glory, or defeat the purposes she has so liberally formed. You will do
me the favor to direct in future your public letters to me. I wish
them to be as numerous and as minute as possible, particularly on the
subject of such negotiations as may be in agitation for a general
peace, and for a partial one between Britain and the United Provinces.
I forgot, under the head of intelligence, to inform you that the
British had, in September last, made one effort to relieve Cornwallis
with their fleet, consisting of nineteen sail of the line, before the
Count de Barras, from Rhode Island, had made his junction with the
Count de Grasse. They were defeated with the loss of the Terrible, a
seventyfour, burnt, and two frigates taken, and compelled to return to
New York, whence, as I before mentioned, having been reinforced, they
have again sailed.
I am, with the greatest esteem, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_P. S._ I will be obliged to you for sending me, for the use of this
office, by the first safe opportunity, a Russian Grammar and
Dictionary, in English, if possible, if not, in French. If the latter,
the Grammar of Charpenteer, and the Dictionary of Woltchhoff, would be
preferable. Both parts of the Dictionary are to be procured, if
possible, but particularly the one which begins with the Russian. If
anything like a Court Calendar is published at St Petersburg, in
Russian, German, or French, you will oblige me by transmitting to me
two copies of it, if you choose, with notes of your own upon it.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] "_In Congress, October 5th, 1780._--On the report of a committee,
to whom was referred a motion of Mr Adams, relative to certain
propositions of the Empress of Russia respecting the rights of neutral
nations, Congress passed the following act;
"Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, attentive to the freedom of
commerce, and the rights of nations, in her declaration to the
belligerent and neutral powers, having proposed regulations founded
upon principles of justice, equity, and moderation, of which their
Most Christian and Catholic Majesties, and most of the neutral
maritime powers of Europe, have declared their approbation;
"Congress, willing to testify their regard to the rights of commerce,
and their respect for the sovereign who has proposed, and the powers
who have approved the said regulation;
"Resolved, That the Board of Admiralty prepare and report instructions
for the commanders of armed vessels commissioned by the United States,
conformable to the principles contained in the declaration of the
Empress of all the Russias, on the rights of neutral vessels.
"That the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States, if invited
thereto, be, and hereby are respectively empowered to accede to such
regulations, conformable to the spirit of the said declaration, as may
be agreed upon by the Congress expected to assemble in pursuance of
the invitation of her Imperial Majesty.
"Ordered, That copies of the above resolution be transmitted to the
respective Ministers of the United States at foreign Courts, and to
the honorable, the Minister Plenipotentiary of France."
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM ELLERY.
St Petersburg, January 17th, 1782.
Sir,
The Empress you know formerly proposed to mediate between Britain and
Holland, which was declined by the former, as she could not enter upon
a partial mediation, for the reasons she then assigned; since which
time, the joint mediation has been tendered by the two Imperial
Courts, between all the belligerent powers, which has issued
unsuccessfully. Finally, her Imperial Majesty, and the Kings of Sweden
and Denmark, jointly tendered their mediation between Britain and
Holland. Britain has declined to accept that of the Kings in
conjunction with the Empress, but has agreed to accept her sole
mediation. This is at present on foot. A Russian Minister has very
lately gone, or will soon set off for Holland, to join Prince
Gallitzin in this business, which I prognosticate will issue as
fruitlessly as the general mediation has done. There is no peace to be
had in Europe separate from that of our country, which already too
sensibly affects the European systems to be overlooked or disregarded
by those who have the adjustment of them.
Notwithstanding the material change, which our revolution has wrought
in their old systems, which is felt somehow by all the politicians of
Europe, yet they seem some of them not to be sufficiently acquainted
with the real nature of it. Hence that strange fluctuation or
indecision in some cabinets; at least this is the best apology I can
make for it. Sweden it appears to me acts as consistent a part as any
power. She maintains her rights as a neutral nation, by constantly
convoying her trade, and is besides wisely reaping the benefits of
the American commerce, by silently and gradually admitting our vessels
into her ports, and permitting our countrymen to purchase there
everything they want, and to depart when and where they please. If
this country would adopt the same system in every respect, they would
soon see the happiest effects from it. At present, Sweden is making
considerable profits, by being the depot of Russian manufactures for
our use.
