commerce between Russia and Denmark, and find that the chief
principles of the Marine Convention are inserted into it word for
word. The treaty is limited to _twelve_ years, which will probably be
the term fixed for the duration of all their commercial treaties. That
with Great Britain was limited to _twenty_, a term it would seem
sufficiently short to provide for the changes, which time and
accidents may introduce into the affairs of empires. You will easily
conjecture from some of my letters, the motive which must have
occasioned this alteration, and will make your own reflections upon
it.
Upon a more careful examination upon the Marine Convention, it appears
to me from its nature as well as from its terms, to be limited to the
duration of the present war, and in that case, there is no other way
of taking up its principles than in a commercial treaty, after the
manner of that with Denmark. Lest you should not have an accurate copy
of that convention, I will cite the article upon which I form my
opinion.
"ART. IX. This convention, fixed and concluded for the time of the
continuance of the present war, shall serve as a basis of the
engagements, which future conjunctures may cause to be contracted, and
on occasion of new maritime wars, with which Europe may unfortunately
be troubled. These stipulations ought to be regarded as permanent, and
shall be the law in matters of commerce and navigation." On this
supposition I shall proceed in framing our treaty of commerce. This
will make an essential change in the matter mentioned in my last. I
have not yet received an answer from Dr Franklin or Mr Adams upon that
subject.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES AT PARIS.
St Petersburg, January 14th, 1783.
Gentlemen,
I was honored with your favor of the 12th of December by the late
post, enclosing a copy of the preliminary treaty of peace between his
Britannic Majesty and the United States. I most heartily congratulate
with you upon this great event, in which you have had the honor of so
distinguished a part. I think that we ought to be, and shall be,
satisfied with the terms of peace. But we are here wholly at a loss
whether the other belligerent parties will be able to adjust their
several pretensions, and of course, whether our treaty will take
effect. The prevailing opinion here among the best informed is, that
we shall have a general peace. However this may be, we shall see a war
break out on the other side of Europe. Some of the powers which will
be engaged in it do not wish to see all the present belligerent powers
at peace, for reasons, which will readily occur to you.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your opinions respecting the communication
of my mission to the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, and of the
other neutral powers residing at this Court. But "absolute certainty
of success" are strong words, and will bind me down to a state of
inaction till the conclusion of the present war, unless I should
receive positive assurance, that things are prepared for my reception,
of which I have no expectation. I have yesterday consulted the French
Minister upon this matter, and acquainted him at the same time with
your opinions, as well as communicated to him the preliminary treaty.
He thinks that though in this moment I might not meet with a refusal,
yet my admission would be, upon various pretences, postponed till
advice should be received here, whether we are to have peace or war, a
question which it is expected will be decided, at furthest, in the
course of a fortnight, and that if the war should be continued, I
should _not_ be received. Thus I am doubly bound down as above, during
the war. If unfortunately the negotiations should be broken off, it is
my present determination to retire from this Court without
communicating my mission, and to return by the first opportunity to
America. I cannot think it for the honor or interest of the United
States, after what has already taken place between them and his
Britannic Majesty, that I should wait the issue of another campaign. I
am persuaded we have nothing to fear from this quarter in any event.
If they will not improve a fair occasion, which is presented to them,
to promote the mutual interests of both empires, they may hereafter
repent it.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
St Petersburg, January 15th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The post of this day has brought me your favor of the 22d ultimo, in
which you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 25th of November. In
the first place, let me thank you and the Doctor for the ready manner
in which you have consented to my proposition. You say, my treaty may
now be made _as soon as I please_. I should rejoice most sincerely if
that was the truth of fact.
Besides what is said in my letter to the Commissioners, you are
acquainted with the positive nature of my last instructions, and know
that I cannot move, till I am advised to do so. There are, in my
opinion, no plausible pretences to countenance a refusal at this time.
It would mark so strong a partiality as would throw all the dishonor
of it upon her Imperial Majesty. Yet things are conducted here in so
strange manner, that I cannot take upon me to say with certainty, what
would be the effect of an immediate application. You will readily
agree, that all things considered, it would be taking too much upon
myself to make it. The Ministry are well enough informed of my
business, yet they preserve a most profound reserve, which I think is
as impolitic as profound. Do you ask me, if they do not feel and see
that America is independent? That they must soon speak it out? Will
they wait till the moment shall arrive, when the United States will
not thank them for doing so? Will they suffer all the other neutral
powers to take the lead of their Sovereign, in a measure in which she
might lead them with so much glory to herself? Yes, I believe all
these questions may be answered in the affirmative.
Do you ask how is this to be accounted for? I can say in general, they
are looking for glory towards the East only, when they might find no
inconsiderable proportion of it in the West.
I am, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, January 15th, 1783.
