the point where he understood that Grenville’s fifteen men had
established themselves. Not one was found. But the discovery of the
bones of one of them led the searchers to fear that all had perished at
the hands of the Indians. The next morning White with several of his
party walked up to the Old Colony’s plantation at the north end of the
island, hoping there to find some trace of the missing men. The place
was deserted. The fort had been razed, and its site was overgrown with
vines. The “decent dwelling houses” of the colony yet stood, but they
were open to the weather, and, like the site of the fort, overgrown with
vines, and within them deer were feeding. With this melancholic
spectacle the governor’s party returned “without hope of ever seeing any
of the fifteene men living.”
Then the governor gave orders for the repairing of the houses on the
deserted plantation and for the erection of new cottages; and when this
work was well under way the colonists were all brought up here. On the
twenty-fifth the fly-boat appeared in the road off Roanoke with all her
passengers safe, to the joy of their fellow planters and the grief of
Ferdinando. For when he had “purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal,
and stole away from them in the night,” he had hoped that the master of
the ship, Edward Spicer, “for that he had never bene in Virginia would
hardly finde the place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as
that was, by meanes of so many men of warre as at that time were abroad,
they would surely be taken or slain.” Such is the record, but let us
cherish the hope that the chronicler misinterpreted Ferdinando’s strange
act, and that he was not guilty of so diabolical a scheme.
On the twenty-eighth, when the new colonists were probably settling
themselves at Roanoke, one of the assistants, George Howe, was set upon
and slain by a little band of Indians who had come over to the island
either to spy upon the new comers, or to hunt deer, or both. He was
alone at the time, and some distance from the plantation, wading in the
water catching crabs with a forked stick. He was only half dressed and
had no weapon, his gun perhaps having been left on the shore. The
savages stealthily approached him from a hiding place among tall reeds,
where deer were often found asleep, and killed by the Indian hunters.
They sprang at his back and gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows,
finally beating him to death with their wooden swords. The deed done,
they “fled over the water to the main.” These savages belonged to the
remnant of the dead Wingina’s—or Pemisapan’s—people, who were now
dwelling on the mainland at Dasamonguepeuk.
The quest for traces of the fifteen men was continued while the work of
setting up the plantation was going forward. On the last day of July
Master Stafford and twenty men started off with Manteo for the island of
Croatoan, where Manteo’s kindred dwelt, and where the Indians had been
friendly with the Old Colony, hoping from them to get some definite news
of the lost men. At the same time the new comers would renew “old
friendships” and endeavour to ascertain the present attitude of the
other tribes of the country, besides Pemisapan’s broken band, toward the
English. Upon their landing at Croatoan the natives appeared on their
guard, but when Manteo showed himself and called to them in their own
language, they threw down their bows and arrows and made hospitable
demonstrations. When told that the Englishmen were come to renew the
“old love” with assurances of their desire to live with them only as
“brethren and friends” they were greatly pleased, and invited the
visitors “to walke up to their Towne”: which they did, and there were
feasted. Then at a conference that followed, the fate of the fifteen men
was revealed. They had been attacked by a band from Pemisapan’s former
confederates and driven from Roanoke Island, and all had disappeared,
most of them killed, the others probably drowned. As the Croatoans told
it the story thus ran.
Eleven of the fifteen were at Roanoke when the attack was made: the
remaining four were off in a creek gathering oysters. The attacking
band, composed of thirty savages, crept to the island and hid themselves
behind trees, which were thick near the houses where the Englishmen were
living carelessly. Two of the band first approached the houses as if
alone, and apparently unarmed, and with friendly signs called for two of
the Englishmen to come out without their arms and speak with them. The
Englishmen unsuspiciously acquiesced. When the four met and one of the
Indians was embracing one of the Englishmen, the other Indian drew his
wooden sword from beneath his mantle, and slew this Englishman. His
companion fled toward the houses while the remainder of the band sprang
from their hiding places and pursued him with a flight of arrows. The
little body of Englishmen crowded into the house where all their weapons
and their provisions were, and prepared for a stubborn defence.
Presently, however, the savages set the house afire, and they were
driven into the open with what weapons they could catch up. A skirmish
followed and continued for above an hour, in which the Indians had the
advantage through their nimbleness in dodging behind trees. At length
the surviving Englishmen backed fighting to the waterside where their
boat lay. Taking to the boat they fled toward Hastorask, on the way
picking up the four who had been absent on the oyster trip. All landed
on a small island near Hatteras. Here they were able to remain only for
a little while. Their departure from this place was the last heard of
them. It was supposed that in making their escape they were drowned.
