character of your country and their sentiments with respect to the
faith that is due to treaties. By knowing how far you can rely upon
them yourself, you acquire a degree of confidence in making
engagements for them, and you can venture to pronounce upon their
conduct on every trying occasion, without waiting for intelligence
from this side of the Atlantic. You need not be told, that the British
nation, suffering themselves to be deceived by their wishes, and
misled by the misrepresentations of those that were interested in the
continuance of the war, have believed, or at least pretended to
believe, that a majority of the people wished well to their cause.
Neither our forms of governments, which gave their partisans annually
an opportunity to declare their sentiments, and if most numerous to
change their rulers; nor the number that repaired to their standard
when hoisted in eleven of the Thirteen States; neither the determined
and successful opposition hitherto given to the forty thousand
heralds, which they sent to proclaim their champion, encourage his
friends, and bid defiance to his foes, had sufficed to cure them of
this delusive hope. They still imagined that a few kind words would
close the wounds that they had seven years been widening. General
Carleton was sent over to speak to them. So little doubt had he that
they would be well received, that he was about to send out Mr Morgan,
his Secretary, without soliciting a passport, and was much surprised
when Colonel Livingston, who was then a prisoner, informed him that he
would be stopped at the first post; and still more so, when upon a
subsequent application, he found that Congress refused to have any
intercourse with him; and referred all negotiations to Europe, where
they could treat in conjunction with their allies.
But nothing serves more strongly to show the little confidence the
people of this country have in the promises of Great Britain, and
their fixed determination not to break their engagements with their
allies, than the resolutions passed on the subject by the respective
legislatures without consulting each other, and independent of
directions from Congress; it proves beyond contradiction, to those who
know how our legislatures are formed, and the frequency of their
elections, that these sentiments are the sentiments of the people; and
that, too, at a time when they most sincerely wished for peace. It
anything was wanting to give the last blow to British credit in this
country, it was their late change in their administration; from which
Mr Fox and others are excluded, for avowing the sentiments that their
Commissioners, Digby and Carleton, solemnly pronounced in a public
letter to be those of their Sovereign.
The other general objects, which it is necessary for you to be
acquainted with, are the commerce, the finances, and the government of
this country. The first suffered considerably in the beginning of this
year, by the great vigilance of the British cruisers, but has since
been very flourishing and successful. None of those wants are known,
which prevailed at the beginning of this controversy. Our stores and
warehouses are amply supplied with everything, that can administer to
the necessities or luxuries of the people. The West Indies and Europe
furnish a ready market for all we raise beyond what is necessary for
our own consumption. The embargoes and restrictions, which were once
thought necessary to enable us to obtain a scanty supply for our army,
have been unknown among us for three years past; and yet a most ample
provision has been made both for our troops and those of our allies.
Our trade with the Havana has furnished considerable sums in specie;
paper is entirely out of circulation, if we except the bank paper,
which, being payable at sight in specie, is equal to it in value. So
extensive has this circulation been, that the managers, not long
since, published a distribution of the first _half year's_ dividend at
four and a half per cent, notwithstanding a variety of expenses to
which they had been put, in the first organization of the bank. So
that the profit upon bank stock, is generally estimated at about ten
per cent per annum, which will, I should conceive, when known in
Europe, be a strong inducement with many people, those particularly
who have thoughts of coming to this country, to lodge their money
here.
I would not, however, have you think the flourishing state of the
bank (which is the property of a private company, under the protection
of government) a certain indication of the happy situation of our own
finances. This is by no means the case. The demand for money to
replace the property, which the enemy have destroyed, to repair
buildings, and the profits which commerce yields, together with the
difficulty of forming new systems of taxation in a country, which has
hitherto scarce known a tax, beyond what was necessary for the support
of its own frugal governments, renders the collection of a direct tax
extremely difficult. Duties and excises must be levied upon some
general system, so as to prevent one State from depending on another.
This has been attempted by a five per cent duty on all imports, but it
has hitherto been defeated by the refusal of Rhode Island to come into
the plan. Congress are about to send down a committee of their own
body to urge them to a compliance with this measure. Should it be
attended with success, a very considerable revenue will arise from
that source. Public credit, which has so frequently tottered during
the revolution, will be established upon a firm and lasting basis.
The evacuation of the southern States, which we have reason to believe
has taken place by this time, though we have yet received no official
information of it, will greatly increase our resources. Their exports
will consist in the most valuable articles at foreign markets, and
must occasion such an influx of wealth, as will enable them to
contribute to the public expenses, which they have hitherto been in a
great measure incapable of doing.
