Queen Mary's letter to Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador informing
him of the sentence of death, her submission to it, and her
references to Paulet's treatment of her—Her letter to Mendoza,
21st May 1586—Her remarkable letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow
asserting her innocence of every charge against her, and her
rebuke to the commissioners “that she would die a Queen in spite
of them”—Her letter to Elizabeth with her requests regarding
her death and interment—The Commendator of Pittenweem and King
James—Letter of Bellievre, Chancellor of France, to Mary, 14th
December 1586—The graphic interview of Bellievre and Chateauneuf
with Elizabeth, when they demanded of her with a threat to spare
Mary's life, or take the consequences—Elizabeth loses her temper.
On the same day on which Queen Mary wrote to the Pope and to her uncle,
the Duke of Guise, she also wrote to her devoted friends Don Bernard
de Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, and the Archbishop of Glasgow.
These letters, which we reproduce, were evidently written under deep
emotion, and must have caused inexpressible grief to the friends who
received them. There seems no doubt that Mary was quite estranged
from her son for some time before her death. He was entirely under
the control and in receipt of a pension from Elizabeth, which would
account for it. Mary felt his conduct acutely; and not later than
21st May 1586 she wrote a private letter to the Spanish Ambassador
(also given), in which her feelings on the subject are remarkably and
excitedly expressed, even to the extent of handing her rights (if any)
in the Scottish crown to the King of Spain, if her son continued in his
present course of conduct. Mary has been taken to task for this letter
by some of her enemies, who would make out, in defending her execution,
that she sold the crown to the King of Spain. She wrote the letter in
trying circumstances. The offer was simply to express how keenly she
felt hurt by the behaviour of her son. There was nothing more in the
letter than that. As a matter of fact, Mary had no rights in the crown
to give away, but her enemies chose not to recognise this. We have
not attempted to condense the two letters referred to—that to Mendoza
and that to the Archbishop. They form a very important chapter in the
last days of her life, and are letters that cannot be overlooked in
surveying her history. A deliberate perusal of them will strengthen
one's belief in the forgery of the letters in the appendix of this
volume. The sentence we have put in italics in the letter to the
Archbishop is a convincing proof of the Queen's innocence as regards
the conspiracy against Elizabeth's life. We must remember that this was
amongst the last letters she ever wrote, and after she had received
sentence of death.
Queen Mary to Don Bernard de Mendoza, 23rd November 1586:—
“Having ever found you zealous in the cause of God, and desirous of
my welfare and deliverance from captivity, I have always communicated
to you my intentions upon that subject, begging you to make them
known to the King my brother. For this reason I now write to bid you
a last adieu, notwithstanding the little leisure I have, being about
to receive the stroke of death which was announced to me on Saturday
last, I do not know when or in what manner; but at least you may praise
God for me that through His grace I have had the heart to receive
this unjust sentence of heretics with resignation, on account of the
happiness which I esteem it to shed my blood at the requisition of
the enemies of His Church, who do me the honour to say that it cannot
be subverted while I am alive, and also that their Queen cannot reign
in safety in the same predicament. As for these two conditions I
have accepted without contradiction the high honour they confer upon
me as one most zealous for the Catholic religion, for which I have
publicly offered my life; and as for the other, although I have never
committed either act or deed tending to take off her who was on the
throne, unless it be that they make a crime of my right to the crown,
which is acknowledged by all Catholics, yet I would not contradict
them, leaving them to think as they please. This annoyed them much,
and they told me that whatever I may say or do, it will not be for
the cause of religion that I shall die, but for having endeavoured
to murder their Queen. This I denied as being utterly false, having
never attempted any such thing, and leaving it to God and the Church
to dispose of this island in what relates to religion. The bearer of
this has promised to relate to you how rigorously I have been treated
by those here and how ill served by others whom I did not expect to
have shown so great a fear of death in so just a quarrel. They have
not been able to draw anything from me but that I am a Queen, free,
Catholic, and obedient to the Church, and that not being able to effect
my deliverance by fair means, I was compelled to seek it by those which
presented themselves. Nau then confessed all; Curle has in a great
measure followed his example; so that everything turns against me. I am
threatened if I do not beg pardon, but I say that 'As they had already
destined me to die, they may proceed with their injustice, hoping that
God will recompense me in another world;' and out of spite because I
will speak, they came yesterday and took down my canopy, saying that
I was no more than a dead woman and without any rank. They are at
present working in my hall, erecting the scaffold, I suppose, whereon
I am to perform the last act of this tragedy. I die in a just cause,
and am happy in having made over my rights to the King your master. I
have said that I consider him, should my son not return into the bosom
of the Church, as being a prince most worthy to govern and protect
this island. I have written to the same purpose to His Holiness, and
I beg you to assure him that I die in the determination which I have
communicated to you, and also another whom you know, to be his dearest
and most intimate friend, and a fourth, and those above all others I
bequeath to the protection of the King, beseeching him in God's name
not to abandon them, and entreating them to serve him in place of me.
As I cannot write to them, greet them in my name, and pray to God all
of you for my soul. I have asked for a priest, but do not know if my
request will be granted. They have offered me one of their bishops, but
I positively refused him. You may believe all that the bearer of this
shall tell you, and also those two poor girls who have been immediately
about my person. They will tell you the truth, which I beg you to make
public, as I fear that a very different interpretation will be given.
