February last, was a few lines, which covered an account of the
surrender of Fort St Philip. This success is important, as it not only
weakens an enemy, and operates against their future resources, but as
it gives reputation to the arms of a nation, that have our sincerest
wishes for their prosperity, notwithstanding the little attention we
have received from them. This letter goes by too hazardous a
conveyance to admit of my entering into many of those causes of
complaint, which daily administer food to distrusts and jealousies
between Spain and the people of this country. The Havana trade,
notwithstanding the important advantages it affords to Spain, meets
with the most unjustifiable interruptions. Vessels have been detained
for months together, in order to carry on the expeditions which Spain
has formed, no adequate satisfaction being allowed for them; and then
sent away without convoy; by which means many of them have fallen into
the hands of the enemy, and where they did not, the expense and
disappointment occasioned by their detention have thrown the greatest
discouragements on the trade. The Bahama Islands having surrendered to
the arms of Spain, if the copy of the capitulation, published by
Rivington, may be depended upon, it is a counterpart to that of
Pensacola, and the troops will probably be sent to strengthen the
garrisons of New York and Charleston. These transactions, together
with the delays and slights you meet with, cannot but have a
mischievous effect upon that harmony and confidence, which it is the
mutual interests of Spain and America to cultivate with each other. It
seems a little singular to this country, that the United Provinces,
which never gave us the least reason to suppose that they were well
inclined towards us, should precede Spain in acknowledging our rights.
But we are a plain people; Courts value themselves upon refinements,
which are unknown to us. When a sovereign calls us friends, we are
simple enough to expect unequivocal proofs of his friendship.
Military operations have not yet commenced, so that the field affords
us no intelligence, and the Cabinet seems to be closed, by the
determination of Congress not to permit Mr Morgan to wait upon them
with General Carleton's compliments.
General Leslie, in consequence of the late alteration in the British
system (together with the scarcity of provisions in Charleston)
proposed to General Greene a cessation of hostilities. I need hardly
tell you, that the proposal met with the contempt it deserved. Those,
who are unacquainted with our dispositions, would be surprised to hear
that our attachment to an alliance with France has gathered strength
from their misfortune in the West Indies, and from the attempts of the
enemy to detach us from it. Every legislative body, which has met
since, has unanimously declared its resolution to listen to no terms
of accommodation, which controvenes its principles.
Congress have it in contemplation to make some alteration in their
foreign arrangements, in order to lessen their expenses, but as
nothing is yet determined on, I do not think it worth while to trouble
you with a plan, which may not be carried into effect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 25th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
My letters from Madrid, and afterwards a few lines from Bordeaux,
informed you of my being called to this place by a pressing letter
from Dr Franklin.
The slow manner of travelling in a carriage through Spain, Mrs Jay's
being taken with a fever and ague the day we left Bordeaux, and the
post horses at the different stages having been engaged for the Count
du Nord, who had left Paris with a great retinue, prevented my
arriving here until the day before yesterday.
After placing my family in a hotel, I immediately went out to Passy,
and spent the remainder of the afternoon in conversing with Dr
Franklin on the subjects, which had induced him to write for me. I
found that he had then more reason to think my presence necessary than
it seems to be at present.
Yesterday we paid a visit to Count de Vergennes. He gave me a very
friendly reception, and entered pretty fully with us into the state
of the negotiation. His answer to the British Minister appeared to me
ably drawn. It breathes great moderation, and yet is so general as to
leave room for such demands as circumstances, at the time of the
treaty, may render convenient.
There is reason to believe, that Mr Fox and Lord Shelburne are not
perfectly united, and that Rodney's success will repress the ardor of
our enemies for an immediate peace. On leaving the Count, he informed
us, that he was preparing despatches for America, and that our
letters, if sent to him tomorrow morning, might go by the same
opportunity. This short notice, together with the interruptions I meet
with every moment, obliges me to be less particular than I could wish;
but as Dr Franklin also writes by this conveyance, you will doubtless
receive from him full intelligence on these subjects.
My last letters also informed you, that the Court of Spain had
commissioned the Count d'Aranda, their Ambassador here, to continue
with me the negotiation for a treaty with our country. I have not yet
seen him, and Dr Franklin concurs with me in opinion, that it is more
expedient to open this business by a letter than by a visit.
Mr Adams cannot leave Amsterdam at present, and I hear that Mr Laurens
thinks of returning soon to America, so that I apprehend Dr Franklin
and myself will be left to manage at least the skirmishing business,
if I may so call it, of our commission, without the benefit of their
counsel and assistance. You know what I think and feel on this
subject, and I wish things were so circumstanced as to admit of my
being indulged.
