and now Pemisapan perfected his conspiracy. The plot was artfully
contrived. First king Okisko of Weopomiok, who had so dramatically given
his allegiance to the English queen, was to be moved through the agency
of a “great quantitie of copper” to take a hand in it with the Mangoaks
to the number of seven or eight hundred bows. They of Weopomiok were to
be invited ostensibly to a “certaine kind of moneths mind,” or ceremony
which the savages were wont to hold in memory of a dead personage, in
this case Ensenore. At the same time the Mangoaks and the Chespians with
their allies, to the number of seven hundred, were to be assembled at
“Dasamonguepeio” or Dasamonguepeuk—the mainland lying west of Roanoke
Island. The clans here were to lie low in ambush till signals were
exchanged with the other forces, the signals to be fires, denoting the
moment for action. Then Pemisapan and his fellows were to seize and
execute Lane and some of his principal men, while the Dasamonguepeuk
bands were to cross to Roanoke and despatch the rest of the colony. It
was expected that they would then be dismayed by hunger and scattered
over the island and elsewhere, seeking crabs and fish for food. For it
was to be agreed that from the time of the formation of the conspiracy
no corn or other supplies should be sold the colony, and that the weirs
which had been built for them should be robbed at night and broken up.
By these means Pemisapan felt assured that Lane would be enforced for
lack of sustenance at Roanoke to disband his people into sundry places
to live upon shell fish as the savages themselves were accustomed to do
while their corn was growing.
Lane and his chief men were to be despatched in this fashion. Two of
Pemisapan’s principal braves, “very lustie fellows,” with twenty more,
were charged with Lane’s taking off. “In the dead time of the night they
would have beset my house and put fire in the reedes that the same was
covered with: meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would have come
running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, upon the
instant whereof they would have knockt out my braines. The same order
was given to certaine of his fellowes for M. Heriots: so for the rest of
our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as
afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort as for us at the
towne.” It was arranged that the blow should be struck on the tenth of
June.
In the meantime Pemisapan continued an ostentatious show of friendship.
But Lane was aware of his designs. He was kept informed by young Skyko,
his prisoner, who was in the confidence of Pemisapan, the plotter
believing that he was secretly the Englishmen’s “enemy to the death.” At
one time he had attempted to escape, when Lane put him in the “bylboes”
and threatened to cut off his head, but refrained from that drastic
punishment at Pemisapan’s earnest entreaty. So Pemisapan held him his
true friend, for favours received. Afterward, however, he was well used
by Lane, while the colonists generally made much of him, and he became
attached to them. Lane accepted Pemisapan’s show of friendship while the
scheme was maturing, and bided his time to spring a trap on his savage
enemies.
While laying his plans Pemisapan went over to Dasamonguepeuk for three
causes. One was to see his grounds there broken up and sowed for a
second crop; another to avoid Lane’s daily calls upon him for the sale
of victuals for the colonists, his stock of excuses apparently having
become exhausted; the third, to despatch his messengers to Weopomiok and
to the Mangoaks. King Okisko declined to be a party to the conspiracy
and retired with his forces into the mainland. The others joined it.
Lane relied on Menatonon and the Chaonists who since his last visit to
them had given tokens of a desire to join in perfect league with the
English. One expectation of Pemisapan’s was realized. The shortage of
food had become so serious that Lane was obliged to scatter the
colonists. Captain Stafford with twenty men was sent to Croatoan, “My
Lord Admirals Island,” there to find food for themselves, and also to
watch for any shipping that might appear upon the coast, the expected
relief fleet, or any other, and give warning of the approach. Master
Pridiox and the “Provost Marshal,” with ten others, were sent in the
pinnace to Hastorask, there to live as best they could, and look for
shipping. Sixteen or twenty of the rest of the colony were sent every
week to the mainland “over against us,” to live on “casada” and oysters.
To put “suspicion out of his head” that his conspiracy was known, and to
draw him on, Lane sent word to Pemisapan that he was presently to go to
Croatoan, since he had heard of the arrival of his relief fleet from
England (which he had not), and asking him to loan some of his men to
fish for the colonists. Pemisapan made reply that he would come himself.
