be
happier for the nation, would they copy the conduct of the Spanish
court, toward the inhabitants of Biscay, near upon a hundred and fifty
years back, in 1632, the court laid a duty upon salt, contrary to the
privileges of the people. Upon this the inhabitants of Bilboa rose, and
massacred all the officers appointed to collect it, and all the officers
of the grand admiral. Three thousand troops were sent to punish them for
rebellion; these they fought, and totally defeated, driving most of them
into the sea, which discouraged the court from pursuing their plan of
taxation, and induced them to leave those, whom they had considered in a
state of rebellion, to the full enjoyment of their ancient
privileges[7]. It is thought that a treaty with the court of Petersburgh
for 20,000 Russians, was at one time the last year in considerable
forwardness; but that the extreme distance of the service, the
difficulty of recal, the little probability of the return of many, and
the critical state of public affairs through Europe, rendered it
abortive, after the most sanguine hopes of success.
In all the European countries, where public affairs are a subject of
writing or conversation, the general voice is rather favorable to the
Americans. In this particularly, the lower class of people are adverse
to the war. They have boldly and without restraint condemned the conduct
of their rulers in terms of the utmost acrimony. But this has not been
regarded, other than as it has obstructed the recruiting service, which
never proceeded so heavily before. The reluctance of individuals has
been striking and peculiar; they have not only refused the usual
proffers of encouragement, but reprobated, with indignation, the cause
in which they were solicited to engage, and exerted themselves to hinder
others engaging. Neither protestants, nor catholics in any number, have
been prevailed upon either in England or Ireland, to inlist for the
American service, though the bounties have been raised, and the usual
standard lowered, to facilitate the levies. The recruiting officers have
declared, they never before met with so many mortifications in this
branch of military business. But among the higher orders of men, a
strange insensibility with respect to public affairs seemingly
prevailed. The accounts of the late military actions, as well as
political proceedings of no less importance, were received nearly with
as much indifference, as if they wholly concerned other nations with
whom we were scarce connected. You must except from these observations
the people of North-Britain, who, almost to a man, so far as they can be
described under any particular denomination, not only applauded, but
proffered life and fortune in support of the present measures. The same
approbation was also given and assurances made, though with less
earnestness and unanimity, by a number of towns in England.
The loss of the American commerce was not generally felt. The prodigious
remittances of corn during the British scarcity, and the larger than
usual sums which the colonists were enabled to pay from the advanced
prices of various articles, these together occasioned an extraordinary
influx of money; while an unusual demand for goods and manufactures of
various sorts, from different parts of Europe, produced a quick
circulation of trade, kept up the spirit of the mercantile classes, and
prevented their complaining for want of the American market. Great
numbers at the same time were rendered perfectly unconcerned at what had
happened in America, or were even rejoiced, because of the benefits they
were receiving from the contest. The war being carried on at such a
distance, gave employment and emolument to an amazing number of people;
and caused that bustle of business and plenty of cash, which checked all
observation of deficiencies in other branches of traffic. Add, that a
tribe of contractors, dealers, and gamesters in stcoks and money
transactions, were themselves animated, and encouraged others to join in
justifying and supporting governmental measures. Hence, that apathy
which has been noted; and which continued till toward the meeting of
parliament.
The ministry gave into great expences, to supply the army at Boston with
fresh provisions and other articles. It is said that five thousand oxen,
and fourteen thousand of the largest and fattest sheep, beside a vast
number of hogs, were purchased and sent out alive. Vegetables of all
kinds were bought up in incredible quantities. Ten thousand butts of
strong beer were supplied by two brewers. The seemingly trifling
necessaries of vegetables, casks and vinegar, amount in two distinct
articles, detached from the general comprehension of other provisions,
to near twenty-two thousand pounds: and the hay; oats and beans, for the
single regiment of light cavalry there, amount to nearly as much. To
whatever it was owing, the transports were not ready to sail, till the
year was far spent. By this mean they were detained on the coasts by
contrary winds, or tossed about by tempests, until the greater part of
their live cargoes of hogs, and particularly of sheep, perished, so that
the channel was every where strewed with their floating carcases. A
large part of the vegetables must also have been destroyed by excessive
fermentation.
The retaliation practised by congress in cutting off the British
fisheries from all colonial provisions and supplies, threw the whole
business upon the banks and coasts of Newfoundland into the greatest
confusion, and brought distress upon all who were employed by sea or
land in that quarter. Instead of prosecuting the service they went upon,
many of the ships were constrained to make the best of their way to any
place where provisions could be procured. It was computed, that to the
value of full half a million sterling was left in the bowles of the
deep, and forever lost to mankind, by the first operation of the fishery
bill.
The storm which happened last September the 11th, during the fishing
season, and of which you will have received some general accounts, may
probably be reckoned by the Americans, as it is here by the more serious
or those who favour them, a providential retaliation of the supreme
Ruler on such as had deprived them, by a parliamentary act, of that
sustenance, which seemed to be given them as their peculiar property.