You may rely on my writing often, very often. My letters will now have
fairer play, and you will find that I have not ceased to consider
amusement and rest as secondary objects to those of business.
I shall endeavor to get lodgings as near to Dr Franklin as I can. He
is in perfect good health, and his mind appears more vigorous than
that of any man of his age I have known. He certainly is a valuable
Minister, and an agreeable companion.
The Count d'Artois and Duc de Bourbon are soon to set out for
Gibraltar. The siege of that place will be honored with the presence
of several princes, and therefore the issue of it (according to the
prevailing modes of thinking) becomes in a more particular manner
interesting. The Duc de Crillon is sanguine; he told me, that in his
opinion, Gibraltar was far more pregnable than Mahon. It is possible
that fortune may again smile upon him.
I am, Dear Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, June 28th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 25th instant. As the
express, which is to carry that letter, will not depart till tomorrow
morning, I have a good opportunity of making this addition to my
despatches.
Agreeably to the desire of Congress, as well as my own wishes, I have
had the satisfaction of conferring with the Marquis de Lafayette, on
several interesting subjects. He is as active in serving us in the
cabinet as he has been in the field, and (there being great reason to
believe that his talents could be more advantageously employed here,
than an inactive campaign in America would admit of there,) Dr
Franklin and myself think it advisable, that he should postpone his
return for the present. The Marquis inclines to the same opinion, and,
though anxious to join the army, will remain here a little longer.
The intentions of the British Ministry with respect to us are by no
means clear. They are divided upon the subject. It is said that Mr Fox
and his friends incline to meet us on the terms of independence, but
that Lord Shelburne and his adherents entertain an idea of making a
compact with us, similar to that between Britain and Ireland, and
there is room to apprehend that efforts will be made to open a
negotiation on these subjects at Philadelphia. When it is considered
that the articles of a general peace cannot be discussed in America,
and that propositions for a separate one ought not to be listened to,
it is evident to me, that their sending out commissions can be
calculated for no other purpose than that of intrigue.
I should enlarge on this topic, were I not persuaded, that you will
see this matter in the same point of view, and that any proposition,
which they may offer, will be referred to the American Commissioners
in Europe. How far it may be prudent to permit any British agents to
come into our country, on such an ostensible errand, is an easy
question, for where an unnecessary measure may be dangerous it should
be avoided. They may write from New York whatever they may have to
propose, and may receive answers in the same manner.
If one may judge from appearances, the Ministry are very desirous of
getting some of their emissaries into our country, either in an avowed
or in a private character, and all things considered, I should think
it most safe not to admit any Englishman in either character within
our lines at this very critical juncture. A mild and yet firm
resolution, on the impropriety and inexpediency of any negotiation for
peace in America, would give great satisfaction to our friends and
confirm their confidence in us. We indeed, who know our country, would
apprehend no danger from anything that British agents might say or do
to deceive or divide us; but the opinions of strangers, who must judge
by appearances, merit attention; and it is doubtless best not only to
be steadfast to our engagements, but also to avoid giving occasion to
the slightest suspicions of a contrary disposition. An opinion does
prevail here, that in the mass of our people there is a considerable
number who, though resolved on independence, would nevertheless prefer
an alliance with England to one with France, and this opinion will
continue to have a certain degree of influence during the war. This
circumstance renders much circumspection necessary.
I am, with great regard and esteem, Dear Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, July 6th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Since my letter of the 23d ultimo, Congress have passed the enclosed
resolution. My letter had already anticipated it, so that it will only
serve to show, that I was warranted in the observations I had made,
and am sorry to add, that my prediction, that the troops taken by
Spain would be sent to serve against us, seems to be confirmed by an
account received from Charleston of a number of soldiers, taken in
Pensacola, having been sent there. Could I suppose the Court of Spain
entirely regardless of our interests, I should presume, that an
attention to their own would keep them from affording such
reinforcements to the British here, as will enable them to detach to
Jamaica, of any other of their islands, which Spain may have it in
contemplation to reduce.
I am, therefore, fully persuaded, that every measure of this kind must
originate merely in the inattention of the officer, and, that if
mentioned to his Majesty's Ministers, it will be prevented in future.
You will therefore take the earliest opportunity to state it to them,
and to show them the pernicious influence it will have, not only upon
our measures, but upon those sentiments of friendship and affection,
which Congress wish the people of these States to entertain for a
nation, that is engaged in the same cause with them, and with whom a
variety of considerations will lead them to maintain in future the
most intimate connexion.
I have remitted to Dr Franklin the amount of one quarter's salary due
to you, which I have vested in bills at six and three pence this money
for five livres, which yields a profit to you of about five and a half
per cent, and will be more than sufficient to pay the expense of
commissions, that this new mode of paying your salaries will subject
you to. I have directed an account to be opened with you, and will
receive your directions, unless you shall think it proper to appoint
some other agent. My Secretary, Mr Morris, will enclose a particular
state of your account, exclusive of contingencies, an account of which
I wish you to remit me, that I may get it discharged for you. The
second quarter being now due, I shall get the accounts passed and the
bills remitted by the next opportunity. You will be pleased to pay
particular attention to the enclosed paper in cyphers, as it relates
to a private transaction of some importance to both of us.
Let me hear from you on this subject as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
We yesterday received letters from Mr Adams by Captain Smedley, who
brought out the goods left by Commodore Gillon. These were the first
advices, that had reached us from Europe since your short note of the
14th of May. You will easily believe, that this neglect is borne here
with some degree of impatience, particularly at this interesting
period, when we learn that a negotiation for a peace has commenced,
and that Mr Grenville is in France upon that business. Mr Adams's
letters take no more notice of this important transaction, than if we
were not interested in it; presuming, probably, that we are fully
informed from France. I may think improperly upon this subject, but I
cannot be satisfied that a quarterly letter from our Ministers is
sufficient to give Congress the information, that is necessary for the
direction of their affairs; and yet this is much more than we receive.
Some pay half yearly, and others offer only an annual tribute. Your
last letter, properly so called, is dated in April; Dr Franklin's in
March. This is the more mortifying, as want of time can hardly be
offered as an excuse by our Ministers, who must certainly have more
leisure upon their hands than they know how to dispose of.
I congratulate you upon your arrival in France, where if your
negotiations are not more successful than they have been in Spain, you
will at least have some enjoyments, that will console you under your
disappointments. Carleton has informed us, that Great Britain had
agreed to yield us unconditional independence. I find that he has been
too hasty in his opinion, and that the death of the Marquis of
Rockingham has made a very material alteration in the system. That
this inconsistency may be fully displayed, I would advise you to have
the enclosed letter from Carleton and Digby published in Europe.
Before the arrival of the packet, every disposition was made for the
evacuation of Charleston, which was publicly announced. The tories
have, in consequence of it, come out in crowds with the consent of
General Leslie to solicit pardon. The works at Quarter House were
burned. Whether the late intelligence will alter their determination I
cannot say. High expectations have also been entertained of the
evacuation of New York, where the royalists were in despair. Their
hopes are again revived.
If the negotiations go on, let me beg you to use every means for
procuring a direct trade with the West Indies. It is an object of the
utmost importance to us. The exports of Philadelphia alone to the
islands amounted before the war to three hundred thousand pounds; they
could not have been much less from New York; they were considerable
also from the Eastern States. We shall be very long in recovering the
distress of the war, if we are deprived of this important commerce. It
is certain, too, that the European powers who hold islands would find
themselves interested in this intercourse, provided they exclude the
introduction of manufactures, which might interfere with their own.
In proportion to the expense at which articles of the first necessity
are furnished, must be the improvement, population, produce, and
wealth of the islands, while the inhabitants of these States are
compelled by law as well as allured by fashion and habit to receive
their manufactures and luxuries from the mother country. She must reap
the full benefit of such improvement, population, produce, and wealth.
It may be said, that this check upon the exportation of provisions
from the parent State would, by reducing the price of grain,
discourage agriculture; to this I would observe, that it is extremely
doubtful whether it would occasion such reduction; secondly, that if
it did, it would be beneficial to the community. My doubt upon the
first head arises from this consideration; if, as I maintain, the
increased wealth and population of the islands occasioned an increased
consumption of the manufactures of the mother country, the provisions
that formerly fed the planters abroad are now consumed at home by the
manufacturer, and the price of provisions stands where it did, with
this clear advantage to the mother country, that by the cheapness of
living on the islands, she has increased the number of subjects, who
till the earth for her abroad, and by the same means has added to the
people, who make her strength and riches at home.
My second position is grounded upon the competition, that prevails at
this moment among the maritime manufacturing nations of Europe, France
and England particularly. The nation that undersells its rival in
foreign markets will sap the foundation of her wealth and power. The
nation that can maintain its manufactures, and navigate its vessels
at the cheapest rate, will undoubtedly enjoy this advantage, all
things else being equal. It is obvious, that the price of labor is
regulated by that of provisions, that manufacturers never earn more
than a bare subsistence. If so, where provisions are cheap,
manufactures can be carried on to most advantage. Of this, the East
Indies are a striking proof. In proportion, too, to the price of
provisions and the price of labor, which depends upon it, must be the
expense of building and navigating ships. Both these advantages, where
there is a concurrence, are therefore clearly in favor of the nation,
that can reduce the price of provisions within her own kingdom.
But it may be said, that this reduction of the price of provisions,
which seems so desirable in one view, may be found injurious in
another; and that it is at least as expedient to encourage agriculture
as manufactures. I agree in the principle, though not in the
application. Going back to my first position, that the man who labors
gets a bare subsistence, for the moment he does more, the number of
laborers in that kind (provided his employment does not require
uncommon skill) increases, and his labor is not more profitable, than
that of the other laborers of the country. It will follow then, that
so far as he consumes what he raises, the price will be entirely out
of the question. If a bushel of grain a day is necessary for the
support of his family, he will equally raise and equally consume that
grain, whether it sells for a penny or a pound. But as there are other
articles necessary for the use of his family, that he must purchase,
this purchase can only be made by the excess of what he raises beyond
his own consumption. If he purchases the manufactures of the country,
and they rise in proportion to the value of provisions, it must be a
matter of indifference to the husbandman, whether the price of the
latter is high or low, since the same quantity will be necessary to
purchase what his necessities demand in either case; unless indeed his
provisions are carried to foreign markets, and the manufactures he
wants imported, in which case the price of his grain will become an
object of moment, and operate as an encouragement to agriculture. But
it would also in the same proportion operate as a check on the
manufactures, population, and navigation of the country. On the first,
for reasons which have been already explained; on the second, because
manufactures require more hands than agriculture; and on the third,
because the expense of labor, which increases with the diminution of
population, and the price of victualling the vessels employed in the
transportation of their produce, will enable nations, who can maintain
their subjects cheaper, to navigate their vessels at a lower rate, and
of course to engross this branch of business, unless the laws of the
State, such as acts of navigation, shall forbid, in which case those
acts will operate so far as a discouragement upon agriculture; the
advanced freightage being so much deducted from the husbandman's
profit.
There are many collateral arguments to show the policy of this
measure, even with reference to agriculture, arising out of the
general positions I have stated, such as the advantage husbandmen find
in a manufacturing country, in placing their weak or supernumerary
children to trades, and procuring a number of hands on a short notice,
at any of those critical periods, which so frequently occur in the
culture of land, without being compelled to maintain them all the
year, which increase their profit though they reduce the price of
grain. But these are too extensive to take notice of here. I will
conclude with some observations, which arise from the circumstances of
the country with relation to Europe, which I trust will be found so
important as to merit attention.
The commercial nations of Europe begin already to see, that the
attention, which is almost universally afforded to the improvement of
manufactures, must set bounds to their commerce, unless they can open
new markets. Where are these new markets to be found but in America?
Here the wishes and habits of the people will concur with the policy
of the government, in encouraging the cultivation of their lands at
the expense of manufactures. Both will continue to operate while we
have a great wilderness to settle, and while a market shall be
afforded for our produce. But if that market is shut against us; if we
cannot vend what we raise, we shall want the means of purchasing
foreign manufactures, and of course must from necessity manufacture
for ourselves. The progress of manufactures is always rapid, when once
introduced in a country where provisions are cheap, and the means of
transportation so extremely easy as it is in America. I am fully
persuaded, therefore, that it is the interest of a nation with whom
present appearances promise us such extensive commerce as France, to
give every encouragement to our agriculture, as the only means of
keeping open this market for the consumption of their manufactures.
I meant to write a few lines on this subject, and I have written a
treatise; it will however cost you no great trouble to read it, and
may possibly afford you some useful hints.
Pigot is at New York, with twentysix sail of the line. The Marquis de
Vaudreuil is at Boston with twelve, having lost the Magnifique in the
harbor; Congress have presented his Most Christian Majesty with the
America, a seventyfour built at Portsmouth. She was to have been
commanded by Paul Jones. I wish heartily it were possible to give some
employment to that brave officer.
The allied army is at present at Verplanck's Point, in good health and
spirits. Where is the Marquis de Lafayette? We have impatiently
expected him these four months. Present my compliments to him, General
Du Portail, and Viscount de Noailles. Tell the last I congratulate him
on his preferment, though it is with difficulty I rejoice at it, since
it is to deprive us of the pleasure of seeing him again.
I have written you four private letters since the last I had from you.
I have the honor to be, Dear Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, September 18th, 1782.
Dear Sir,