But he deferred from day to day. At length on the last day of May his
savages began to “make their assembly at Roanoak at his commandement
sent abroad to them.” Now Lane took the aggressive.
"I resolved not to stay longer upon his comming over, since he meant to
come with so good company, but thought good to go and visit him with
such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day: but that night I
meant by the way to give them in the Island a canvisado, and at the
instant to seize upon all the canoas about the Island to keepe him from
advertisements. But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to
them: the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horsman,
with a few with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the
Sun, & to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonguepeio, but to
suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a Canoa going
from the shore, and overthrew the Canoa and cut off two Savages heads:
this was not done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore;
whereupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, privy to their owne
villanous purposes against us, held as good espiall [spy] upon us, both
by day and night, as we did upon them. The allarme given they tooke
themselves to their bowes and we to our armes: some three or foure of
them at the first were slaine with our shot: the rest fled into the
woods.
“The next morning with the light horsman & one Canoa taking 25 with the
Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant major, I went to
Dasamonguepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne
Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and
meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon who the
night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied
in a handlocke. Heereupon the king did abide my comming to him, and
finding my selfe amidst seven or eight of his principall Weroances and
followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watchword
agreed upon (which was, Christ our victory) and immediately those his
chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance,
that which they had purposed for us. [In other words they were slain.]
The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll,
lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving
of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should
escape, suddenly he started up and ran away as though he had not bene
touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot
thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an
Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertooke
him; and following him in the woods, overtooke him; and I in some doubt
least we had lost both the king & my man by our owne negligence to have
beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him returning out of the woods
with Pemisapans head in his hand.”
So ended Pemisapan’s conspiracy.
Seven days later word came to Lane at Roanoke from Captain Stafford at
Croatoan that he had sighted a great fleet of three and twenty sail
approaching the coast: but whether they were friends or foes he could
not discern, and he advised the governor to “stand upon as good guard”
as he could. They proved to be the fleet of Sir Francis Drake on his
“prosperous” return from the sacking of St. Domingo, Cartagena, and St.
Augustine. This spoiling of Spanish possessions accomplished, Sir
Francis had turned from the direct homeward course to visit Sir Walter’s
colony and see how it fared with them. The next day Captain Stafford
followed close upon his messenger, having travelled through the night
before and that day twenty miles by land, and arrived at Roanoke with a
letter from Sir Francis conveying a “most bountifull and honourable
offer” to the governor. He would supply the colony with what necessities
they required,—victuals, clothing, munitions, barks, pinnaces, and boats
manned and provisioned. The following day the fleet appeared in the road
of Roanoke’s “bad harborow” and came there to anchor. And the next, Lane
and Drake met on his flagship and exchanged greetings.
Sir Francis renewed his offer, to which he said all the captains of his
fleet had assented, and asked for details of the colony’s needs.
Thanking him and his captains with warmth for their generosity Lane
craved the following: That Drake would take with him to England a number
of weak and unfit men of the colony, and in their places supply oarsmen,
artificers, and others; that he would leave sufficient shipping and
provisions to carry the colonists into August or later, when they might
have to return to England; also some ships’ masters, not only to convey
them to England “when time should be,” but to search the coast for some
better harbour, if there were one; provide them a number of small boats;
and supply them with “calievers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles,
apparell, and such like.” All these desires Sir Francis stood ready
cheerfully to meet. At his request Lane sent to him the various officers
of the colony with their lists of needs—the “Master of the Victuals,”
the “Keeper of the Store,” the “Vice-treasurer.” Drake forthwith turned
over to Lane the “Francis” of his fleet, “a very proper bark of 70 tun,”
and ordered her to be provisioned for an hundred men for four months.
Also, two pinnaces and four small boats. And two of his masters, with
their consent, were assigned to Lane’s service till the time he had
promised for their return to England.