I wish this country had a more commercial turn. We should then soon
see a direct communication between the two countries opened and
established, to the great benefit of both. But a free trade between
them will meet with other obstacles. I am apprehensive not one of the
maritime powers of Europe will aid us in our attempts to effect this,
but that on the contrary, Britain, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, will
all at least secretly be opposing us. They well know this country has
no navigation of its own, comparatively speaking; if, therefore, by
various suggestions, they can excite a jealousy respecting the
commerce of our country rivalling this in all the markets of Europe, a
sentiment however groundless, which I am persuaded has made a
considerable impression here, they will flatter themselves they shall
each share a proportion of the benefits of an intervening commerce.
Nothing, you will readily perceive, is to be expected here, while the
business of mediation is kept up.
I am, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
Philadelphia, March 2d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I find myself extremely embarrassed in writing to you, on account of
my ignorance of the place of your present residence; and the want of a
cypher. You forgot when you left Holland, if you have yet left it, for
this is a matter of which we have not been informed, to send me your
direction; so that there are an infinite number of chances against a
letter's reaching you. This must account for my not entering into a
minute consideration of your letters, or of our own affairs. The
subject of your conference with the[23] ---- is too delicate to be
discussed here. The event has, ere this, shown you whether his
sentiments were well founded; though we can form no judgment from this
circumstance, as we have not been favored with a single line from you
since May, 1781.
We presume, that you must frequently have written, as the ports of
Holland, Sweden, and France, afforded you many opportunities, of which
you have undoubtedly availed yourself, but we have unfortunately not
received the advantage we could wish from your attention. I must
therefore beg the favor of you to increase the number of your letters,
and to send at least four copies of each to the different ports. There
are indeed many things, which it would be imprudent to trust to the
common post. There are also many other matters, which may safely be
sent by it. If you have letters always ready, safe opportunities will
occasionally offer for the first, and those which relate to general
politics should be written weekly, and sent to France and Holland.
You will continue, I presume, to appear only in a private character,
as it would give Congress great pain to see you assume any other
without an absolute certainty, that you would be received and
acknowledged. The United States, fired with the prospect of their
future glory, would blush to think, that the history of any nation
might represent them as humble suppliants for their favor. The least
slight from a sovereign, whose life will be read with applause by
posterity, whose situation places her above those little shifting
politics by which inferior Princes govern, who has magnanimity enough
to feel and declare herself independent of every other tie, but that
which wisdom and justice impose, might be urged with weight against
us, and give force to the calumnies of our enemies. All, therefore,
Sir, that your situation will admit of, is to endeavor to give just
ideas of this country, of its resources, of its future commerce, its
justice and moderation, its sincere desire for peace, but at the same
time of its firm determination to forego any present advantage, and to
brave any danger, rather than purchase it upon terms unworthy of the
struggles they have made, or which shall render their liberties
insecure. This, which is an important truth, you will be able to prove
by showing the circumstances under which we entered into the war, and
the difficulties we struggled with, when without arms, without
military stores, without discipline, without government, without
commerce, we bid defiance to one of the most powerful nations in the
world, and resisted alone, for three years, forty thousand disciplined
troops, attended by a considerable navy, and amply supplied with every
necessary to enable them to use their force with advantage. Contrast
this with our present situation. Allied to a powerful nation, in
possession of governments with which the people are pleased; having an
army disciplined, well appointed, and flushed with victory; an
extensive and active commerce; provisions cheaper than in time of
peace; credit reviving again, and specie introduced into circulation.
It is also important to show the unanimity of this country, in
opposition to what the Court of Great Britain has desired to
inculcate. I have touched upon this in my last letter, and have
endeavored to show it from the conduct, which she herself holds
towards this country. It will never be doubted by those who reflect on
these circumstances, and the ease with which every order of government
is carried into effect, and the few partisans the British have found,
when they marched out into the country. But though we wish these
matters to be understood, yet I am far from recommending it to you to
make a pompous display of them. Your own judgment will direct you on
this subject. Your having been long in a public character, will
naturally lead those who wish to be informed to inquire the state of
our affairs from you. You may avail yourself of the opportunities this
will afford you to speak of them with that temper and moderation, that
cannot fail to make an impression, particularly when these facts
appear rather to be drawn from you by your desire to answer the
inquiry, than urged by a wish to make converts. In the first case, the
hearer is disposed to believe, because you lay him under obligations;
in the second, he is cautious lest he should be led away by your
prejudices. Should these inquiries be made by people who are able to
serve you, be particularly attentive to render your information
agreeable by enlivening it with some little interesting incidents,
which this war has furnished in abundance, and which cannot but give
pleasure to a people, who are too remote to have heard them.