As to the disposition of the natives in the other towns nothing decisive
was obtained. It was therefore agreed at this conference that the
Croatoans should undertake to convey a message to those that had before
come into Pemisapan’s confederation, and bring back to Roanoke either
their chief “governours” or their answer to the English governor within
seven days. Those towns were to be told that if they would accept the
friendship of the new colonists all past unfriendly dealings on both
sides, the Indian and the English, would be forgiven and forgotten. All
their business being despatched, Master Stafford and his party departed
the same day and returned to Roanoke to await the outcome of these
negotiations.
When the seven days had passed and no tidings had come from the men of
Croatoan on their mission of peace, the governor now determined to
avenge the killing of George Howe and the driving off of Grenville’s men
by moving upon the remnant of Pemisapan’s men at Dasamonguepeuk. So with
Captain Stafford, and a force of twenty-four men, one of them Manteo as
guide, he set out on this expedition at midnight of the eighth of
August. The party crossed to the mainland and landed early the next
morning, while it was yet dark, near the enemy’s dwelling place.
Silently passing through a stretch of woods they came to a point where
they had the Indians’ houses between them and the water. Then—"having
espied their fire and some sitting about it, we presently set on them:
the miserable soules herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke
reedes, growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one of them
through the bodie with a bullet; and therewith we entred the reedes,
among which we hoped to acquite their evill doing towards us": when it
was discovered that a sad mistake had been made. For “those Savages were
our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne & fruit of
that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediately
after they had slain George Howe, and for haste had left all their
corne, Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sort, that al had bene
devoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time:
but they had like to have payd deerely for it: for it was so darke, that
they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others,
wee knew not but that they were all men: and if that one of them, a
Wiroance’s [chief man’s] wife, had not had a child at her backe, shee
had been slain in stead of a man; and as hap was another Savage knew
master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was
saved.” The Englishmen did what they could in reparation of their
blunder. They gathered all the corn and other crops found ripe, leaving
the rest unspoiled, and took the chief man’s wife and child and others
of the savages back to Roanoke with them. Although Manteo was grieved at
this mishap to his own people, he imputed their harm to their own folly,
saying to them that if their Wiroances had kept their promise and come
to the governor and reported at the time appointed they had not suffered
such mischance.
A few days after the return from this expedition,—on the thirteenth of
August,—the unique ceremony of christening the savage Manteo and
investing him with the title of “Lord of Roanoke” was performed before
the assembled colonists. This was done by order of Raleigh before the
colonists left England, and was in reward of his faithful service. On
the eighteenth was recorded the birth of a daughter “to Elenor, daughter
to the Governour, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the Assistants,” and
on the Sunday following, the christening of the infant: “and because
this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, she was named
Virginia.” Afterward—the date is not given—a child was born to the wife
of Dyonis Harvie: the second white child born in the colony.
By about the third week in August the ships had unladen the goods and
victuals of the planters and begun to take in wood and fresh water, and
the workmen had started newly to calk and trim them for the return
voyage to England; while the planters were preparing their home letters
and “tokens” to go back on them. They were ready to depart on the
twenty-first, when a violent tempest broke from the northeast. The
“Lion,” then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut her cables and
put to sea. The planters feared that she had been cast away, the more so
because at the time that the storm struck her the most and the best of
her sailors were ashore. She, however, lay outside beating off and on
for six days, and with clearing weather, on the morning of the
twenty-seventh, she reappeared without the bar, and was riding beside
the fly-boat, both again ready for the departure.