Lest you should not have had the particulars, let me mention, that a
most dreadful tempest, of a particular kind, discharged itself on the
coasts of Newfoundland. The sea rose near upon thirty feet almost
instantly. Above seven hundred boats, with all their people, perished,
and eleven ships with most of their crews. At Havre-de-Grace, no fewer
than three hundred boats were lost. The devastation was hardly less on
the land; the waters broke in beyond their usual bounds, and occasioned
vast destruction.—The shores presented a shocking spectacle.
As the time approached for the meeting of a parliament, addresses were
poured in from different quarters, condemning the conduct of the
Americans; approving of all the acts of government; and in general
recommending a perseverance in the same until the colonies shall be
reduced to a thorough obedience.—Manchester distinguished itself by
taking the lead. These addresses necessarily implied an approbation of
the measure that was then in execution, viz. the sending of five
battalions of Hanoverian troops, to replace the like number of British,
in the garrisons of Gibralter and Minorca thereby to increase the force
in America with the addition of the latter. The electoral regiments
sailed for the places of destination the first of November.
Petitions of a contrary tendency to the addresses were presented from
several places. Great bodies of American, African and West-India
merchants, with a majority of the inhabitants of the cities of London
and Bristol, still struggled to have matters restored to their ancient
state, but to no purpose. At a numerous meeting of the freeholders of
Middlesex, [Sep. 25.] after agreeing to instruct their members in behalf
of public liberty, it was moved and carried, “that a letter should be
addressed from the freeholders of Middlesex to those of Great-Britain.”
The tenor of it is in favour of a reconciliation with America, and
against the prosecution of the ministerial war. Four days after, (Sept.
29.) the lord mayor, Mr. Wilkes, acquainted the livery with his having
received a letter from the continental congress, which was read; when it
was moved and passed in the affirmative, “that a letter addressed from
the livery of London to the electors of Great-Britain should be read;”
which was done, and afterward published. Three days before the meeting
of parliament, an event took place, which for a while engaged the public
attention. Rumours of combinations in favour of the Americans, had been
frequent. It was said, that they were privately abetted by the advice
and correspondence, and assisted by the purses of personages of high
rank and importance. These reports spread much alarm through the nation,
and, exasperated those who considered the Americans as rebels. Hints and
suspicions were given and taken; and at length a seeming foundation for
them appeared. (Oct. 23.) Mr. Sayre, an American born, and a banker in
London, was secured; and being examined before the secretary of state,
lord Rochford, and confronted by his accuser, was committed to the tower
for high treason, on the ridiculous charge, of a design of seizing his
majesty at noon day, in his passage to the house of peers; of conveying
him a prisoner to the tower, and afterwards out of the kingdom; and of
overturning the whole form of government, by bribing a few sergeants of
the guards, who were also to bribe their men. After a close and severe
confinement of five days, an habeas corpus was granted, and he was
brought before the lord chief justice of the king’s bench, who admitted
him to bail, on his own security, in the trifling sum of five hundred
pounds, and that of two securities in as much, for his appearance to
answer the charge. No prosecution was attempted, and at the session in
December it was moved to have his recognisance discharged, which was
granted accordingly. The secretary will be sued for illegal
imprisonment, though it is thought his conduct is justifiable in point
of law.—(Oct. 26.) His majesty opened the session of parliament with a
speech, which proposed sanguinary measures, and charged the American
leaders with having nothing in view, but the establishment of an
independent empire. It says, “I have received the most friendly offers
of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence
thereof, they shall be laid before you.—And I have, in testimony of my
affection for my people, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port
Mahon, a part of my electoral troops; that a larger number of the
established forces of this kingdom, may be applied to the maintenance of
its authority. When the deluded multitude, against whom this force will
be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to
receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. I shall give authority to
certain persons to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities,
in such manner, and to such persons, as they shall think fit, and to
receive the submission of any province which shall be disposed to return
to its allegiance. It may also be proper to authorise the persons so
commissioned to restore such province, so returning to its allegiance,
to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same
protection and security as if such province had never revolted.” When an
address to his majesty in answer to the speech, had been moved and
seconded in the house of commons, lord John Cavendish moved for an
amendment; which occasioned a long debate, that was carried on with the
utmost eagerness and unceasing energy on both sides. The employment of
foreign troops to reduce America, was an object animadverted upon by
opposition with peculiar violence and indignation.