On the twelfth the bark was provisioned, the two loaned masters were
aboard her, and several of Lane’s best men, ready to pass from the
fleet’s anchorage to Roanoke Island. The very next morning an unwonted
storm arose which scattered the fleet. The tempest raged through four
days, and “had like to have driven all on shore if the Lord had not held
his loving hand over them, and the Generall very providentially forseene
the worst himselfe.” As it was, several of the fleet were driven to put
to sea, while the “Francis,” with her precious cargo, the two masters,
and Lane’s choice men, was seen to be free from the others and also “to
put cleere to Sea.” After the storm was over Drake came ashore and
offered Lane another ship, provisioned as the “Francis” had been, and
with another master. This was a large bark, the “Bonner,” of one hundred
and seventy tons, and Sir Francis said that she could not be brought
into the harbour but must be left in the road.
Thereupon Lane called his remaining chiefs into council, and the upshot
of their deliberations, considering the situation of the colony,—their
reduced numbers, the carrying away of the “Francis” with her provisions
and company, the hopelessness of the arrival of Sir Richard Grenville
with the relief fleet now long overdue,—was the decision that Sir
Francis’s second offer, “though most honourable of his part,” must be
declined, and that he be petitioned in all their names to give the
colony passage with him back to England. This request Lane personally
delivered, and Drake promptly granted. Accordingly his pinnaces were
sent to Roanoke to take off the men and their effects. But the weather
was yet boisterous, and the pinnaces were so often aground that much
valuable stuff was lost. “The most of all we had, with all our Cards
[charts], Books, and writings were by the Sailers cast overboard, the
greater number of the fleet being much aggrieved with their long and
dangerous abode in that miserable road.”
The returning colonists were bestowed among the several ships, and on
the nineteenth all set sail for home, where they duly arrived, at
Portsmouth, on the twenty-seventh of July.
Almost immediately after the colonists had abandoned Roanoke and sailed
off with Drake, a ship sent out by Raleigh at his “sole charges” to
their relief, arrived on the coast of Carolina. She had left England
after Easter, freighted plentifully with stores most necessary for the
infant colony. When her captain found this “paradise of the world,” as
he termed their seat, deserted, he returned with his cargo to England.
Hakluyt gives the brief account of this voyage as third in the series of
Raleigh’s Virginia expeditions. A fortnight later Sir Richard
Grenville’s delayed relief fleet, comprising three ships full laden with
supplies of all sorts, at last arrived at the deserted place. In order
to preserve possession of the country for England he left fifteen men
(not fifty as some after chroniclers stated) at Roanoke Island, and then
returned as he had come.
While so much material was lost by the colonists in the hurry of
departure, Thomas Hariot preserved notes from which he subsequently
wrote out a particular and helpful description of the country of
“Virginia,” its inhabitants, productions, animals, birds, and fishes,
which was first published in 1588 and Hakluyt reproduced the next year;
and John White brought home many sketches, drawings, and water colours,
which subsequently appeared as illustrations of Hariot’s book.
Others of the colonists brought home specimens of the country’s
products, among them the tobacco plant and the potato root. Both were
first introduced into general use in Europe by Raleigh.
[Illustration:
A MAP OF VIRGINIA, 1585.
From the map in Hariot’s “Relation.”
]
XXI
RALEIGH’S LOST COLONY
Upon the return of his first colonists Raleigh at once bent his superb
energies to the formation of his second or New Colony. The failure of
the first colonists instead of dismaying inspirited him to larger
effort. Lane’s report and Hariot’s account of the excellencies of the
country moved him to plan his New Colony on a broader scale. He would
now plant in “Virginia” a prosperous English agricultural state. The new
colonists should include families, men, women, and children, and a
regular government should be established at the outset. In accord with
Lane’s theory, Roanoke Island should be passed by and the New Colony be
seated on Chesapeake Bay.