In the meantime some controversies had arisen between the governor and
the assistants over the selection of two of their number to return with
the ships as factors for the company to their associates in London. For
none desired to go. After much persuading by the governor, Christopher
Cooper agreed to be one of the two. But the next day, through the
persuasions of “divers of his familiar friends,” he changed his mind,
and withdrew his acceptance. Thereupon the whole company with “one
voice” requested the governor himself to go. He, it was argued, could
better and sooner than any other obtain the supplies and necessaries for
the comfort and development of the colony. But he refused. He could not
so soon return he declared, leaving behind so many whom he “partly had
procured through his perswasions to leave their native countrey” and
embark in this venture, without discredit. At his return in England some
enemies of himself and of the enterprise “would not spare to slander
falsely both him and the action, by saying hee went to Virginia but
politikely, and to no other end but to leade so many into a countrey in
which hee never meant to stay himselfe, and there to leave them behind
him.” Besides, it had been agreed that the colony should presently
remove fifty miles farther up into the main. If this should be done, and
he being absent, his own stuff and goods might be spoiled, or pilfered
in transportation, so that at his coming back he would be forced to
provide himself of all such things again; and he had already had some
proof of the insecurity of his property when once absent from the colony
for only three days. Now stronger pressure was brought by his
associates, and they agreed to give him their bond, “under all their
handes and seales” for the safe preservation of all his things at his
return to Virginia, so that if any were lost or spoiled such would be
made good to him or his assigns. Under this pressure and with the
execution of the bond, he reluctantly reversed his decision, and made
ready to go.
Since Captain Ferdinando was now impatient to be off, the governor had
only half a day’s time to prepare for sailing. He left Roanoke on the
morning of the twenty-seventh and at midnight boarded the fly-boat. The
next morning both ships weighed anchor.
Before he left the plantation White had agreed with the assistants that
should the colony move from Roanoke before his return they should carve
on a tree trunk or other conspicuous post, the name of the place to
which they had gone.
Of his parting from his associates, or from his daughter Eleanor and his
little grandchild, nothing is said in the record. Nor of the wistful
farewells as the ships sailed off for the home that the more than a
hundred colonists left behind were never again to see. Here their story
abruptly ends. How they lived after the ships had sailed away, and how
they perished, or what was their fate, none can tell. With the departure
of Governor White history closes the chapter.
* * * * *
The return voyage was one of hardship and adventure. At the very start,
at the weighing of their anchors, twelve of the fly-boat’s men were
thrown from the capstan and hurt, and for a time only five of her
complement of fifteen men were able to do the ship’s work. Nevertheless
she kept company with the “Lion” for about twenty days. Then seeing that
Ferdinando did not mean to make any haste for home, but was determined
to loiter along the way in the hope of taking Spanish prizes, she left
the admiral and struck out on her own hook for England. Repeated storms
were encountered on the passage; through “foure dayes together” her
master could see “neither sunne nor starre”; her fresh water gave out;
several of her sailors sickened and two died. At length on the sixteenth
of October she made the Irish coast and came to Smerwick. A few days
after her arrival the boatswain, the steward, and the boatswain’s mate
died. Subsequently White took passage on another ship, sailing from
Dingen for England, and landed at Cornwall on the fifth of November. The
fly-boat came up three days later to Hampton. Here it was learned that
the “Lion” had arrived three weeks before, at Portsmouth. Ferdinando had
experienced hard luck. He and his company “were not onely come home
without any purchase [seizure] but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse
and death of the chiefest men, that they were scarce able to bring their
ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall their anker without which
they could not wey againe, but might all have perished there if a small
barke by great hap had not come to them to help them.”
White at his return found the whole kingdom in a turmoil over the
threatened invasion by the “Invincible Armada” of Spain,—that “mightie”
navy, “as never the like before that time had sailed the Ocean sea,”
comprising nearly one hundred and forty grand ships and thirty thousand
fighting men, among them many grandees and gentlemen volunteers,—Philip
of Spain’s now open and bold stroke for the conquest of England, and her
“reduction to his Catholic religion,” in revenge for the “disgrace,
contempt, and dishonour” which he had “endured of the English nation.”
Raleigh, Grenville, and Lane, the latter knighted after his return from
America, were all members of the council of war that Elizabeth had
hurriedly called together; while other friends of American colonization
were engrossed in affairs of state. Scant attention, therefore, to the
needs of the distant handful of colonists could be expected at this time
of peril at home. Yet Raleigh was quick to act, and generously, in their
behalf. In the thick of his activities for England’s defence, he found
leisure to fit out, again at his own charges, a small fleet to be
despatched at the earliest moment with supplies and probably a few new
colonists. Grenville was to take charge as commander of this expedition,
and White, of course, was to return with him. But before the ships were
ready to sail all of them were impressed by the government, and Sir
Richard was required to attend Sir Walter in Cornwall and train troops
there. Not long after another attempt was made. White, with Raleigh’s
aid, succeeded in obtaining two barks, and with these he sailed on the
twenty-second of April, 1588, bound for Virginia. But their men were
more anxious to fight the Spaniards than to hasten to the colony. In an
encounter at sea with Spanish ships they were worsted and were obliged
to limp back ingloriously to England. So this intended voyage was
abandoned.
