company were divided into groups and each group assigned to a particular
work. One group were set at repairing and trimming the ships; another at
the collection of supplies and provisions. Others were delegated to
search the commodities and “singularities” of the region and report to
the general all they could learn either from their own observations or
from those who had longest frequented this coast. Another group were to
obtain the elevation of the pole, and to draw plats of the country
“exactly graded.”
Meanwhile Sir Humphrey and his principal men were being right royally
entertained by the fishing-ship owners and masters, who, with their
crews, constituted the European population of the place during the
fishing season. It was the rule to choose the “admirals,” practically
the governors of the community, anew each week, or rather they succeeded
in orderly course, and to solemnize the change with a weekly “admirals’
feast.” The general and the captains and masters of his fleet were not
only guests at this feast, but they were continually invited to other
banquets. Even with the “abundance at home” in England, such
entertainment as they received would have been delightful, says the
chronicler: but here, in this “desolate corner of the world, where at
other times of the yeare wild beasts and birds have only the fruition of
all those countries,” it was more acceptable to them and of greater
“contentation.” Also the supplies furnished them for their ships, for
which all the fishermen in the harbours, “strangers” as well as English,
were taxed, were unexpectedly rich and abundant. The Portuguese
fishermen were the most liberal contributors. Wines were received in
generous quantity; marmalades, “most fine ruske or biskit, sweet oyles,
and sundry delicacies.” There were, too, brought them daily quantities
of salmon, trout, lobsters, and other fish.
The group assigned to inquire into the “singularities” of the region
were directed among other things to look for metals, and the mineral man
and refiner was particularly charged by Sir Humphrey to be diligent in
the search for ore. This expert was a “Saxon borne, honest and
religious, named Daniel,” upon whose conservative judgment Sir Humphrey
relied. Daniel first came upon “some sort of Ore seeming rather to be
yron than other metall.” The next find was more important and was
displayed by him to Sir Humphrey with “no small shew of contentment.”
Indeed, so sure was he that his specimens were evidences of silver in
abundance that he was ready to pledge his life, which was “as deere unto
him as the Crowne of England unto her Majesty,” if it should not fall
out accordingly. If silver were the thing that would satisfy the general
and his associates in England, Daniel advised him to seek no farther.
The rich thing was here. Sir Humphrey would have acted upon his advice
if his “private humour” only was to be satisfied. But the promise to his
friends, and the “necessitie to bring the South countreys within
compasse of the patent nearly expired, as they had already done in these
North parts,” made it imperative for him to continue on his course as
originally planned. So he had the samples secretly placed on board of
one of the ships, and cautioned those who knew of the find to say
nothing about it while they remained at St. John’s lest the “foreigners”
there—the “Portugals, Biscanes, and Frenchmen”—should learn of it; when
they were again safe at sea the ore should be tested, and if it were
then desired he would bring the company back to St. John’s.
By this time disorder had appeared among the rougher elements of the
company, and some were plotting mischief. A number were discovered
scheming to steal the ships at an opportune moment when the general and
captains were on shore, and make off with them, perhaps on a
buccaneering cruise. But this happily was nipped in the bud. Others
banding together seized a fishing bark full laden in a neighbouring
harbour and set the fishermen ashore. A larger number hid themselves in
the woods, intending to return home by such shipping as daily left the
coast. Many of the loyal members fell sick and several died. Numbers in
ill health were licensed by the general to return to England as best
they could. Thus by one means and another the company were much
diminished, and when it was decided to start for the voyage southward
there were scarcely enough sound men to furnish the ships.
In this dilemma Sir Humphrey thought it better to drop the “Swallow” out
of the fleet and send her home to England with the sick members. The
captain of the “Delight” was assigned to take charge of her, while her
own captain and crew (including the fellows who had indulged in piracy
on the high seas) were shifted to the “Delight.” The captain of the
“Squirrel” was also relieved of his command to return on the “Swallow.”
The remainder of the fleet, the “Delight,” the “Golden Hind,” and the
“Squirrel,”—supplied as generously as if they had been in a “countrey or
some Citie populous and plentiful of all things,” besides necessities in
fresh and dried fish and rusk, having rich stocks of wines, marmalades,
figs, lemons, and other delicacies, nets and lines for fishing, and
pinnaces “fit for discovery,”—set sail for the continuance of the voyage
on the twentieth of August, seventeen days after their first arrival in
St. John’s harbour: never to return to this port. Sir Humphrey chose to
sail in the “Squirrel” instead of in the flagship, the smaller vessel
being the more convenient for exploring the coast and searching harbours
and creeks. Accordingly she was supplied from one of the other ships
with additional ordnance for protection in case of trouble, and so was
overweighted, which in the end wrought her ruin, as we shall presently
see.