General Conway though in place, opposed administration; and condemned,
in the most decisive terms, the American war, declaring it to be cruel,
unnecessary and unnatural—calling it in plain terms, a butchery of his
fellow subjects. He reprobated every idea of conquering America, upon
all the grounds of justice, expediency and practicability. He declared
in the most unreserved terms against the right of taxation, and wished
to see the declaratory law repealed (though it had passed under his own
auspices when in administration) rather than it should be employed to
colour designs, the most opposite to the intentions, publicly declared,
of those who supported it in parliament, and particularly opposite to
the fullest declaration of his own at the time of his moving it. The
ministry made as good a defence as their cause would admit; and pleaded,
“We are now in a situation which doth not afford a possibility of
receding without shame, ruin and disgrace.” Lord North acknowlegded,
that he had been deceived; that he did not imagine that all America
would have armed in the cause. Administration, he said, proceeded upon
the information they had received; if other gentlemen were in possession
of better, why did they not communicate it? Administration had opposite
information, but they adhered to that which came from persons whose
interest made them parties with the inclinations of ministry. That which
they neglected, as proceeded from mistake or a wrong bias, they now find
to have been the truest.
The space of a whole night was consumed in the debates upon the royal
speech; it was near five in the morning when the motion made by the
opposition was rejected by 278, against 108; after which the address was
carried without a division.
In the house of lords, the debate on the address was also long and warm.
The duke of Grafton suddenly and unexpectedly quitted administration. He
went into a decisive condemnation of all the acts of government for some
time past, with respect to America, as well as of the measures held out
by the speech. He declared that he had been deceived and misled upon
that subject; and that, by the withholding of information and the
misrepresentment of facts, he had been induced to lend his countenance
to measures which he never approved; and that he was blindly led to give
a support to the one of coercing America, from a firm persuasion held
out, that matters would never come to an extremity of that nature, and
that an appearance of coercion was all that was requisite to establish a
reconciliation. He asserted that nothing less than a total repeal of all
the American laws which had been passed since 1763, could now restore
peace and happiness. The lords in administration did not deny the
imperfectness of their information in some matters, but pleaded the
impracticability of obtaining such knowledge as might have prevented
several disappointments. They were obliged to depend upon the sagacity
and judgment of those whom they trusted. They had taken all possible
pains to proceed upon sure grounds. It would be unjust to make them
answerable for failures which were occasioned by events totally
unexpected by the shrewdest persons upon the spot; to such alone must be
attributed the general want of success in the plans pursued in the
course of the present year. There were two remarkable instances of this
kind; the one was the total alteration of circumstances in the province
of _New-York_, the other was the implicit acquiescence of the southern
colonies in the views and arrangements of the northern. These were
events that accelerated with irresistible rapidity the revolution of
affairs through the continent, and equally surprised the ministry, who
from their intelligence, could be no wise apprehensive of such an
unhappy turn. The defection of New-York they imputed to its being
compelled into measures by the Connecticut insurgents, which the people
there would never have otherwise adopted. They pleaded, “We must either
reduce the colonies to submission, or for ever relinquish all dominion
over them, and all advantage from North-America.” The motion for the
address was at length carried by 76 votes against 33. But a protest
against it was drawn up, and signed by nineteen peers. In that they
condemned the war commenced against America with the utmost freedom and
asperity; and also censured with equal severity, the employing of
foreign troops and various other parts of the ministerial conduct.
As none of the measures adopted by administration gave more umbrage than
the employment of the Hanoverian troops, opposition determined to bring
it before parliament in the most solemn and serious manner. A motion was
accordingly made in the house of lords, declaring that to employ foreign
troops without the previous consent of parliament, was dangerous and
unconstitutional, as being clearly against law. In the debate which
followed, various arguments were used for and against the legality of
introducing foreign forces into the kingdom or its dependencies without
consent of parliament. As an act of indemnity would have been a
recognizance of its illegality, it was studiously warded off, as well as
the motion itself which was defeated by the previous question, carried
by a majority of 75 to 32. In the house of commons, the debates on this
subject were no less elaborate, and consisted of much the same
reasonings. The motion was similar to that in the house of lords, and
was lost in like manner, 81 for, and 203 against it. Thus was a
question, of which the magnitude is equal to that of any other
fundamental point in the constitution, put off to future decision. While
it was in agitation, an incomparable majority of the public agreed in
the opinion adopted by the opposition. However they might differ
concerning measures to be pursued respecting America, they cordially
united with them in condemning the admission of foreign troops into the
kingdom or its dependencies, without the express assent of parliament.
That the designs of the Americans might be completely frustrated, it was
proposed in a committee of supply, that the naval establishment of
sailors and marines should be augmented to 28,000 men, and that the
number of ships of war on the American station should amount to eighty.