Nothing more was done or well could be done under the condition of
affairs for nearly two years. In July and August, 1588, the “Invincible
Armada” was defeated and dispersed. While with Howard, the lord high
admiral, Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher bore off the larger glory for
this signal achievement, Raleigh shared in all the dangers of the
protracted sea fight. But with the return of comparative tranquility he
found himself too much reduced in means to prosecute his colonial
projects to the extent of his desires. He had expended in his various
ventures upward of forty thousand pounds for which he had received no
return. Still he continued undaunted to do what he could to accomplish
his ends. With his assistance in March, 1590, an opportunity opening,
White made another effort to get to the colony, and this time succeeded
in reaching “Virginia.”
The opportunity was furnished by an enterprise of John Watts, a London
merchant. Watts had a fleet of three ships at Plymouth in readiness to
sail ostensibly for a trading voyage to the West Indies, when they were
held up by a general order of government prohibiting any vessel from
leaving England. White hearing of this sought Sir Walter and proposed
that he should use his influence to obtain a license for these ships to
proceed on their intended voyage, upon the condition that they should
transport White and a few other passengers with their belongings,
together with a quantity of provisions, and land them at Virginia.
Thereby, White urged, the “people of Virginia [if it were God’s
pleasure] might speedily be comforted and relieved without further
charges unto him.” Raleigh readily obtained the desired license, the
ships’ owner to be bound to him or his assigns in three thousand pounds,
to carry out the agreement. But, as White afterward wrote to Richard
Hakluyt, the bond was not taken according to the terms. No passengers
were permitted to embark or any goods to be shipped, except White alone
with his chest. He was not even allowed “so much as a boy” for his
personal service. This “crosse and unkind dealing” much “discontented”
him; but the fleet being all ready to sail when he went aboard there was
no time to make complaint to Raleigh. It was apparent that the
“governours, masters, and sailors” of the enterprise, “regarding very
smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia, determined nothing
less [no more] than to touch at those places, but wholly disposed
themselves to seek after purchase and spoiles.”
The story of this quest, White’s last one, is White’s own “true
discourse” written for Hakluyt, and presented with this title: “The fift
voyage of M. John White into the West Indies and parts of America called
Virginia, in the yeere 1590.”
At the start from Plymouth the fleet comprised the “Hopewell,” the “John
Evangelist,” the “Little John,” and two small shallops. They sailed on
the twentieth of March, and so much time was lost on the outward voyage,
largely in chasing and taking prizes, that the Carolina coast was not
reached till the beginning of August. Along the way they were joined by
Captain Edward Spicer, with a pinnace, whom they had left in England.
They came first upon this coast in a storm, and on the third of August
were off low sandy islands west of Wocokon. But the weather was so foul
that they were forced to put to sea again, and there remain for six
days, till the storm had abated. Then they came up to these islands and
a landing was made on one of them, where they took in fresh water and
caught a great quantity of fish. On the morning of the twelfth they
sailed for the island of Croatoan, and at night came to anchor at its
northeast end. On the fifteenth they were at Hastorask. On their first
coming to anchor here they saw a “great smoke” rising from Roanoke
Island, which put them, especially White, in “good hope” that the colony
were there, still expecting his return from England. Bright and early
next morning the impatient and expectant governor set out for Roanoke:
"Our 2 boates went ashore & Captaine Cooke & Cap. Spicer & their company
with me, with intent to passe to the place at Roanoak where our
countreymen were left.
"At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make
readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with
reasonable space betweene every shot, to the ende that their reportes
might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our
people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off unto
the shore: in the admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from
our shippe untill we came within a mile of the shore, nine, eight, and
seven fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the
shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes
[assumed to be sand hills near the present Nags Head, the highest on
this coast]: we therefore thought good to go to that second smoke first:
but it was much further from the harbour where we landed than we
supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to
the smoke.
“But that which grieved us more was that when we came to the smoke we
found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh
water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this journey we
returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had
brought their cask a shore for fresh water: so we deferred our going to
Roanoak untill the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to
digge in those sandie hills for fresh water whereof we found very
sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole
company in safety.”
A fresh start was made on the following day as agreed, but under less
favourable conditions, and a tragic happening almost at the outset much
distressed this expedition: