him my acknowledgments for the generous supply afforded by his Court
to ours. He seemed very happy on the occasion, and regretted it had
not been done a little sooner.
His secretary remarked to me, that Spain would suspect that this
subsidy had been granted in consequence of the protest of our bills,
and that this Court would make it the cause of complaint against
France.
The Court left the Pardo, and passed the Easter holidays at Madrid. I
denied myself the honor of waiting on the Minister on that occasion,
nor have I seen him since the protest of our bills. My judgment, as
well as my feelings, approved of this omission. The Court are now at
Aranjues, where I have taken a house, and purpose to go soon after
these despatches shall be completed.
On the 30th of March I was surprised by the following note, being the
first of the kind which I have received from the Minister since my
arrival.
Translation.
"The Count de Florida Blanca has been to take the orders of V. S.[2]
for Aranjues, where he hopes to have the honor of the company of V. S.
at his table, every Saturday after the 11th of May next ensuing."
This invitation is imputable to the late news from England, and the
grant of six millions by France was probably accelerated by it. Both
Courts are watching and jealous of us. We are at peace with Spain, and
she neither will nor indeed can grant us a present subsidy. Why then
should we be anxious for a treaty with her, or make sacrifices to
purchase it? We cannot now treat with her on terms of equality, why
therefore not postpone it? It would not perhaps be wise to break with
her; but delay is in our power, and resentment ought to have no
influence.
Time would secure advantages to us, which we should now be obliged to
yield. Time is more friendly to young than to old nations, and the day
will come when our strength will insure our rights. Justice may hold
the balance and decide, but if unarmed will for the most part be
treated like a blind woman. There is no doubt that Spain requires more
cessions than England, unless extremely humbled, can consent to.
France knows and fears this. France is ready for a peace, but not
Spain. The King's eyes are fixed on Gibraltar. The Spanish finances
indeed are extremely mismanaged, and I may say pillaged. If England
should offer us peace on the terms of our treaty with France, the
French Court would be very much embarrassed by their alliance with
Spain, and as yet we are under no obligations to persist in the war to
gratify this Court. It is not certain what England will do, nor ought
we to rely on the present promising appearances there; but can it be
wise to instruct your Commissioners to speak only as the French
Ministers shall give them utterance? Let whatever I write about the
French and their Ambassador here be by all means kept secret. Marbois
gleans and details every scrap of news. His letters are very minute,
and detail names and characters.
Sweden is leaning towards us, and it will not be long before the Dutch
become our allies. Under such circumstances, Spain ought not to expect
such a price as the Mississippi for acknowledging our independence.
As it is uncertain when I shall again have so good an opportunity of
conveying a letter to you as the present, I have been very particular
in this. The facts might perhaps have been more methodically arranged,
but I thought it best to state them as they arose; and though some of
them separately considered do not appear very important, yet when
viewed in connexion with others, they will not be found wholly
uninteresting.
You will readily perceive on reading this letter, that parts of it
relate to Mr Morris's department. I hope he will excuse my not
repeating them in a particular letter to him, especially as he will
readily believe, that the length of this, and the cyphers used in it,
have fatigued me a good deal.
All the cyphers in this letter are those in which I correspond with Mr
Morris, and the only ones I have received from him. They were brought
by Major Franks and marked No. 1. Several of my former letters to Mr
Thompson and you mentioned, that his cypher was not to be depended
upon. The copy of it, brought by Mr Barclay, which is the only copy I
have received of the original by Major Franks, having passed through
the post office, came to my hands with marks of inspection on the
cover.
I received, the 12th of April, a packet of newspapers, which I believe
was from your office. It was brought to Bilboa by Mr Stockholm; but
not a single line or letter from America accompanied it.
On the back of the packet there was this endorsement, "Bilboa, April
3d, 1782, brought and forwarded by your Excellency's very humble
servant Andrew Stockholm." Notwithstanding this, it was marked _Paris_
by the post office, and charged with postage accordingly, viz. one
hundred and six reals of vellon. I sent the cover to the director of
the post office, but he declined correcting the mistake. Thus are all
things managed here.
The _Courier de l'Europe_ informs us, that the English Ministry are
totally changed, and gives us a list of those who form the new one. I
think it difficult to predict how this change may eventually operate
with respect to us. I hope we shall persevere vigorously in our
military operations, and thereby not only quiet the fears and
suspicions of those who apprehend some secret understanding between us
and this Ministry, but also regain the possession of those places,
which might otherwise counterbalance other demands at a peace.
Great preparations are making here for a serious attack on Gibraltar.
The Duc de Crillon will doubtless command it. His good fortune has
been very great.
It is natural as well as just, that Congress should be dissatisfied
with the conduct of this Court; they certainly have much reason; and
yet a distinction may be made between the Ministry and the nation, the
latter being more to be pitied than blamed.