The land forces were to consist of 25,000 of the selected troops in the
service. These formidable preparations called up the attention of
several principal members in the opposition. In order, if possible, to
render the operations of war unnecessary, it was proposed to facilitate
the means of reconciliation. [Nov. 7.] To this purpose, Mr. T. Luttrell
moved for an address to his majesty, “humbly requesting, that he will
authorize the commissioners who may be empowered to act in America, to
receive proposals for conciliation from any general convention or
congress, or other collective body that shall be found most perfectly to
convey the sentiments of one or more of the several continental
colonies, suspending all enquiry into the legal or illegal forms under
which such colony or colonies may be disposed to treat, as the most
effectual means to prevent the further effusion of blood, and to
reconcile the honor and permanent interest of Great-Britain with the
requisitions of his majesty’s American subjects.” The motion was
seconded, but when the question was put, it passed in the negative
without a division. Lord Barrington, in stating the army estimates,
observed that the number of effective men in the army at Boston by the
last returns, was 7415; but that the forces in America were augmented to
34 battalions, amounting in the whole to upward of 25,000 men. This
augmentation being considerable, he thought it necessary to speak a few
words on the subject. He said, he understood that the idea of taxation
was entirely given up, and that being the case, it was absolutely
necessary to secure the constitutional dependence of that country. The
general plan of administration, he believed to be, first to arm, and
send out commissioners; and then if the Americans should continue to
resist, to employ against them the whole power sent out, in forcing them
to obedience. His hint about the idea of taxation being entirely given
up, alarmed many gentlemen who had supported government in their
coercive measures, with a view, and in a firm persuasion that the
revenue to be drawn from America, would, in a proportionable degree,
lessen their own burdens.
Neither the secretary of state, who received the congressional petition
brought by governor Penn, nor any other minister or person in authority,
had since his arrival proposed a single question to him, or desired the
smallest information from him. This circumstance gave countenance to the
charge, that a system had been chalked out for ministers, which they
were obliged blindly to pursue and to act in, merely as machines,
without being at liberty to form an opinion as to justice, eligibility
or consequence. [Nov. 10.] The duke of Richmond procured however, an
examination of governor _Penn_ before the house of lords. It appeared
from his examination—that congress was in the highest veneration
imaginable by all ranks and orders of men—that he believed implicit
obedience was paid to their resolutions through all the provinces—that
in Pennsylvania 20,000 effective men had voluntarily enrolled themselves
to enter into actual service if necessity required; and that among them
were persons of the most respectable character in the province—that he
presumed the major part were in flourishing situations—that beside these
20,000, there were 4000 minute-men, whose duty was pointed out by their
description. They were to be ready for service at a minutes warning—that
the Pennsylvanians perfectly understood the art of making
gun-powder—that they had made that and salt-petre—that the art of
casting cannon had been carried to great perfection—that small arms had
been made to as great a degree of perfection as could be imagined—that
the Americans were equally expert with the Europeans at
ship-building—that he was sure the language of congress expressed the
sense of the people of America in general, as far as it applied to
Pennsylvania; and for the other provinces he affirmed the same, though
from information only—that the petition which he had presented to the
king, had been considered as an olive branch, and that he had been
complimented by his friends as the messenger of peace—that he imagined
the Americans, who placed much reliance on the petition, would be driven
to desperation by its nonsuccess—that he was apprehensive that sooner
than yield to what were supposed to be the unjust claims of
Great-Britain, the Americans would take the resolution of calling in the
aid of foreign assistance—and that, in his opinion, the neglect with
which the last petition was treated, would induce the Americans to
resign all hopes of pacific negociations. When he was afterward
cross-examined he answered to some questions put to him—that except in
the case of taxation, he apprehended the Americans would have no
objection to acknowledge the sovereignty of Great-Britain,—that he knew
nothing of the proceedings of the congress, they were generally
transacted under the seal of secrecy—and that in case a formidable force
should be sent over to America in support of government, he did not
imagine there were many who would openly profess submission to the
authority of parliament. When governor Penn had withdrawn, the duke of
Richmond, after speaking a few words, moved, “That the matter of the
American petition affords ground for conciliation of the unhappy
difference subsisting between the mother country and the colonies, and
that it is highly necessary that proper steps be immediately taken for
attaining so desirable an object.” After a long and violent debate, the
motion in favor of the petition was rejected by a division of 86 against
33, including proxies.
The house of commons was filled with no less altercation in consequence
of the demands for the supplies on account of the American war. The
land-tax was to be raised to four shillings in the pound. This
augmentation occasioned the country gentlemen to turn their attention to
an object particularly interesting to themselves. They had supported
coersive measures, in expectation that a revenue would arise from the
colonies, to lessen the weight of the burdens with which this country is
loaded. Actuated by such hope, they were willing to advance money, while
they had a prospect of being relieved from exactions in future, by
contributions to be drawn from America. It was therefore with no small
surprize and concern that they observed, by the language of ministry,
that the idea of taxation was in a manner abandoned as inexpedient or
impracticable. They declared, that if that essential object was
relinquished, they also should recede from their intention of granting
money for the prosecuting of a contest, from which no substantial
benefits were to be derived; and which was attended with an expence,
that nothing but the well founded expectation of large pecuniary future
emoluments could encourage them to support. These discontents of the
landed gentlemen were a serious alarm to ministry. The only method of
pacifying them was a solem assurance that the intention of obtaining a
revenue from America had never been dropped. Whatever language might
have been held on this subject, no more was meant, than that in times of
so much trouble and confusion, it was not advisable to mix that with
other causes of dissention and clamor in the colonies; but, though
abandoned for the present, the idea fully subsisted in prospect. This
explanatory answer having quieted the country gentlemen, the land tax
was fixed at four shillings in the pound, by a majority of four to one.
An address, petition and memorial, has been transmitted from the
representatives of _Nova-Scotia_ to the king and parliament, in
consequence of the minister’s conciliatory proposition during the last
session. It proposes the raising of a revenue in the colony, by paying a
certain fixed sum in the hundred on the importation of foreign goods. By
which regulation the revenue will always bear a due proportion to the
wealth and consumption of the colony. The rate of this duty is to be
ascertained by parliament, and to remain unalterably fixed; the only
future regulation to be allowed is, for making the duty correspond with
the comparative value of money at the time the rates are settled. But it
prays “that when the exigencies of the state may require any further
supplies from this province, that then such requisitions may be made in
the usual manner formerly practised;” by which the petitioners evidently
mean to secure themselves the right of granting their own money in all
such exigencies. It also contains a list of grievances of which they
entreat the redress, while they intimate the necessity of such redress
to insure a permanent connection, and to retain the affections of the
people.
As the petition proposed the raising of a revenue under the direction of
parliament, [Nov. 15.] administration received it; and on the day
appointed the house of commons went into a committee upon it; when upon
the motion of lord North it was resolved, “That the proposition in the
petition is fit to be accepted, and that the amount of the duty should
be eight pounds _per centum_, upon all such commodities—that on the
formal settlement of this matter, all other taxes and duties should
cease, such only excepted as regulated commerce; the produce of which
was to be carried to the account of the province—and that a direct
importation into Nova-Scotia, of all wines, oranges, lemons, currants
and raisins, from the place of their growth and produce, should be
admitted. A fortnight after, the resolutions were reported, with a view
to frame a bill agreeable to the prayer of the petitioners. But a
multiplicity of greater objects engaging the time and attention of the
ministers, and further consideration, occasioned a total relinquishment
of this business.
[Nov. 16.] The rapidity with which ministry carried all their measures,
did not prevent Mr. Burke’s moving for a conciliatory bill. The motion
was prefaced by a petition from the principal clothing towns in the
county of Wilts; and that was intended to counteract another, which had
been procured for a contrary purpose, and to prevent (in the petitioners
words) the dreadful effects which might arise from such
misrepresentation being conveyed to parliament. The debate that followed
was not terminated till four in the morning, when the previous question
being put, the motion was negatived by a majority of 210 to 105.
Some days after, the bill for prohibiting all intercourse with the
Thirteen United Colonies was brought into parliament. You will have
received it long before you can get this letter; and must have observed,
that commissioners, whom it enables the crown to appoint, have only the
power of simply granting pardons, but are not authorized to enquire into
grievances, much less to offer the redress of them. This bill roused
immediately the utmost fury of opposition; but the ministry were
prepared to meet it without being moved from the ground they had taken.
In the course of the various arguments and methods of reasoning employed
against the bill, no few sarcasms were introduced. Among others, it was
observed by one of its staunchest opposers, that the guardian genius of
America had that day presided with full influence in the midst of the
British councils. He had inspired the measures that had been resolved
upon by those who directed the affairs of the country. They were
evidently calculated to answer all the purposes which the most violent
Americans, and their most zealous adherents could propose, by inducing
the people in the colonies to unite in the most inflexible determination
to cast off all dependence on this government, and to establish a free
and independent state of their own. He therefore moved, that the title
of the bill should be altered, and worded in such a manner as should
express its real intent and meaning; in which case, he was of opinion,
it should be stiled a bill for carrying more effectually into execution
the resolves of congress. After a long and vehement altercation, the
motion for the bill was carried, (Dec. 11.) by 192 votes against 64.
In the house of lords, the opposition to the bill was no less keen and
severe. It was reprobated as neither equitable, expedient or politic.
This bill (it is said) completes the measures of that severity which
refuses to listen to representations of a people, who persist in spite
of ill treatment, to call themselves the subjects of Great-Britain; and
who implore its clemency to suspend the sword lifted to strike them,
till one more hearing has been granted them.
In the course of this famous debate, it was observed by a great law
lord, that the question of original right or wrong, was not so much to
be attended to, as the indispensable necessity of self-defence. We are
now engaged in a war, and must exert ourselves to prosecute it with
success. The critical situation of our circumstances compels us to
fight. The laconic speech, which a Scotch general in the army of
Gustavus Adolphus made to his soldiers, is precisely applicable to our
situation. Pointing to the enemy he said, “See you those men, kill them,
my lads, or they will kill you.” After a contest which lasted till
midnight, the motion for the commitment of the bill was carried by a
division of 78 to 19.
It was followed by a protest of unusual length, and great energy,
wherein it underwent a severe scrutiny. A minute investigation was made
of every obnoxious part, and no censures were spared of which it was
thought deserving. The protesting peers were Richmond, Ponsondy,
Fitzwilliam, Abergavenny, Rockingham, Chedworth, Abingdon and
Manchester. We dissent, say they, in one place, “Because we reject with
indignation that clause of this bill, which by a refinement in tyranny,
and in a sentence worse than death, obliges the unhappy men, who shall
be made captives in this predatory war, to bear arms against their
families, kindred, friends and country; and after being plundered
themselves, to become accomplices in plundering their brethren.” His
majesty went to the house of peers, (Dec. 21.) and gave his assent to
the above bill; and to others at the same time.
In the course of the debates upon the American business, the great
importance of the colonies to the mother country was urged, by the
ministry, as a reason for exerting the force of the nation in order to
reduce them to obedience, though upon other occasions they had been
spoken of as little consequence. That this reduction might be the sooner
and more effectually secured, the states-general were solicited, by a
letter of his majesty’s own hand-writing, to dispose of their Scotch
brigade, to serve against the Americans the ensuing campaign. The
request, however, was not granted. The opinion gave by _John Derk van
der Chapelle_, in the assembly of the states of Overyssel, was pointedly
against it. When entered upon his last observation, he says, “Though not
as principals, yet as auxiliaries, our troops would be employed toward
suppressing (that what some please to call) a rebellion in the American
colonies; for which purpose I would rather see Janissaries hired, than
troops of a free state.”
“In what an odious light must this unnatural civil war appear to all
Europe; a war in which even savages (if credit can be given to
news-paper information) refuse to engage; more odious still would it
appear for a people to take a part therein who were themselves once
slaves, bore that hateful name, but at last had spirit to fight
themselves free. But above all, it must appear superlatively detestable
to me, who think the Americans worthy of every man’s esteem, and look on
them as a brave people, defending in a becoming, manly and religious
manner, those rights, which as men, they derive from God, not from the
legislature of Great-Britain.”
“Their mode of proceeding will, I hope, serve as an example to every
nation deprived by any means of its privileges; yet fortunate enough in
being able to make suitable efforts toward retaining or regaining them.”
But though his majesty’s request to their high mightinesses was not
complied with, his message to the parliament of Ireland had met with
success, and they had voted on the 15th of November, “that 4000 troops
out of the 12,000 voted for the defence of that kingdom, be spared for
his majesty’s service abroad (the message had mentioned America) the
same to be no charge to Ireland after quitting the kingdom.” But they
declined voting, “that 4000 protestant troops be received to replace the
like number sent abroad; these likewise to be no charge to Ireland;”
which proposition was also contained in the message.
[Dec. 29.] Sir Peter Parker and earl Cornwallis, with the Acteon and
Thunder bomb, sailed from Portsmouth for Corke, to convoy the troops and
transports there to America. The Acteon put into Falmouth, and took on
board col. Ethan Allen and his fellow prisoners, who had been confined
in Pendennis castle, Cornwall; from whence they were removed by
direction of government, upon a discovery that there was an intention of
bringing them before the proper magistrate by the habeas corpus act, in
order to ascertain whether they were legally chargable with any crime
that could warrant their confinement. No assistance was given to Allen
in England; but when the ship arrived at Corke, a subscription for him
was begun in Ireland, and an ample supply of necessaries given him, of
which he and his friends were in great need. About the 20th of Jan.
1776, the fleet and transports were ready to sail; but the lord
lieutenant of Ireland, doubting his power of permitting the troops to
go, a clause, giving particular leave on this occasion, was inserted in
one of the Irish bills. When the bill came to England, the clause was
struck out upon the idea, “that the king had a right by his prerogative
to send the troops.” The lord lieutenant still retaining his doubts, the
clause was inserted in another bill, which was hurried through with all
possible dispatch. But so much time was lost by this affair, that it was
the 13th of February before the fleet could sail. It consisted of
forty-three sail, and about 2500 troops. On the 18th they met with a
terrible storm that dispersed them. Some of their transports put back to
Corke, others got into Plymouth, Portsmouth and the Western ports. The
carcass bomb got into Portsmouth: When she parted with Sir Peter he had
only twenty-five sail with him. It is generally thought, he is destined
for the middle or southern colonies.
A single rifleman taken prisoner and brought over to England being
carried before the mayor to be examined was dismissed; as no crime was
charged upon him, of which that magistrate could take cognizance.
His majesty having entered into treaty with the landgrave of
_Hesse-Cassel_, the duke of _Brunswick_ and other _German_ princes, for
17000 men, to be employed in America, Lord North moved, [Feb. 29.] “that
these treaties be referred to the committee of supply.” The troops were
represented as equal to any in Europe for the regularity of their
discipline: and one reason assigned for hiring them was, that men could
be more readily had that way than by recruiting at home, and upon the
whole on cheaper terms. But the measure of employing foreign auxiliaries
was reprobated in all its parts by opposition: however, after debating
till past two in the morning, his lordship’s motion was agreed to by a
majority of 242 to 88. When the treaties came before the house of lords,
they met with equal opposition. The duke of Richmond moved for an
address to the king, requesting him to countermand the march of the
German auxiliaries, and to give immediate orders for a suspension of
hostilities in America, in order to lay a foundation for a treaty, to
compose the differences between Great-Britain and her colonies. He took
an historical view of the treaties between the British and Hessian court
for many years past: showing that this had gradually risen in its
demands, in every successive treaty. The present was said to have
exceeded all the former in the exorbitancy of its conditions. He
asserted, from the calculations he had made, that the body of 17,300
foreigners taken into British pay, would, including all contingencies,
occasion an expence of no less than £.1,500,000 within the course of a
twelvemonth.—It was said in the debates—the colonies are to be devoted
to the horrors of war, and to be treated as a nation from which we have
experienced every kind of contumelious usage. Unprovided with a
sufficient number of troops for the cruel purposes designed, or unable
to prevail upon the natives of this country to lend their hands to such
a sanguinary business, ministers have applied to those foreign princes
who trade in human blood, and hired armies of mercenaries for the work
of destruction. An army of foreigners is now to be introduced into the
British dominions, not to protect them from invasion, not to deliver
them from the ravages of an hostile army, but to assist one half of the
inhabitants in massacreing the other. This foreign connection will be
productive of the most fatal events. Hitherto this unhappy dispute has
been confined to the people of the British empire; the colonies have not
shown a disposition for the calling in of any other nation as an umpire.
They apparently depend upon themselves for its support and termination;
and do not, in all probability, imagine that we can be so imprudent as
to associate others to our domestic feuds. But when they see that we
have recourse to this odious expedient, they will no longer think
themselves bound to stand singly in the contest: they will, after our
example, apply to strangers for assistance. They will connect themselves
with such, as instead of requiring subsidies, will supply them with men
and money—such as will espouse their quarrel, not from mercenary
motives, but from hostile considerations to this country—from ancient
habits of inveteracy—from a thirst of revenge for the losses and
humiliations occasioned by our arms.
The plea of necessity was the constant shield with which the ministry
covered all the measures that had been lately adopted. But with regard
to the present, they asserted——Treating with foreign princes for the
loan of their troops is far from being detrimental; the terms are not
exorbitant, considering how indispensably they were known to be wanted,
the extraordinary service they are to go upon, the lands and seas they
are to traverse in going forth and coming home, and the great
uncertainty of their return. The computation of the expences attending
them are over-rated. But had the expence been greater, the emergency is
such that we must have complied with any terms demanded. The Americans
have thrown themselves out of our protection, and are become strangers;
so that we should not scruple to employ against them, both our own
forces and those of our allies. Little is to be apprehended from the
countenance that foreign powers may give to America; it is so evident
that their plainest interest militates against their undertaking the
defence of the colonies, that it is not a subject deserving of
discussion.
After violent debates, the question was carried in favor of ministry, by
100 votes to 32. But not without a protest, wherein the lords say, “We
have reason to apprehend, that when the colonies come to understand that
Great-Britain is forming alliances and hiring foreign troops for their
destruction, they may think they are well justified by the example, in
endeavoring to avail themselves of the like assistance; and that France,
Spain, Prussia or other powers of Europe, may think they have as good a
right as Hesse, Brunswick and Hanau, to interfere in our domestic
quarrels.” When this business was decided, another came on, which
occasioned no less ferment. The secretary of war gave notice [March 11.]
that the sum of £.845,000 would be necessary to defray the extraordinary
expences from the commencement of March the preceding year, to the end
of last January. This information excited one of the most violent storms
of opposition ever known. “Never, said they, was so vast a demand for
contingent expences incurred in so short a time.” From the various
calculations made on this occasion, they inferred that no less than one
hundred pounds a man had been expended on the garrison of Boston, within
less than the term of a year; during which time they had been reduced to
great extremities through want of provisions; and had endured a variety
of wretchedness. The ministry, though assailed with much vehemence,
stood their ground, upon the approbation and authority of parliament.
They argued—As to the expenditure of those sums, which are loaded with
heavy censures, it ought to be remembered, that the operations they were
employed in, were numerous and chargable; and that the various
undertakings which had been resolved upon, were of so novel and
difficult a nature, as to require the most resolute exertions and the
most liberal support. The Massachusetts had exercised that resistance
for which, not imagining it would have been carried to such extremities,
they had not made an adequate preparation; but now that nothing less
than the most daring and stubborn opposition was expected from the
colonists, they should no longer withhold their strength; but should put
it forth in such a manner as would shew that Britain was fully able to
crush them. A session or two more of firmness and vigor, would bring
about an alteration of affairs, and make the colonies repent of the
provocations they had given to this country. The motion for the supply
was carried by a majority of 180 to 57.
[March 14.] A fresh attempt was made in the house of lords to prevent a
continuance of hostilities. The duke of Grafton moved, that an address
should be presented to the throne, requesting that, in order to stop the
further effusion of blood, and to manifest the sincere desire of king
and parliament to restore peace, and redress grievances, a proclamation
might be issued, declaring, that if the colonies should present a
petition to the commander in chief of his majesty’s forces in America,
or to the commissioners appointed for such purposes, setting fourth what
they considered to be their just rights and real grievances, the king
would consent to a suspension of arms, and refer their petition to
parliament, where they might be confident it would be duly considered
and answered. All the reasonings of those who supported the motion were
totally ineffectual: it was rejected by a majority of near three to one.
Thus ended a debate, which put a period, for a while, to all attempts
for concilatory measures in either house of parliament. But the lord
mayor, alderman, and commons of the city of London, still continued
their endeavors, in an humble and decent address, which they presented
to his majesty. [March 22.] The answer, though not according to their
petition, was no wise irritating; and expressed as much mercy and
clemency to the Americans, adjudged to be in a state of rebellion, as
could be expected, considering what coercion was going forward. Some of
the Brunswick troops sailed from Spithead [April 4.] under convoy of two
men of war, and were followed the next day by generals Burgoyne and
Philips; Burgoyne had left Boston in December, and returned home after a
short passage.
[May 6.] Letters patent, by his majesty’s order, passed under the great
seal constituting lord Howe and general Howe, to be his majesty’s
commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies in North-America, and
for granting pardon to such of his majesty’s subjects there, now in
rebellion, as shall deserve the royall mercy. The same day, commodore
Hotham, with all the transports, having the first division of Hessians
on board, sailed from St. Helen’s for North-America. The troops are to
assist in forcing the rebels to ask mercy. Five days after, his lordship
followed in the Eagle man of war.
According to the estimates laid before parliament, the army to be
employed against the Americans, in different quarters amounts to 55,000
men, besides all the recruits raised in Canada and other parts of the
continent, which may amount to 5000. These estimates must however have
supposed the regiments full. But after deducting for deficiencies in all
conceivable ways, we may allow the whole land force, with which the
united colonies will have to combat, to be at least 40,000 privates and
officers.
[May 23.] His majesty went to the house of peers; gave his royal assent
to such bills as were presented; and then put an end to the session. In
his speech he said, “It is with pleasure I inform you, that the
assurances which I have received of the dispositions of the several
powers in Europe, promise a continuance of the general tranquility.”
Many in Britain are more then ever disgusted with coercive measures,
from the ill success which has attended their execution. The disasters
which have happened, have made a deep impression upon their minds; and
they are ready to impute them, rather to the iniquity, than to the
imprudence of the schemes in agitation. But administration has been
supported by both the press and the pulpit. Several pamphlets, composed
with much art and ability, and recommended by many of the beauties of
language, have painted in black and hateful colours, the claims and
conduct of the Americans; and have, by that mean, not a little inflamed
the resentment of the mother country. One of the leading methodist
preachers, Mr. W——, has revived the doctrines of passive obedience and
non-resistance, nearly as asserted in the last century. He declines
practising them toward his superiors in the English church, of which he
professes himself a member. The doctors Johnson and Shebbeare, as in
duty and gratitude bound for their respective pensions, have published
many ingenious things on the side of ministry. But none have
distinguished themselves more among the political champions of the day,
than Dr. Price. He published in February a most admirable peace, stiled
“Observations on the nature of civil liberty, the principles of
government, and the justice and policy of the American war.” Such was
the avidity with which it was read, that it ran through four editions
within a month. His opponents may write against it as much as they will,
but they will never be able to confute it. On the 24th of March, at a
court of common council, a motion was made and carried, “That the thanks
of the court be given to Dr. Price, for his excellent pamphlet of civil
liberty; also, that the freedom of the city be presented to him in a
gold box.” Three days after, at a court of assistants of the drapers
company, a motion was made and carried to present the doctor with the
freedom of that company. The doctor has conveyed his acknowledgments to
the lord mayor, alderman, and common council; and expressed his hope
that their approbation would lead the public to fix their views more on
such measures as should save a sinking constitution, and preserve us
from impending calamities.
You may wish to know the sentiments of the French relative to the
American contest. Those of the nobility and gentry, who are tolerably
versed in the English language, accustom themselves to the reading of
the papers containing the disputes between Britain and the colonies. The
generality conceive of the affair as a family quarrel, which the parties
will make up after a while. Whatever they may wish, as to its
continuance and increase, and however they may covertly contribute
towards its support, they will decline, for the present, all public
interference, and give the most satisfactory assurances to the court of
London, from an apprehension that both sides would otherwise
accommodate, unite and fall upon them. Should the late acts which
parliament have passed, and the hiring of German auxiliaries, force the
congress into a declaration of independence, they will still remain
inactive, whatever preparations they may make, until some very
favourable occurrences brings them forward. Till then, they will not
think of taking the colonies by the hand; lest Britain should, upon its
being done, offer every thing short of independence, and thereby unite
them afresh to the mother country; which might disgrace France in the
eyes of other European powers, if not expose her to worse consequences.
You will easily conceive of my eager expectation of hearing from you
shortly. The operations in America will soon be extremely interesting.
Let your informations be as early and frequent as possible.