To these ends Raleigh sagaciously determined to admit a number of
investors to share in the privileges of his patent, and under date of
January seventh, 1587, he executed an instrument granting a charter to
thirty-two persons for the new settlement. These were divided into two
classes. Nineteen, comprising one class, were gentlemen or merchants of
London who were to venture their money in the enterprise; thirteen,
constituting the other class, were to venture their persons. The latter
were to be known by the corporate name of “The Governour and Assistants
of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia,” and were described as “late of
London gentlemen.” The former were styled “merchants of London and
adventurers.” They were to be “free of the corporation, company, and
society ... in the citie of Ralegh intended to be erected and builded,”
and were to adventure “divers and sundry sums of money, merchandises and
shipping, munition, victual, and other commodities” into “Virginia.” In
consideration of their investment they were granted free trade in the
new settlement and in any other settlement that Raleigh might make by
future discovery in America; and were exempted from all duties on their
commerce, rents, or subsidies. An appropriation was made to them of one
hundred pounds, to be ventured in any way they should see fit, the
profits to be applied in “Virginia” in “planting the Christian religion
and advancing the same,” and for “the common utility and profit of the
inhabitants thereof.” In this indenture Raleigh as the grantor was
styled “Chief governour of Assamocomoc, alias Wingandacoa alias
Virginia.” In the list of the nineteen investing “merchants” appears the
name of Richard Hakluyt. At the head of the thirteen to be planters of
the “citie of Ralegh” was John White, the artist and man-of-affairs of
the “Old Colony,” as governor; and among these was his son-in-law
Ananias Dare, who became the father of Virginia Dare.
The company brought together to plant this colony numbered one hundred
and fifty persons, of whom seventeen were women and nine were “boys and
children.” They embarked on three ships in charge of Simon Ferdinando,
and sailed from Portsmouth harbour on April the twenty-sixth, 1587.
The narrative of the outward voyage Hakluyt first published under the
title, “The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships in the yere
1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie.” The narrator early
displayed a feeling of resentment against Ferdinando, which grew in
warmth as the account proceeded; and this feeling seems to have been
fully justified by the captain’s conduct. He was a Spaniard by birth,
and it has been conjectured that he was acting in the interest of Spain.
Another explanation of his strange course is found in his differences
with White on the voyage. He unquestionably lied on more than one
occasion; ruthlessly abandoned one of the ships of the fleet at sea and
“grieved” at her reappearance with her passengers at the end of the
voyage; nearly wrecked his ship off Cape Fear; and when Roanoke Island
was reached refused to carry the colonists further, regardless of
Raleigh’s positive directions to deliver them at Chesapeake Bay,
stopping at Roanoke only long enough to take on, if found, the fifteen
men left there by Grenville. He is said to have been twice before on the
coast of Carolina as a pilot. He was with Captains Amadas and Barlow on
their reconnoitering expedition, and his second voyage may have been
with Grenville’s relief fleet. His name appeared among the twelve
assistants to Governor White.
The narrative begins with the crispness of a diary.
"Our fleete being in number three saile, viz., the Admirall [the "Lion"]
a ship of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie boate, and a Pinnesse,
departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portesmouth, and the same
day came to an ancher at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where wee
stayed eight dayes.
"The fift of May at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth,
where we remained the space of two dayes.
"The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth and departed thence for Virginia.
"The 19 [June] we fell with Dominica, and the same evening we sayled
betweene it and Guadalupe:
"The 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica.
“The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Cruz, where all
the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the same
moneth.”
At their first landing here a number of the company, men and women, ate
freely of a “small fruit like green apples,” which they found in
abundance, and soon were “fearfully troubled” with a burning in their
mouths, and swelling of their tongues “so bigge that some of them could
not speake.” The first night five great tortoise were caught, “some of
them of such bignes that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with
carying of one of them but from the seaside to our cabbins.” They sought
a fit watering place, but found only a “standing ponde,” the water of
which was so “evill” that many of the company fell sick from drinking
it; while those who washed their faces with it in the morning before the
sun had drawn off the corruption, suffered a burning sensation, and
their faces became so swollen that their eyes were closed and they could
not see in “five or sixe dayes, or longer.”
The next stopping place was “Cottea,” which was reached two days after
leaving Santa Cruz, the pinnace arriving there before the admiral. Here
they lay at anchor for a day and a night. Next they came to anchor at
St. John’s, in “Musketos Bay.”
At this place three days were spent taking in fresh water, and
“unprofitable,” since during their stay more “beere” was consumed than
the “quantitie of the water came unto.” When they weighed anchor and
were off again, two Irishmen of the company—"Darbie Glaven and Denice
Carrell"—were left behind.
No more stops were permitted by Captain Ferdinando till they were off
the coast of Florida. On the evening after the departure from Mosquito
Bay they fell in with “Rosse Bay,” where Ferdinando had promised they
should take in salt. White appointed “thirty shot, tenne pikes, and ten
targets” to man the pinnace to go to the shore for this purpose, and
they were about to start out when Ferdinando demurred. He was not sure,
he now said, that this was really the place where the salt was to be
obtained. Besides, if the pinnace should go she could not come back
without peril till the next night. Meanwhile should a storm arise the
admiral would be in danger of being cast away. While thus arguing, as
the narrator avers, he had craftily got the ship into shoal water, and
suddenly “dissembling great danger” he cried to the helmsman, “Bear up
hard! Bear up hard!” So she went off, and they were “disappointed of
salt by his meanes.” The next day, sailing along the west end of St.
John, White desired to go ashore at “St. Germans Bay,” to gather young
plants of oranges, lemons, plantans, and pines to set out in “Virginia.”
These grew in plenty near the shore, as was well known to the governor
and some of the other planters who had been with the first colony. But
“our Simon” denied it, and refused to stop. He however promised to come
to anchor at Hispaniola. There he would go ashore with the governor and
other of the chief men, to see if he could speak with “his friend
Alanson,”—the Spanish governor of Hispaniola,—by whom he hoped to be
furnished with cattle, and all such things as they could have taken at
St. John. The next day, the third of July, they came to Hispaniola. All
that day they bore with the coast, and the next, and till noon of the
following, but no preparation was made to land. When they had passed the
place where “friend Alanson” dwelt, the governor demanded of the captain
whether he intended to keep his promise. Whereupon Ferdinando coolly
declared that it was to no purpose to touch at Hispaniola, for he had
been told by Sir Walter Raleigh, who had it from the French ambassador,
that the king of Spain had sent for Alanson to come to Spain: and
Ferdinando really thought him dead.
So the next day they sailed out of sight of Hispaniola, and “haled off
for Virginia.” Coming to the “Island Caycos” Ferdinando told of two good
salt ponds here. Accordingly a landing was made, and the better part of
a day spent in roaming about this isle: some of the company seeking the
salt ponds which they did not find; others fowling; others hunting
swans, “whereof we caught many.” The next land sighted was the Carolina
coast. On July sixteenth they fell with the “main of Virginia.”
Ferdinando took it to be the island of Croatoan, and came to anchor. But
after riding here for two or three days he found out his mistake. Then
setting sail again he bore farther along the coast. The following night
“had not Captaine Stafford bene more carefull in looking out than our
Simon Ferdinando, we had bene all cast away upon the beach called the
Cape of Feare, for we were come within two cables length of it: such was
the carelesnes and ignorance of our Master.”
On the twenty-second of July the ships were safe arrived at Hastorask.
Immediately upon their arrival Governor White with forty of his best men
went aboard the pinnace to pass up to Roanoke Island forthwith and seek
the fifteen men left by Grenville. When they had been met, as he
confidently expected they would be, and after a conference with them as
to the state of affairs, he was to return, and the fleet were without
further delay to sail up the coast to the Chesapeake Bay country. But as
soon as the pinnace with his party had put off from the admiral
Ferdinando caused one of his chief men to call out to her sailors not to
bring the party back from Roanoke Island, but to leave them there, all
except the governor, “and two or three such as he approved”: for the
summer was far spent, and therefore Ferdinando would “land the planters
in no other place.” Since it appeared that all the sailors both in the
pinnace and on board the admiral were in agreement with Ferdinando’s
decision, it “booted not the governour to contend with them.”
Accordingly he proceeded to Roanoke and made preparations there for the
temporary accommodation at least of his colonists.