I must now resume a subject, which I did not expect to have had
occasion to renew in this letter.
You may observe from the copy of the Count de Florida Blanca's note,
containing an invitation to his table at Aranjues, and left at my
house by his servant, that it was not expressly directed to me. This
omission raised some doubt in my mind of its being intended for me,
but on inquiry I found that the other Ministers had in the same manner
received similar ones, and not directed to them by name. I mentioned
my having received it to the Ambassador of France. He told me the
Count had not mentioned a syllable of it to him. I desired him to take
an opportunity of discovering from the Count, whether or no there was
any mistake in the case, and to inform me of the result, which he
promised to do.
On the 23d of April instant, the Ambassador being then in town, I paid
him a visit. He told me, that on mentioning the matter to the Count,
he said it must have happened by mistake, for that he intended only to
ask my orders for Aranjues, but that he was nevertheless glad the
mistake had happened, as it would give him an opportunity, by
mentioning it to the King, to obtain his permission for the purpose,
and to that end desired the Ambassador to write him a note stating the
fact. The Ambassador did so, and the Count afterwards informed him,
that he had communicated it to the King, who, with many expressions of
regard for our country, had permitted him to invite me as a private
gentleman of distinction belonging to it. He authorised the Ambassador
to communicate this invitation to me, and also to inform me, that I
might bring Mr Carmichael with me.
Much conversation ensued between the Ambassador and myself, consisting
of my objections to accepting this invitation, and his answers to
them. But as we continued to differ in sentiment, and he was going
out, I agreed to think further of the matter before I gave my final
answer.
For my part I doubt there having been any mistake. I think it more
probable, that the Minister, afterwards reflecting on the use that
might be made of this note, wished to render it harmless by imputing
it to mistake, and substituting a more cautious invitation. For it can
hardly be supposed, either that his servant would, for the first time
in two years, leave such a note at my house unless ordered; or that he
himself would for the first time in his life, and that in writing,
inform me of his having called to take my orders for Aranjues, without
taking care that his amanuensis wrote as he dictated. He was probably
warmed by the news from England and Holland, and, in the perturbation
of spirits occasioned by it, was more civil than on cool reflection he
thought was expedient, especially on further considering, that the
Ambassador might not be well pleased at not having been privy to it.
A few days afterwards I wrote the Ambassador the following letter on
the subject.
"Madrid, April 27th, 1782.
"Sir,
"Be pleased to accept my thanks for the very friendly part you have
acted relative to the Minister's written invitation left at my house,
and the verbal one since conveyed from him to me by your Excellency. I
have deliberately re-examined my former sentiments respecting the
propriety of accepting it; and as they remain unaltered, my respect
for your judgment leads me to refer them, fully explained, to your
further consideration.
"As the Minister informed your Excellency, that the written invitation
was left at my house by _mistake_, I think nothing remains to be said
relative to it. On the discovery of that mistake, the Minister it
seems was so obliging as to apply for, and obtain the consent of the
King to renew the invitation, not in _general terms_, but in terms
expressly declaring, that it was given to me as a private gentleman,
and was so to be accepted; with the additional favor, nevertheless, of
being permitted to bring Mr Carmichael with me.
"The only objection, which opposes my accepting it, arises from this
question, viz. whether a Minister or representative of an independent
sovereign can with propriety accept any invitation, which in the terms
of it impeaches his title to that character? So far as this question
respects the Ministers of independent states and kingdoms in general,
your Excellency will agree with me in opinion that it must be answered
in the negative. The next inquiry which presents itself is, whether
the United States of America come so far under that description as to
render this reasoning applicable to their Ministers? Every American
thinks they do. Whatever doubts this, or other Courts may entertain
relative to their independence, the United States entertain none, and
therefore their servants ought not, by words or actions, to admit any.
For instance, ought General Washington to accept an invitation, which
expressly imposed upon him the condition of laying aside his uniform,
and appearing at table in the dress of a private gentleman? I think
not. If this reasoning be just, the impropriety of my accepting this
invitation becomes manifest, and all arguments from the expediency of
it must cease to operate. For my part I consider it as a general rule,
that although particular circumstances may sometimes render it
expedient for a nation to make great sacrifices to the attainment of
national objects, yet it can in no case be expedient for them to
impair their honor, their dignity, or their independence.
"As to the temporary advantages, which might result from accepting
this invitation, I find them balanced by at least equal disadvantages.
There can be no doubt on the one hand, but that my frequenting the
Count de Florida Blanca's table on the days appointed for entertaining
the foreign Ministers would impress a general opinion, that Spain was
about to become our allies, and I readily admit, that such an opinion
might operate to our advantage in other countries. But on the other
hand, when the Count de Florida Blanca, in order (though perhaps in
vain) to save appearances, shall inform those foreign Ministers, that
I was expressly invited as a private gentleman, and had consented to
come in that character, they would naturally entertain ideas, which
would tend to diminish rather than increase their respect for America
and American legations.
"It would give me pain if the Count de Florida Blanca should suppose
me to be in the least influenced by the promising aspect of our
affairs. I flatter myself he will not incline to that opinion, when he
reflects on the particular circumstances under which the United States
declared themselves independent, and under which they afterwards
refused to treat with their then victorious enemies, on any terms
inconsistent with it.
"Although offence and disrespect are very far from my thoughts, I fear
the Count will be a little hurt at my declining the invitation in
question. I am persuaded that he meant to do me a favor, and I feel
myself indebted for his friendly intentions. But as the considerations
mentioned in this letter forbid me to accept it, I wish to communicate
that circumstance to him in the most soft and delicate manner, and,
therefore, request the favor of your Excellency to undertake it.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
Reasons similar to those assigned for this refusal have induced me
ever since my arrival to decline going to Court, where I might also
have been presented as a stranger of distinction, but as Mr Carmichael
had been presented in that character previous to my coming to Madrid,
I never objected to his making subsequent visits.
I am, Dear Sir, with great regard and esteem, your most obedient and
very humble servant,
JOHN JAY.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Vuestra Senoria. _Your Lordship_, or _Your Excellency_. We have no
title, which exactly corresponds with the Spanish.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, May 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 6th of February, with a duplicate of that of August
last, directed to the President, has been received and read in
Congress. I am extremely surprised to find from that and yours to me,
that so few of my letters have reached you, since no vessel has sailed
from this, or, indeed, from any of the neighboring ports, without
carrying letters or duplicates of letters from me. The whole number
directed to you, including the duplicates from October to this time,
amounts to twentyfour; so that they must certainly be suppressed in
many instances. But what astonishes me more, is to find that you
cannot read my letter, No. 3, and the duplicate of No. 2; when, upon
examining my letter book, I find it is written in the very cypher,
which you acknowledge to have received, and in which your letter of
the 20th of September is written; so that if it is not intelligible,
it must have undergone some alteration since it left my hands, which I
am the more inclined to think, because you speak of a cypher said to
be enclosed, of which my letters make no mention, and only notes a
slight alteration in Mr Thompson's cypher. My first letter was in our
private cypher; this you had not received. My second, by the Marquis
de Lafayette, in cypher, delivered to me by mistake by Mr Thompson,
and lost with Mr Palfrey. My third, in the cypher sent by Major
Franks, a duplicate of which was sent by Mr Barclay; and that enclosed
a copy of my letter, No. 2. I had then discovered the mistake, so
that I can in no way account for your being unable to decypher it.
Since my last, of the 28th of April, we have been informed of the
change in the British administration. We have seen the act for
enabling the King to make peace, and the new plan has begun to open
itself here under the direction of Sir Guy Carleton. You, who know
your countrymen, will feel little anxiety on this subject. It is
proper, however, that you should be enabled to calm the apprehensions,
which those who know us less and are interested in our measures may
entertain. I have the pleasure of assuring you, that it has not
produced the slightest alteration in our sentiments; that we view a
change of men and measures with the utmost philosophic indifference.
We believe that God has hardened the heart of Pharaoh, so that he
cannot let the people go, till the first born of his land are
destroyed; till the hosts are overthrown in the midst of the sea; and
till poverty and distress, like the vermin of Egypt, shall have
covered the land. The general sentiment here seems to be, that new
endeavors will be so used to detach us from our ally, that the best
answer to such attempts to disgrace us will be a speedy and spirited
preparation for the ensuing campaign.
When Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New York, he found them in violent
convulsions about the demand that General Washington had made of the
persons who perpetrated the murder upon an officer of the Jersey
levies, one Captain Huddy, whom they made prisoner, carried to New
York, and afterwards taking him out of jail hung him in the county of
Monmouth. I enclose the General's letter, and the other letters that
have passed on that occasion. The affair has not yet ended; the
British officers insist upon his [i. e. Lippincott, who hung Huddy]
being given up. The refugees support him. A court martial is now
sitting for his trial. In the extracts sent out by General Robertson
are contained the cases of all the persons, that have been tried and
convicted of robbery, horse stealing, &c. in the Jerseys since the
war, as they have protected every species of villany. They wish us to
consider every felon we hang, as a part of their regular corps.
Your last despatches by Colonel Livingston did not come to hand. The
vessel in which he sailed was taken and carried into New York. He
destroyed his letters. He was immediately committed to the Provost,
where he met with your brother, who had been sometime confined there.
On the arrival of General Carleton, which was a few days after, both
were liberated on their _paroles_, so that Mr Livingston can give us
no intelligence of any kind. Carleton spoke to him in the most frank
and unreserved manner, wished to see the war carried on, if it must be
carried on, upon more generous principles than it has hitherto been; I
told him he meant to send his secretary to Congress with despatches,
and asked whether the Colonel would take a seat in his carriage. Mr
Livingston told him, that his secretary would certainly be stopped at
the first post; upon which he expressed surprise, and inquired whether
Mr Livingston would himself be the bearer of them, which he declined,
unless they contained an explicit acknowledgment of our independence,
and a resolution to withdraw the British troops. He replied, he was
not empowered to make any such proposition, and that his letter was
merely complimentary. The next day he wrote to the General the letter,
a copy of which, No. 1, is enclosed. The General sent the answer, No.
2; these letters being laid before Congress, they came to the
resolution No. 3. You will judge from these circumstances, whether it
is probable, that Britain will easily seduce us into a violation of
the faith we have pledged to our allies.
I am particular in giving you every information on this head, because
I am persuaded, that means will be used by our enemies to induce a
belief that this country pines after peace and its ancient connexion
with England. It is strictly true, that they are very desirous of
peace. But it is also true, that the calamities of war press lighter
upon them every day, from the use they are in to bear them, and from
the declining strength of the enemy. They consider themselves as
bound, both in honor and interest, to support the alliance, which they
formed in the hour of distress; and I am satisfied, that no man would
be found in any public assembly in America sufficiently hardy, to hint
at a peace upon any terms, which should destroy our connexion with
France.
I yesterday took the sense of Congress upon the propriety of giving
you leave of absence. They have declined giving any answer to that
part of your letter, from which you are to conclude that they do not
conceive it advisable at present. I enclose the resolution I proposed,
which they thought it proper to postpone.
In all our transactions in Spain we are to consider the delicate
situation in which they stand with France, the propensity of the
former to peace, and the need that the latter has of their assistance.
I should conceive it necessary, therefore, rather to submit with
patience to their repeated delays than give a handle to the British
party at Court. For this reason I conceive that no advantage could
result from demanding a categorical answer, and that it might involve
us in disagreeable circumstances. The resolution enclosed in my last
will either serve as a stimulus to the politics of Spain, or leave us
a latitude on the negotiation for a peace, which will be of equal
advantage to us with any of those slight aids, which Spain seems
willing or able to give us. Congress have found so little advantage
from sending embassies to Courts, who have shown no disposition to aid
them, that they have passed the enclosed resolution, No. 4. Every
saving is an object of importance with them, and they feel very
heavily the expense of their foreign embassies, which are in some
particulars unnecessarily expensive.
The complaints, which have justly been made of the mode in which our
Ministers are paid, have induced Congress to direct the financier to
fall upon some other mode. The one adopted will be very advantageous
to our Ministers. He proposes to make his payments here quarterly. I
shall, as your agent, receive the amount, make out the account, and
vest it in bills at the current rate, and remit them to Dr Franklin,
and send you advice when I do it; or, when opportunity offers, send
them directly to you. I shall follow your directions if you have any
other to give, with respect to the money due to you, and consider
myself liable in my private capacity for all the money I receive on
your account, till you appoint another agent. This will simplify Mr
Morris's account, he only opening one with the department of Foreign
Affairs.
Your present account will commence the 1st of January. I wish you to
transmit a state of your account prior to that date, and I will
procure and remit you the balance.
We have nothing new but what you may collect from the papers
enclosed. The Count de Montmorin will see with pleasure, that the
birth of a Dauphin has been received here at this critical time in
such a manner as to evidence our attachment to the King his father,
and the French nation.
I am embarrassed beyond expression at the misfortune that happened to
Mr Thompson's cypher. I shall enclose another with this, and send them
both to Mr Harrison, with special directions to send them safely to
you.
It must have been long since you heard from me. Our ports have been
totally shut up for some time, and no less than three vessels with
despatches from me to you have been taken and carried into New York
within two months.
As you seem to suppose my appointment has not been sufficiently
notified to you, to authorise your directing your letters to me, I
enclose the resolution for my appointment, together with that for the
organization of the office.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Madrid, May 14th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
A letter from Dr Franklin calls me to Paris. I set off in about five
days. He has doubtless written to you on this subject. Major Franks is
on the way to you with despatches from me. Be pleased to send your
future letters for me under cover to Dr Franklin. No inconveniences
will be caused by my absence. The instructions intended for M. Del
Campo are to be sent to the Count d'Aranda. I congratulate you on the
recognition of our independence by the Dutch. The French have lost a
ship of the line, and they say thirteen transports bound to the
Indies.
I hope my future letters will be less unfortunate than many of my
former ones. Rely upon it, that I shall continue to write particularly
and frequently to you.
With great regard and esteem, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, June 23d, 1782.
Dear Sir,