Before you left this, I believe most of the States had formed their
governments. Massachusetts has since completed hers upon plans similar
to those of the other States. That of New Hampshire is printed for
the approbation of the people, and I am told will shortly be agreed
to.
The causes which occasioned a temporary suspension of government in
South Carolina and Georgia being removed, they are again in the full
exercise of them, and, indeed, have been so ever since Lord Cornwallis
left the latter State.
Upon this head, therefore, I have nothing to inform you unless it be
that the people appear to be perfectly happy under their new
establishment; not the smallest commotion having arisen in any of the
States from discontents on this, or, indeed, on any other ground, if
we except an attempt, which was made by an inconsiderable party in one
county of Massachusetts, to prevent the collection of debts till the
termination of the war. This was instantly suppressed by the
punishment of their leader. Indeed, this trifling matter was so little
attended to here, that I should not have thought of mentioning it, if
I had not seen that they had magnified it in England, into a revolt of
the New England States against the government of the Congress. A
letter from a Dr Walter, who I believe was originally of
Massachusetts, is printed as a voucher for this impudent falsehood. As
British emissaries may endeavor to circulate this with you, where they
have an interest in deceiving, I concluded it proper to furnish you
with the means of refuting it.
Your knowledge of the continental forms of governments, leaves me
nothing to say on that head. It will, however, give you pleasure to be
informed, that the great Council is at present as respectable for
numbers, integrity, and abilities as it has been at any time during
the war, and I believe much freer from party spirit or partial views.
Add to this, they have acquired an experience in public business,
which they could not but want at first. I would not have you infer
from this, that the old members are always continued; this is far from
being the case; but as the new delegates are generally elected from
the number of gentlemen who have held important offices in their
respective States, they bring with them that knowledge, and habit of
business which they acquired at home. The establishment of Ministers
for the great executive department (a regulation which has taken place
since you left us) has been found to be productive of very great
advantages. Congress are no longer troubled with those little details,
which used to take up their time. The business brought before them
from those departments, is digested before it comes up, and they are
not now obliged to wade through a variety of unnecessary
circumstances, to come at what merits their attention. You are
personally acquainted with the Ministers of Finance, and War, so that
I need say nothing relative to the character of either. Their conduct
gives general satisfaction; and Mr Morris's attention, abilities, and
personal credit, have done much towards relieving that of the United
States.
As this revolution makes a new era in the history of man, which
furnishes no other instance of a whole people's uniting to form
governments for themselves, and their posterity, I have thought it
would not be unacceptable to the philosophic mind of the Empress of
all the Russias, to contemplate the first rudiments of these
governments, which may hope after the example of her own dominions, by
an assiduous application to the arts of peace and war, to obtain an
elevated station among the nations of the earth. I have, therefore,
directed to your care, a packet containing the confederation, and such
of the constitutions of the respective States as have been hitherto
printed.
Thus, Sir, I have endeavored to give you a general view of our
situation. In return for which I must pray you to be more minute in
your information of what passes with you. I have already explained to
you the objects on which I wish you particularly to enlarge. None of
your letters have embraced those objects. I would recommend it to you
to keep a journal of every remarkable event, to minute down every
conversation you have upon political subjects; and to digest them
weekly into a despatch for us; adding thereto, a sketch of the
character and station of the person whose sentiments you give. I know,
Sir, that this will be attended with some trouble, but I know too,
that you will have no reluctance to impose any task upon yourself,
which the duties of your station render necessary.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, December 21st, 1782.
Sir,
I had the honor of your letter of the 18th of September, last week, in
which you acknowledge the receipt of mine of March 30th, but add, that
the one of March 5th has never reached you. I am at a loss how to
account for the failure of that, when a copy of it accompanied the
other.
I am glad to learn the observations I sent you upon the trade of this
empire, have been deemed at all pertinent, and have afforded any
useful hints, as well as that the state of its connexion with the
Porte, has not been wholly uninteresting. If you have received my
other letters in course, you will find I have not been silent upon the
particular subjects you mention, and upon which you want information,
nor altogether an idle spectator of events; although to this moment I
have not had any conferences with either of her Majesty's Ministers,
or taken any official step, yet I have constantly endeavored to clear
up all misrepresentations of every kind, of our enemies or others, in
a channel which I have reason to believe has had a good effect. I am
assured that all alarms about a dangerous concurrence in commerce,
which had been artfully raised to serve particular interests, are
perfectly quieted, and that it is now also believed, that a free and
direct commerce between this empire and America, will be highly
beneficial to the former. A sketch of the arguments made use of to
these ends, you will find in my preceding letters.
As to the great point of our independence, the armed neutrality sprung
out of it, and the propositions of the mediators, were built upon it.
These sentiments were expressed in my first letters from hence to the
President, have since been repeated in several of my letters to you,
and I have never seen occasion to change them. I have never troubled
the French Minister with any conversation upon the subject you allude
to, since that I first detailed to Congress, except when I thought
some important change had taken place in the state of affairs, such as
the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army, when the Parliament
passed their several resolutions respecting the American war,
preceding the change of the old Ministry, when Mr Fox communicated to
this Court a new proposition relative to the mediation, the substance
of which was, "His Britannic Majesty says, that he does not prejudice,
nor will he prejudice, any question whatsoever, and that he does not
pretend to exclude any one from the negotiation, which is had in view,
who can be supposed to be interested in it, whether it may be a
question respecting the States-General or the American Colonies;" and
finally, when I had authentic intelligence, that a commission had
passed the great seal to authorise Mr Oswald to treat of peace with
the Commissioners of the United States. On all these occasions I
consulted him freely, but found him as I had expected, invariably
against the measure I proposed to his consideration, always assigning
the old reasons in support of his advice. My sentiments upon the last
most important change, you will have in my last letter, three copies
of which are forwarded to you.
Persuaded that the system of this Court, so far as it respects Great
Britain and the United States, is such as I have pointed out
heretofore, but more particularly in my last, I should not despair of
bringing them from that chosen ground by communicating our
propositions at this moment. The United States have acquired too much
consideration in Europe to be lightly offended by any Sovereign, and I
do not believe the illustrious Sovereign of this empire, has the least
disposition to offend them. If, therefore, the question was brought
before her, shall we admit or shall we reject their propositions? in
my opinion they would not be rejected. Upon what ground could a
rejection be founded at this time? When the Parliament of Great
Britain had long since declared in the face of the world their utter
inability to conquer any one of the United States, and have even made
the attempt itself criminal, by resolving, that the Minister who
should advise it, or the General who should obey an order to that
effect, should be deemed enemies of their King and country; when they
had passed an act to enable the King to make a peace or truce with
America, when their military commanders in America have published
under their hands from authority, that their Sovereign had commanded
his Ministers, to direct Mr Granville, that the independency of
America should be proposed by him in the first instance, unshackled
with conditions, and when another of his Ministers (Mr Oswald) is in
fact in treaty with the United States, as with an independent
sovereign power, in virtue of a commission passed in form under the
great seal of the kingdom, could it be plausibly alleged, that an
acceptance of our propositions, or the admission of your Minister at
this Court, would be a breach of the most scrupulous neutrality? If
not, is not our way clear? But as it is a possible case, let it be
supposed, that after all this our propositions would be rejected, and
your Minister denied an admission into this Court; and that in
consequence of it he should immediately retire from the empire. Under
such circumstances, which would have suffered most, the honor and
dignity of the United States, or the honor and dignity of this
Sovereign? Besides, to remain masked at such a moment, does it not
seem to argue a self-conviction, that we are unworthy that rank among
the nations of the world, which we have so justly assumed, and so
bravely maintained?
I should not have time to copy this letter, if I should enlarge upon
this subject; and enough has, perhaps, been already said upon it, to
point out fully the reasons, which would induce me, if I was at
liberty, to make an immediate communication of my mission to this
Court. You may be assured, Sir, the cause of America has lost no
ground here, and that the impression of our revolution has been
irresistible throughout all Europe. We have nothing to fear from any
quarter, even if the present negotiation should be broken off. In such
a case, we shall have only to lament, that we did not seize upon the
advantages, which the moment presented to us. The letter of General
Carleton and Admiral Digby, which you enclosed, and desired me to have
published, had been published before in the principal gazettes of
Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, December 27th, 1782.
Sir,
Though neither the French Minister nor myself has any intelligence of
it from Paris, yet yesterday's post brings through several channels an
account, that the preliminaries for a general peace were signed on the
1st of this month. Thus there is an end to the great contest in which
we have been engaged; and with regard to myself, every one will now
agree that all obstacles are removed. I expect, therefore, soon to
take my proper station at this Court, and to be engaged in the
business of making a commercial treaty with her Imperial Majesty.
But I shall find an impediment in this business not to be surmounted,
if Dr Franklin and Mr Adams should not be able, or think themselves
authorised to advance the cash mentioned in my former letter, for
which purpose I wrote to them as soon as the negotiations were
commenced, at least as soon as intelligence of it reached us here. It
is not time yet for me to expect their answer.
I have heretofore acquainted you, that I proposed to return to America
as soon after I should be received at this Court as our commercial
treaty should be finished. It would be less justifiable for me to quit
this Court before the completion of that treaty, because the Minister
who might succeed me, would probably want that information relative to
the commerce of this Empire, which I may have acquired by my long
residence here. I still continue of the same mind, and will now assign
my reasons for it, when it will certainly be too late for any one to
consider them in the light of a solicitation for my own benefit.
Congress have been pleased to honor me with the same rank in the
diplomatic corps, which they have conferred upon their Ministers in
Europe, viz. that of a Minister in the second class, and though this
is unquestionably the most expensive Court at which they have any
Minister, they have thought fit to reduce my appointment to three
fifths of that granted to their other Ministers. It is the same which
the _Chargé d'Affaires_ of Spain had, of whom it was not expected that
he should hold a house and a table, as it is of the other Ministers. I
have lived here long enough to see that it will be absolutely
impossible for me to sustain the indispensable expenses of my rank,
with an appointment less than that of our other Ministers in Europe.
If there was, therefore, no other motive to influence my
determination, that alone, I have no doubt, Congress will admit for my
full justification.
For their particular information, I have endeavored to procure an
account of the appointments of all the foreign Ministers residing at
this Court, but have not yet obtained it. I can only say with regard
to the Minister of Sweden, who has a Secretary to his Embassy, that
his appointment and allowance for his house rent, exclusive of some
other benefits, amount to more than double my appointment, including
everything I can charge agreeably to what I suppose to be the
intention of Congress. I will send the abovementioned account as soon
as the gentleman, who has promised to procure it for me, shall furnish
me with it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, December 30th, 1782.
Sir,
Yesterday's post has not brought us any further news respecting the
peace. The French Minister has received no account of it yet, nor have
I from the Commissioners. No one, however, doubts that the
preliminaries are in fact signed. It is supposed no courier will be
despatched with them till after advice shall have been received at
Paris, that an account of it has been communicated to Parliament,
which were to meet on the 5th instant. The particular articles are not
_certainly_ known here. This is the present state of things, and we
anxiously wait for full information.
As we can have no interests now depending upon any contingency, I
think it would not be advisable to appear very eager to seize upon the
first occasion to make the communication of my mission, but to wait,
if they be not too long delayed, for the answers of Dr Franklin and
Mr Adams to the application I have made to them, as mentioned in
several of my letters, when I shall know what I have to depend upon
touching the principal object of my mission, and can better govern
myself as to the communication of it. For to speak of a matter about
which I am unable to do anything, would be to place ourselves in a
disagreeable condition.
I expect to find a strong inclination to come to the business alluded
to, for reasons which will be very obvious to you. The commercial
treaty with Portugal is not yet finished. Sweden has one upon the
carpet. There may be an advantage in waiting till these are concluded,
as we may found ours upon them. I shall give a preference to the
commercial treaty, and endeavor to postpone the other, in which we can
have no present interests, until I shall receive the instructions of
Congress, after they shall have been advised, by my letter of
September 5th, of what is essential to the execution of it. There is
something besides to be distributed among the subalterns of the
Chancery; so that upon the whole, both treaties will cost us between
nine and ten thousand pounds sterling. An enormous sum, especially
when it is considered that they are intended to promote the mutual
interests of the contracting parties. But so we find the state of
things here. And it is not to be expected that any difference should
be made in our favor, and, perhaps, it would not be consistent with
our honor that there should be. We have only then to consider, whether
it is expedient for us, under such conditions, to form those
connexions with the sovereign of this Empire. As to the first, I have
no doubt of its expediency, the last is somewhat equivocal, unless
the omission of it should not be well received by her Imperial
Majesty, who would doubtless be much gratified by our ready acceptance
of her invitation to accede to it, and seems to have a right to expect
it of us, after the resolutions of Congress respecting that subject.
It is an expense, which, once made, is made forever, and under these
views it may be deemed a bagatelle, or at least necessary to the
promotion of our greatest interests.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, January 3d, 1783.
Sir,
Our impatience respecting the state of a negotiation is not yet at an
end. No courier has arrived, nor have I received any intelligence by
yesterday's post, (the third which has come on since our first
accounts) upon the subject from either of our Commissioners. The
French Minister continues in the same uncertainty. By private letters,
and the gazettes brought by the last post, it appears only that the
preliminaries between Great Britain and the United States were signed
conditionally. I rest therefore in the same state.