The course was taken toward Cape Breton with the intent to reach the
mainland of North America. Eight days were spent in this navigation, all
the time out of sight of land, the ships being hindered by the current.
On the seventh day they fell “into such flats and dangers” that all
barely escaped wreck, and two days later the flagship,—the
“Delight,”—went down with most of her men and all of her cargo.
Now the narrative becomes tragic. “The maner how our Admirall was lost”
is thus circumstantially described, with due note of “portents” that
foreran the disaster.
"Upon Tuesday the 27 of August, toward the evening, our Generall caused
them in his frigat [the "Squirrel"] to sound, who found white sande at
35 fadome, being then in latitude about 44 degrees.
"Wednesday toward night the wind came South and wee [the "Golden Hind"]
bare with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind
of Master Cox [the “Golden Hind’s” master]; nevertheless we followed the
Admirall deprived of power to prevent a mischiefe, which by no
contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleaging they
could not make the ship to work better nor to lie otherwaies.
"The evening was faire and pleasant, yet not without token of storme to
ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that
singeth before her death, they in the Admirall, or Delight, continued a
sounding of Trumpets, with Drummes, and Fifes; also winding the Cornets,
Haughtboyes; and in the end of their jolitie, left with the battell and
ringing of doleful knels.
"Towards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a mighty
Porpose, with a harping yron, having first striken divers of them, and
brought away part of their flesh, sticking upon the yron, but could
recover onely that one. These also passing the Ocean in heardes did
portend storme. I omit to recite frivilous reportes by them in the
Frigat of strange voyces, the same night, which scarred some from the
helme.
"Thursday the 29 of August, the wind rose, and blew vehemently at South
and by East, bringing with all raine, and thick mist, so that we could
not see a cable length before us. And betimes in the morning we were
altogither runne and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we
found shoale and deepe in every three or four shippes length, after we
began to sound: but first we were upon them unawares, till master Cox
looking out discerned (in his judgement) white cliffes, crying (land)
withall, though we could not afterward descrie any land, it being very
likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffes
through the haze and thicke weather.
"Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight to cast about to
seaward, which, being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes, was yet
foremost upon the beach, keeping so ill watch that they knew not the
danger before they felt the same, too late to recover it: for presently
the Admirall strooke a ground, and had soone after her sterne and hinder
partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say the Frigat
on which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde) cast about
Eastnortheast, bearing to the South, even for our lives into the windes
eye, because that way caried us to the seaward. Making out from this
danger, we sounded one while seven fadome, then five fadome, then foure
fadome and lesse, againe deeper, immediately foure fadome, then but
three fadome, the sea going mightily and high.
“At last we recovered (God be thanked) in some despaire, to sea roome
enough. In this distresse wee had vigilant eye unto the Admirall, whom
we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither could
we espie of the men that leaped overboord to save themselves, either in
the same Pinnesse, or Cocke, or upon rafters, and such like meanes,
presenting themselves to men in those extremities: for we desired to
save the men by every possible meanes. But all in vaine, sith God had
determined their ruine: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat
up and downe as neere unto the wracke as was possible for us, looking
out, if by good hap we might espie any of them.”
In this wreck perished almost a hundred men. Among them was Stephanus
Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, who was to have been the historian of
the voyage. He had written a Latin poem, a few years before, extolling
Sir Humphrey’s achievements, which is preserved in the _Principal
Navigations_. While at St. John’s he wrote a letter to the elder Richard
Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, briefly recounting the events of the
voyage to that time, which was probably despatched on the returning
“Swallow.” This letter Hakluyt gives with the literature of this
expedition. Daniel, the Saxon, was another of the lost, and with him
perished most of his evidences of “inestimable riches” in silver at
Newfoundland. Also went down with this ship “cards and plats” that the
draughtsmen had drawn, with the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and
capes. Captain Brown stood by his ship to the last, refusing to take to
the pinnace running at her stern. He chose “rather to die then [than] to
incurre infamie by forsaking his charge, which then might be thought to
have perished through his default.” So, when all hope of saving her was
passed, exhorting his men “not to despair but strive to save what they
could,” he “mounted upon the highest decke where hee attended imminent
death and unavoidable.”
Fourteen escaped in the pinnace, and “committed themselves to God’s
mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes, destitute of
foode, not so much as a droppe of fresh water.” The little boat was
overloaded for such foul weather, and to lighten her one of her company,
Edward Headly, a “valiant soldier,” proposed that they should cast lots,
those upon whom the lots fell to be thrown overboard, and offered
himself with the first “content to take his adventure gladly.” But
Richard Clark, the master of their lost “Delight,” who was of the
number, protested, advising them “to abide Gods pleasure, who was able
to save all as well as a few.” So they held together, and after six days
and nights in the open ocean, carried before the wind, they arrived on
the coast of Newfoundland, weak and famished, all save two,—the valiant
soldier Headly, and a sailor called “Brazil,” because of his travels in
that country. Later they were taken off by some kindly French fishermen,
and ultimately reached their homes by way of France.
The “Golden Hind” and the “Squirrel” continued for two days “beating the
sea up and downe,” expecting when the weather cleared to bear in with
the land which it was judged was not far off, “either the continent or
some Island.” But it remained thick and blustering with increase of
cold, and the men began to lose courage. “The Leeside of us lay full of
flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind blew hard at South. Some
againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Lawrence, and coast
full of dangers, and unto us unknowen. But above all, provisions waxed
scant, and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall. Those of
the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of
clothes chiefly.” Thereupon the “Squirrel’s” men besought the general to
head for England before they all perished. “And to them of the Golden
Hinde they made signes of their distresse, pointing to their mouthes,
and to their clothes thinne and ragged: then immediately they of the
Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to return home.”
Finally the return was agreed upon. Sir Humphrey expressed himself
satisfied with what he had seen and knew already, and promised to set
them forth again “right royally” the next spring if “God sent them safe
home.”
So in the afternoon of Saturday the thirty-first of August they changed
their course for the homeward run. At that very instant, “even in the
winding about,” a wondrous thing met their astonished gaze.
Between them and toward the land they were now forsaking there passed
along a strange monster of the sea: a “very lion” to their seeming, “in
shape, hair, and colour, swimming after the maner of a beast by mooving
of his feete, but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body
(excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diving under, and againe
rising above the water, as the maner is of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise,
Porposes, and all other fish: but confidently shewing himselfe above
water without hiding: Notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open
view and gesture to amase him, as all creatures will be commonly at a
sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to
and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ougly demonstration of long
teeth, and glaring eies, and to bidde us farewell (comming right against
the Hinde) he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or bellowing as doeth
a lion, which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to
discerne the same, as men prone to wonder at every strange thing, as
this doubtless was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of
a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall
himselfe, I forbeare to deliver; but he took it for Bonum Omen,
rejoycing that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were the
devill.”
The wind was “large” for England at the start but very high, and the sea
rough, insomuch that the “Squirrel” was almost swallowed up. On Monday
the general came aboard the “Golden Hind” to have her surgeon dress his
foot, which he had hurt by treading upon a nail on the “Squirrel’s”
deck. While here he and the “Hind’s” officers “comforted ech other with
hope of hard successe to be all past, and of the good to come.” It was
agreed that both ships should show their lights always by night that
they might keep together. The general was entreated to remain on the
“Hind,” where he would be far safer than on the little “Squirrel,” but
refused. Immediately after his return to the “Squirrel” a sharp storm
arose, but this both ships, though in much peril, happily “overpassed.”
A morning or two later, the weather having at last become fair, the
general again came aboard the “Golden Hind” to “make merie together with
the Captaine, Master and company.” This was their last meeting with him.
He remained with them throughout the day till nightfall. Their talk fell
upon “affaires past and to come.” Sir Humphrey lamented much the loss of
the “Delight”: "more of the men, but most of all of his bookes and
notes," and of something else which he avoided mentioning, but for which
he was “out of measure grieved.” This something the narrator gathered
“by circumstance” to be the ore specimens which had gone down with
Daniel the Saxon. “Whatsoever it was,” the narrator noted, “the
remembrance touched him so deepe as, not able to containe himselfe, he
beat his boy [the cabin boy] in great rage even at the same time so long
after the miscarying of the great ship, because upon a faire day, when
wee were becalmed upon the coast of the New found land, ... he [had]
sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things: amongst which
this [the ore] being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind. After
which time he could never conveniently send againe aboord the great
ship, much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand.” That Daniel
the Saxon’s find and the existence of rich mines in Newfoundland, which
it seemed to warrant, had wrought a radical change in Sir Humphrey’s
plans, had become apparent in his actions and in this last talk. Says
the narrator, “Whereas the generall had never before good conceit of
these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed upon the
New found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignments
liberally to them that required the same into these Northern parts, now
he became contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants
especially in S. Johns.... Also his expression of a determination in the
Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he
assigned the captaine and master of the Golden Hind unto the South
discovery, and reserved unto himself the North, affirming that this
voyage had wonne his heart from the South, and that he was now become a
Northerne man altogether.”
Again he was vehemently entreated by the captain, master, and others of
his “well willers” to stay on the “Golden Hind” for the remainder of the
voyage. They dwelt on the preciousness of his life and the dangerous
condition of the “Squirrel” with her decks overcharged with guns, small
artillery, nettings “too cumbersome for so small a boate that was to
pass through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere,” when much foul
weather was to be expected. But these entreaties were in vain as before.
All were swept aside with his final answer, “I will not forsake my
little company going homeward with whom I have passed so many stormes
and perils.” Since he would not “bend to reason,” such provisions as
were wanting on the “Squirrel” were furnished from the “Hind,” and then,
committing him to “God’s protection,” he was reluctantly and sorrowfully
set aboard his pinnace.
The ships were by this time more than three hundred leagues onward of
their way home. They had brought the Azores south of them: but were then
keeping much to the North to get into “the height and elevation” of
England. This attained they met with very bad weather and terrible seas
breaking short and high, “Pyramid wise.”
Then came the final catastrophe.
"Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the Frigat was neere
cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered: and giving
forth signes of joy, the Generall sitting abaft with a booke in his
hand, cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we did approach within
hearing), We are as neere to heaven by sea as by land. Reiterating the
same speech, well beseeming a souldier, resolute in Jesus Christ, as I
can testifie he was.
“The same Monday night, about twelve of the clocke, or not long after,
the Frigat being ahead of us in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights
were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, and withall
our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was too true. For in
that moment the Frigat was devoured and swallowed up of the Sea.”
All that night the “Golden Hinde” kept up a constant lookout hoping to
sight her again. But not a fragment of her could be seen or a single
survivor.
Then the “Hind” continued on the course alone, still maintaining the
lookout. At length, after “great torment of weather and perill of
drowning,” she came safely to a home port, with her doleful tale of
disaster, arriving at Falmouth on the twenty-second of September—a
Sunday.
XIX
FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION
Upon the lamentable death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and the consequent
failure of his scheme of colonization, Walter Raleigh immediately took
up the cause energetically, with a view of attempting a settlement on
the continent in the milder southern clime; and within nineteen months,
or about a year and a half, after the return home of the forlorn remnant
of Sir Humphrey’s expedition, Raleigh’s first company of American
colonists sailed out of Plymouth bound for the salubrious country then
comprised in “Virginia.”
Raleigh’s patent, obtained from Queen Elizabeth in March, 1584, in the
securing of which, as we have seen, Hakluyt’s writings were so
influential, constituted him a lord proprietary with almost unlimited
jurisdiction over a vast region indefinitely defined. Its provisions
were similar to those of Gilbert’s patent but more ample. It licensed
him, his heirs and assigns, to “discover, search, find out, and view
such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, countries, and territories
not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by
Christian people,” as to him, his heirs and assigns, should seem good;
and to hold, occupy, and enjoy such lands and regions with all
“prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, priviledges,
franchises, and pre-eminences thereto or thereabouts both by sea and
land, whatsoever” the queen by her letters-patent might grant, and as
she or “any of our noble projectors” had heretofore granted to “any
person or persons, bodies politique or corporate”: the proviso, as in
Gilbert’s patent, being made that a fifth part of all the “oare of golde
and silver” that should be obtained be reserved for the queen. Powers to
make laws for the government of a colony were conferred, these
ordinances to be, as near as conveniently might be, agreeable to the
English form of statutes, and not against the faith professed by the
Church of England. They were to be in force over all who should from
time to time “advantage themselves in the said journeis or voyages,” or
that should at any time inhabit “any such lands, countries or
territories aforesaid,” or that should abide within two hundred leagues
of the place or places that Raleigh’s companies should inhabit within
six years from the date of the patent. Raleigh might make grants from
his territory at his pleasure.
Hakluyt gives the text of the patent in the _Principal Navigations_
under this title: “The letters patents granted by the Queenes Majestie
to M. Walter Ralegh, now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new
lands and Countries, to continue the space of 6 yeeres and no more.”
[Illustration:
SIR WALTER RALEIGH AT THE AGE OF 34.
From a Photograph, copyrighted by Walker & Cockerell, of the portrait
attributed to Federigo Zuccaro in the National Portrait Gallery.
]