These may possibly be the means, when repeated, of exciting the
curiosity of the sovereign, and procure for you the honor of
conversing with her in the character of a private gentleman. This
incident will be best improved by preparing yourself to answer all her
inquiries with respect to this country, without touching on the
politics of Europe, with which she is infinitely better acquainted
than we can be. The first settlement of the Colonies; their
population, agriculture, commerce, and revenues; their past and
present governments; the progress of the arts and sciences; the steps
which led to this revolution, and the present state of the war, will
probably be the objects of her inquiry. These you will answer with
candor, even though you should thereby expose some of our defects or
imperfections. For you will never cease to bear in mind, that the
celebrated sovereign of the country you are in is too well informed to
be deceived, could our politics ever stoop so low as to make the
attempt.
Since my last, conveying an account of Cornwallis's capture, nothing
very important has happened here, unless it be the evacuation of
Wilmington and Beaufort, by which means all the enemy's posts in the
southern States are reduced to Charleston and Savannah, and the trade
of that extensive country is again opened. The few friends to slavery
in the States the British marched over, are abandoned to our mercy.
For the rest the enemy keep close within their lines, and our troops
are cantoned about the country. In the meanwhile the British islands
and commerce are sacrificed to the possession of three posts, which
cost them millions to retain on this continent. I give you no account
of what is doing in the West Indies, presuming that you will have the
earliest and best intelligence on this subject from Paris. It may be
of some importance to you to learn, that our plan for calling in the
old paper and emitting new, was not attended with all the success that
was expected. The old paper was indeed redeemed, but the new beginning
to depreciate, most of the States thought it prudent to take it in by
taxation.
The only money now in general circulation is specie and notes from the
American banks, which have the same credit as silver. Our taxes are
collected in these, and by removing the restrictions on our commerce,
together with the small loans we have made in Europe, we find not the
least want of a circulating medium; and though there will probably be
some failure in the amount of the taxes from some of the States, which
are most impoverished, yet a considerable proportion of the eight
millions of dollars in specie, which have been imposed this year, will
be paid, exclusive of the duty of five per cent premium on our
imports, which is designed as a perpetual fund for the payment of the
money we borrow. Every exertion is making here for the most vigorous
and active campaign, and we have the greatest reason to believe it
will be decisive.
I enclose an ordinance relative to captures, which will show the
respect paid by these States to the armed neutrality. It will be
evident to you, that this is not a mere empty compliment, since
nothing can be more injurious to us than conforming to principles,
which our enemy despises, and is permitted to despise with impunity,
particularly on this coast, where Britain is left at liberty to
consider us not as independent States, but as revolted Colonies; and
to make prize of any vessel whatsoever bound to our ports, though both
ship and cargo should be in the strictest sense neutral. But
interested considerations have less weight with us, than those
immutable laws of justice, which make the basis of these regulations;
and these States cannot but hope, that the neutral powers will sooner
or later dare to execute what they have so wisely projected.
Now, Sir, let me again repeat to you my request to write regularly to
me, at least once in every week, since the high opinion we have formed
of the Empress, makes all her actions important to us. When no other
political object presents itself, give us the best account you can
collect of the history, manners, revolutions, manufactures, arts,
revenues, civil and military establishments of Russia, with the names
and characters of those who hold the great offices, or share the favor
of the sovereign. If a change has taken place (as we are informed) in
the Russian administration, be pleased to acquaint yourself and me,
when you can safely do it, with the causes of it; and with the
characters of the present administration. Send me by the first safe
hand a cypher, if an opportunity should offer before I send one to
you.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[23] A blank in the original, but probably the Count de Vergennes is
alluded to.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
St Petersburg, March 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I had the honor of the triplicate of your letter of the 22d of last
October, on the 20th instant. It was forwarded to me by that amiable
nobleman, the Marquis de Lafayette. The original or duplicate has not
yet come to hand.
I am much pleased that Congress have thought fit to create the office
of Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and to direct their foreign
Ministers to correspond through that department. This will, doubtless,
be the means of keeping them properly informed about the affairs of
our country. I am happy to learn also, that the choice of Congress has
fallen upon a gentleman not less distinguished for his abilities and
integrity, than for the early and decided part he took, and has
steadily pursued, from the commencement of our revolution.
We received the important news of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis and
his army, on the 13th of December. Soon after, came the account of
General Greene's action, which you mention also. The first seemed to
have settled every one's mind upon the real state of desperation of
the British affairs within the United States; the other, though very
important to us in its consequences, made apparently but little
impression, owing, perhaps, to two causes, that it followed so nearly
after so capital and brilliant an event, and that it was scarce
possible to add to the conviction, which the former carried along with
it. From this state of things it may be imagined, that the way is open
to us to make our advances. The conclusion, I believe, would be too
hasty. For the time does not so much depend upon the real sentiments,
which her Imperial Majesty and her Ministers may entertain of the
stability of our independence, as upon other circumstances. To explain
myself. Her Majesty has, doubtless, a wish to add to her other glories
that of mediating a peace between the great powers who are now at
war. For although her first attempt to mediate between Britain and
Holland was rejected by the former, and her second, in conjunction
with the Emperor, between Britain and the other belligerent powers,
may be said to be at a full stand, yet, as you are informed long
before this time, she set on foot a third, in conjunction with the
Kings of Sweden and Denmark, between Britain and Holland, which
Britain rejected so far as respects that of the two Kings accepting of
the _sole_ mediation of her Imperial Majesty. This is still in
agitation. A Minister before this time has arrived from this country
in Holland, to assist Prince Gallitzin in it. But, from everything I
can learn, there is not the least probability of its succeeding. I am
told it is not even expected by any of her Majesty's Ministers.
However this in fact may be, so long as her Majesty continues to
tender her mediation, partial or general, so long it appears to me
prudent for us to refrain from making any open advances. For however
strongly convinced her Majesty may be, that our independence is now
laid on a foundation, which Britain can never destroy or shake,
however clearly she may see that the freedom of the commerce and of
the navigation of Europe absolutely depend upon the severance of
America from the British Empire, and however beneficial she may
suppose a direct and free commerce with America would be to her
Empire, yet she could not consistently with the character of a
mediator, form any political connexions with the United States, or
manifest an attachment to their interests. She would, therefore, feel
herself under a necessity to reject any propositions we have to make
to her, if made under such circumstances. And though we could be
assured that this rejection would be made with as much delicacy, or
as much respect to the United States as the case would admit of, yet
is it not advisable to delay making any open advances till this
business of mediation should be entirely done away, and not
unnecessarily expose ourselves to a repulse; which, it is probable,
would in the end rather retard than advance our business?
By these and similar sentiments, I have been hitherto induced not to
make the communication spoken of in my former despatches from hence. I
hope my conduct in this respect will be approved by Congress.
Notwithstanding what I have said above, if I really thought with my
correspondent, that her Imperial Majesty had adopted the system
mentioned in his letter to me of the 12th of September, viz. "Not to
acknowledge the independence of the United States till Britain herself
had done it," I should soon bring the business to a conclusion, and
take my leave of this Court; not thinking it conformable to the views
of Congress to support a Minister at a Court, which should adopt and
be likely to persevere in such a system.
You seem desirous of my sentiments upon the state of affairs,
particularly relative to the mediation, whether general or partial. I
have given them to you on that head very briefly above, and I can only
add, that from the best intelligence I can obtain, we shall not hear
much more of the mediation till another campaign is closed; that
things will remain nearly in their present state in Europe through
this year, unless Holland, by the prevalence of the patriotic party,
should be able to make some exertion, and come to a decision about the
much talked of alliances with the enemies of Britain. Whether this
will probably take place, you will be better informed from that
quarter than from me.
The acts of accession and acceptation on the part of the Emperor and
Empress, relative to the neutral confederation, were exchanged here a
few days after the date of my last letter to the President. A want of
connexion is observable among the powers who have adopted this system;
they are divided into three parties, the Empress standing at the head
of each. First, Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and Holland; next, Russia and
Prussia; and lastly, Russia with the Emperor. These parties are
without connexion one with the other, unless it should be supposed,
that the Empress being a party in each of them, connects the whole;
but this must necessarily be a feeble connexion, as it imposes no
duties, and confers no rights, which are in common to all the powers,
which have adopted the system. The principles of it, however, have
acquired some support by these last accessions, particularly by that
of Russia, and it seems highly probable, that they will not fail of
being established as the clear rights of neutral nations at the close
of the present war. During the continuance of it, unless Britain
should be so imprudent as to commit further infractions upon this
system, we may not see anything more arise out of these associations.
For if the subjects of the confederated powers, at present in a state
of neutrality, meet with no further obstruction in their commerce or
navigation, their end is answered. Neither Russia, Sweden, nor Denmark
will give themselves much concern to vindicate the right of Holland to
participate in the benefits of the system, according to their demands,
especially the two last, who derive very great advantages from the
present situation of the Dutch. Holland has let her opportunity slip
by unimproved, and she must patiently wait the return of a _general_
peace for the restoration of her rights, whether founded in her
treaties with Britain or in this new system.