Sir,
The post of this week brought me a letter from our Commissioners,
accompanied with a copy of the preliminary treaty of peace between his
Britannic Majesty and the United States; but we have not yet any
certainty about the state of the negotiations, as they respect the
other belligerent powers. On this point the Commissioners have been
totally silent. They have, however, given it as their opinions,
judging of things at that distance, "that the present opportunity
appears to be the most favorable for me to communicate my mission to
the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, and to the Ministers of the
other neutral powers residing at this Court."
I immediately communicated the preliminary treaty to the French
Minister, (which he had not received) and also the opinion of our
Commissioners; and prayed him once more to give me his sentiments upon
the subject. Which in substance were, that though I might not now meet
with an immediate rejection, yet the granting me an audience would be
postponed upon various pretences, till the issue of the negotiations
should be known here, and that if the war should be continued, I
should _not_ be admitted to an audience. Having his opinion so fully
upon this point, there can be no question, but that it is my duty to
wait the issue of the negotiations. You will be acquainted with this
nearly as soon in America as we shall, and all my letters upon the
subject will, of course, arrive long after the objects of them have
ceased to engage your attention, yet you may wish to know the progress
of things in this quarter.
A new and an important scene seems to be opening upon us. Though the
Porte has not interfered in the affair of the restoration of the
deposed Khan of the Crimea, yet this forbearance, it is thought, will
not save them from the tempest which is gathering about them. The
Tartars of the Crimea have been the constant enemies of Russia, from
the commencement of the fourteenth century to the last war with the
Turks, when, in the year 1771, being overpowered by the Russians, they
concluded a separate treaty with the Empress, in which they renounced
their alliance with the Porte, and placed themselves under her
protection. This independence of the Crimea, and of the hordes
dependent upon it, was confirmed by the treaty of 1774, between Russia
and the Porte, and their right of electing and deposing their Khans at
will, engaged to them; though it was of importance to Russia to
reinstate the deposed Khan, thereby to preserve its newly acquired
influence over the Crimea, yet his restoration was, probably, not the
only object in view.
The existence of the connexion mentioned in my letter of March 30th,
seems no longer to be doubted, or that the object of it (which you
will find in the first clause of the paragraph relative to it) will be
productive of a general war in Europe, if attempted to be carried into
execution. How far such an apprehension may influence the present
negotiation, is uncertain. I think it must be unfavorable to them,
should the negotiations be unhappily broken off, and the prospect of
this new war become certain, we being the ally of France, which will
be the enemy of her Majesty, and the enemy of Great Britain, which
will be her ally, it will be expedient for me to quit this empire, and
to return to America by the first opportunity. Even upon such a
supposition, I hope my long residence here will not have been wholly
unserviceable to our country.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, January 31st, 1783.
Sir,
We still remain in the same uncertainty about the negotiations of the
other belligerent powers, yet they are believed to be in a favorable
state, and it is expected we shall soon receive the news of the
preliminaries being signed by them all. If so, I should think the
approaching war with the Turks will not be productive of a general war
in Europe. For it seems repugnant to the interests of some of the
present belligerent powers, to close this war with an almost certain
prospect before them of being speedily engaged in another.
In a letter, received by the last post from Mr Adams, he informs me
that Dr Franklin and himself had agreed to advance the money necessary
to the conclusion of a commercial treaty with her Imperial Majesty; so
that I have now only to wait the issue of the present negotiations for
peace. Whenever that moment arrives, I shall endeavor to make all
convenient despatch in the business of the treaty, to the end, that if
any of our vessels should arrive here early in the spring, which seems
probable, they may reap the benefit of it. I shall immediately after
return to America, as I have proposed to do in my letter of the 23d of
September last. I do not foresee any inconvenience that will happen to
our interests in consequence of our being without a Minister at this
Court for some time. I hope, therefore, that Congress will not take it
amiss that I should return without obtaining the express permission
for it. Besides the reasons given in my letter of the 27th ultimo,
which appear to me to render such a step necessary, my health has
suffered so much since my coming into this climate, that every
consideration presses me to quit it as soon as possible. I have not
been honored with any letter from you since No. 6.
I am, with the greatest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, February 10th, 1783.
Sir,
In the afternoon of the 6th instant, we received the most agreeable
news, that the preliminary treaty of peace was signed at Paris, on the
20th ultimo, between France, Spain, and Great Britain. The articles
are still unknown here, as the above fact simply was communicated by
Count de Vergennes to the foreign Ministers at Versailles, and the
Russian Minister immediately despatched an account of it to the Vice
Chancellor, Count Ostermann. No courier has yet arrived for either of
the foreign Ministers here.
You will be pleased to accept my most hearty congratulations upon this
great event, especially as the peace we have obtained is both
honorable and glorious. America, I believe, stands high in the esteem
of all the world; to which not only her successes in this great
revolution, but the proofs she has given in the course of it, of her
sacred regard to her plighted faith, have contributed. Our revolution
is universally spoken of as the most important which the world has
ever seen. Its influence penetrates the innermost recesses of every
Cabinet in Europe, they will and they must give way to it.
It is yet difficult to say what will be the effect of the present
peace, upon the approaching war with the Turks. Though it will not
probably prevent it, yet it may moderate its views towards that
quarter, and thus save the continent of Europe from the mischief of a
general conflagration. I shall communicate my mission to the Vice
Chancellor, as soon as some necessary arrangements can be made, and
shall endeavor to bring on the business of the commercial treaty
without loss of time, as there is now little doubt but some of our
vessels may arrive here early in the spring. I have it in view to
procure some special favors, for a direct commerce between the West
Indies and this empire, to be carried on by our vessels, which will
turn to the advantage of both parties. But to render it more certain,
it may be necessary to procure a right of trading freely with the
British West Indies, and also exporting from thence in our vessels, to
any part of the world, the productions of their Islands, paying the
same duties as their native subjects pay upon the same articles, when
they export them for Great Britain or elsewhere. I think we may obtain
this privilege in our commercial treaty with Great Britain, if we
insist upon it. Our treaties with France and Holland, appear to me to
be exceedingly defective respecting a commerce with their American
territories. If Great Britain should refuse us that privilege, we
might perhaps arrive at the same end, by reserving to ourselves a
right to impose what extra duties we judge proper, either upon our
productions exported to any part of her dominions, or upon her
productions imported into America, if any higher duties should be
imposed upon her West India productions when exported by us, than when
by her native subjects, notwithstanding any general clause giving her
the advantages of the most favored nations. The object appears to me
to be of importance to our interests, and that we can obtain it in the
manner I first proposed, (which would be the most beneficial, and
least liable to create mutual disgusts) if we should think proper to
make it the _sine qua non_ of a commercial treaty with Great Britain.
We should reap advantages from it, not only in our commerce with this
empire, but with every other in Europe, not having such establishments
in America.
Now I am upon this subject of commerce, I will take the liberty to
acquaint you, that Portugal intends to procure the right of
establishing factories in the United States, under the protection of
the Oporto company, in order to secure special advantages for the sale
of her wines. This plan will not be particularly mentioned, but the
end will be obtained under the general right of establishing factories
in America without naming the Oporto company. You may rely upon this
information, and will make your advantage of it. It will occur to you,
that we may demand as a compensation, the right to export not only
from Portugal but from the wine Islands, that article in our vessels,
paying the same duties as the native subjects, or the Oporto Company
pay upon it. Without something of this sort the Portuguese factories
might secure to themselves almost the exclusive supply of their wines
to America. They have a factory here, under the protection of the
Oporto Company. You will not take it amiss, that I suggest these
subjects to your consideration. If any of them can be turned to the
benefit of our country, my end in troubling you with them will be
answered.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, February 25th, 1783.
Sir,
In the last letter I did myself the honor to write you, I acquainted
you I should communicate my mission to the Vice Chancellor as soon as
some necessary arrangements could be made. Being entirely prepared to
do so, I thought it but decent to communicate my intention to the
French Minister, rather in the form of consulting him upon the
expediency of the measure. He at first thought it would be advisable
to wait till the signing of the definitive treaty of peace, adding,
that though he could not take upon himself to say, that I should not
be received in the present moment, yet that it would not surprise him
if my admission should be postponed to that time, intimating that the
present unsettled state of affairs, (of which I have spoken in my late
letters) might have some influence upon the determination of this
Court in a matter of that sort. He concluded with saying, that it
would not be amiss to wait till the British Minister here should have
communicated in form the signature of the preliminaries of peace to
this Court. I shall conform entirely to his advice; for the time is
now most certainly indifferent as to our interests, which are most
solidly established by the peace.
I cannot add anything to what I have before said respecting the
Turkish war, which since the conclusion of the late one, is the grand
object which engages the general attention. According to the course of
business here, I expect to be detained two or three months in
negotiating our commercial treaty. I hope, however, the resolution of
Congress of the 14th of September last, respecting their moneys in
Europe (a copy of which Mr Adams sent me by the last post) will not be
any impediment to the conclusion of it. The money Dr Franklin and Mr
Adams have engaged upon my application to them to advance for that
purpose, being indispensably necessary, I presume they will not
withdraw the credit they have given me, and that Congress will approve
of their conduct, as well as of mine in this business. The resolution
is doubtless a wise one, but there are circumstances for which
Congress cannot provide in season, and this seems to be of that
nature. If those gentlemen should not, therefore, withdraw their
credit, I shall venture to apply the money when it shall become
necessary, to the use for which they have granted it. It would be a
great satisfaction to me, if I could receive in season an answer to my
letter of the 25th of last August, in which I acquainted you I should
stand in need of the money.
I shall not fail to give you the earliest intelligence of my reception
in this Court, which I hope will not be long delayed, as it is my
earnest wish to complete our treaty of commerce, and to return to
America in the course of the next summer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
_Mr Dana's Communication of his Mission to Count Ostermann._
St Petersburg, March 7th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that the United States of
America, assembled in Congress, having thought fit to appoint a
Minister to reside near her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias,
have furnished me with their letter of credence for that purpose.
Convinced of the justice of their cause, and confiding entirely in
that exact neutrality, which her Imperial Majesty had been pleased to
declare, with a dignity becoming her character, she would make the
invariable rule of her conduct, unless compelled to depart from it in
maintenance of the rights of her Imperial Crown and of her subjects,
the Congress, my Sovereign, have expressly commanded me to delay the
communication of my mission till the course of events should prepare
the way for it, without the least infraction upon the system adopted
by her Imperial Majesty, by which she has acquired so much glory to
herself. In the sentiment that that moment has now arrived, I take the
liberty to request the honor of an audience of your Excellency, to the
end, that I might present to you a copy of my letter of credence to
her Imperial Majesty.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, March 7th, 1783.
Sir,
I have time only, by the post of this day, to acknowledge the receipt
of yours of the 7th of November last, and of a letter of the same date
from Mr S. R. Morris, one of your Secretaries, enclosing a bill for
666,13 livres tournois, and also to inform you, that I have this day
communicated my mission to the Vice Chancellor, Count Ostermann, by a
letter of which the enclosed is a translation, the original being in
French. I have taken this step without being advised to it by my
correspondent, the Marquis de Verac, but not before I had received
assurances directly from the private Cabinet of her Imperial Majesty,
that the way was perfectly clear. You will readily conjecture the
reason why I have chosen to mention my last instructions so
particularly in this communication, and placed them in so strong a
light. There is no question in my mind of the propriety of doing this,
and I hope it will not be thought amiss by Congress, whose honor and
dignity I shall ever keep in view.
I am, with much esteem and respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, March 12th, 1783.
Sir,
In my letter of the 7th of March, I acquainted you that I had that day
communicated my mission to the Vice Chancellor, in consequence of
assurances received from the Private Cabinet of her Imperial Majesty,
that the way was prepared for it. I had an interview on the 5th inst.
with one of the members of the Cabinet, who informed me, after some
general conversation respecting America, that I might communicate my
mission to the Vice Chancellor at any time, that possibly I might not
receive an immediate answer to my letter, but that I need give myself
no uneasiness on that account, as the delay would not be occasioned by
anything which concerned the United States or me personally. I told
him, that I could form my opinion only upon general principles; that
judging upon them, I did not perceive any obstacle to her Majesty's
receiving in this moment a Minister from the United States; yet it was
possible her Majesty might have some particular matters in view, which
might form an impediment, of which I could have no knowledge.
I threw in this last sentiment to discover if there were any
difficulties of the sort, which the French Minister had intimated to
me might arise from the unsettled state of affairs alluded to in my
letter of the 25th of February, when I consulted him as there
mentioned. He replied, there were no such matters, nor would there be
any difficulty, especially since the signing of the preliminaries of
peace had been communicated to her Majesty, and that I might make
myself perfectly easy about it, and send my letter to the Vice
Chancellor as soon as I pleased. I have given you the substance of our
conversation, omitting only the complimentary parts of it on one side
and on the other. I have this day received a verbal message from the
Vice Chancellor, acknowledging the receipt of my letter, and informing
me, that as this was the first week in the great Lent, he had not yet
had an opportunity to lay it before her Majesty. This, Sir, is the
present state of things as far as they concern us immediately.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, March 21st, 1783.
Sir,
As I have not received an answer to my letter to the Vice Chancellor,
I can say nothing upon it at present. The verbal message, mentioned in
my last, was an apology for the omission of the first week; perhaps I
shall have an answer in a few days; if so, I shall transmit a copy of
it immediately.
I beg leave again to recommend to your attention the subject of a
commerce with the British West Indies, to supply the defects of our
treaties with France and with Holland. Great Britain is so eager to
obtain a free commerce with the United States, that we may probably
secure that of her West India Islands as a compensation for it. The
commerce with her European territories only, is no longer an adequate
one, since we have all the rest of Europe open to us. I have formed a
plan of a commercial treaty with this empire, which, if aided by that
circuitous commerce, I think will be found highly advantageous.