Order a mass to be said for deliverance and repose of my soul—you
know the place I mean—and let the churches in Spain remember me in
their prayers. You will receive from me as a token of my remembrance
a diamond which I have held very dear, having been given to me by the
late Duke of Norfolk as a pledge of his troth, and I have always worn
it as such; keep it for my sake. I do not know that I shall have leave
to make a will. I have applied for it, but they have all my money.
Excuse what I write in sorrow and trouble, not having anyone to help
me to make my rough drafts and to write for me. If you cannot read my
hand, the bearer will read it for you, or my Ambassador. Among other
accusations, that of Crichton is one which I know nothing of. I fear
greatly that Nau and Pasquier have hastened my death, having kept
some papers; and they are men who will turn on any side for their own
advantage. Once more, adieu. I recommend to you my poor and henceforth
destitute servants, and pray for my soul. I recommend to you the Bishop
of Ross, who will be wholly destitute?
“MARIE R.”
Queen Mary to Mendoza, 21st May 1586:—
“I am in trouble as to what will be the course of events this side.
Charles Paget is instructed by me to communicate some overtures on my
behalf, concerning which I beg you to inform him without reserve what
you think can be obtained from the King your master. There is another
point connected with that which I have kept to write to you alone,
that you may send word from me to your said lord the King without
if possible anyone having knowledge of it. It is that, considering
the very great obstinacy of my son in his heresy, I have determined,
that in case he does not conform to the Catholic religion before my
death—as I must tell you I have little hope of his doing so so long
as he stays in Scotland—I yield and give up my right, by will at my
decease, to this crown, to the King your master, begging him by means
of this to quietly take beforehand under his complete protection
both the State and affairs of this country, which for the clearing
of my conscience I do not think I can put into the hands of a prince
more zealous for our religion and more capable in every respect of
re-establishing it this side, so as to be of great importance to the
rest of Christianity. Let this be kept secret, more especially as if it
came to be known it would mean in France the loss of my dowry, and in
Scotland entire rupture with my son; in this country my utter ruin and
destruction?
“MARIE R.”
Queen Mary to the Archbishop of Glasgow, Fotheringay, 24th November
1586:—
“After having deferred for a long time on account of the imminent
danger of the undertaker, at last I have consented to the proposition
which has often been made to me to escape. You will hear what has
happened from the doctor and other servants, who till now are left to
me, I know not for how long, nor whether I can have leisure to make
my will. And having that, I do not know if I shall have power, all my
money and papers having been taken away, and having nobody to help me
to write, although I have asked to have my almoner, that being more
suitable if it could be done; but I have had no answer. If that is
refused, will you entreat His Holiness, the most Christian King, the
King of Spain, the Duke of Lorraine, and other Christian friends my
relations, that my papers and money be restored, also the furniture
which has not been distributed to my servants, in order that my
conscience may be relieved towards my poor servants and creditors. You
will find this language strange if you have not been told by Buckhurst,
Amias Paulet, Drew Drury, and Beale, that the Assembly of Estates has
condemned me to death, and they have declared it to me on the part
of their Queen, exhorting me to confess and acknowledge my offences
towards her. And in order to incite me to die well and patiently and
to discharge my conscience, she proposed to send me a bishop and Dean,
saying that her people have made constant requests for my death,
considering that I being still alive and her rival, as it would appear
by my having taken the name and arms of her crown, and not willing to
give them up except on condition of being declared next heir to the
throne, she could not live secure in her kingdom; also being called by
the Catholics their Sovereign, her life had been so often attempted
for this end, that so long as I live her religion was not secure in
her kingdom. I thanked God and them for the honour they had done me
in considering me such a necessary instrument for re-establishment
of religion in this island, of which, although unworthy, I wished to
consider myself a very zealous defender. In witness of which (as I had
before protested) I offered voluntarily to shed my blood in the quarrel
of the Catholic Church, and if the people thought that my life would
help the welfare and peace of this island, I would not refuse to give
it as a reward for the twenty years they have kept me prisoner. As to
their bishops, I praise God that without them I know well enough my
offences towards God and the Church, that I do not approve of their
errors, and wish to have no communication with them. If it please them
to allow me a Catholic priest, I said I would accept it willingly,
even demanding it in the name of Jesus Christ in order to satisfy my
conscience and participate in the holy sacraments on leaving this
world. They told me I had done well, but do what I would I could not
be either saint or martyr, as I was to die for conspiring against
their Queen and for having wished to dispossess her. I answered that
I was not so presuming as to aspire to these two honours, but whilst
they had power over my body by divine permission, not by justice, I
was a Sovereign Queen, as I had always protested. Still they had not
power over my soul, nor could they prevent me from hoping that by
the mercy of God who died for me He will accept from me my blood and
my life, which I offer Him for the welfare of His Church. Besides,
neither here nor elsewhere would I wish to rule over a worldly kingdom
and thereby lose the eternal kingdom. And I shall beg of Him that the
grief and other persecutions of mind and body which I suffer may be
set against my sins. _But to have conspired, counselled, or ordered
Elizabeth's death, that I have never done_; nor would I permit on
my part that even one single blow [one snap of the fingers is the
original] should be given her. Oh! said they, you have counselled and
permitted the English to name you as their Sovereign, as appears by
the letters to Alan, and Doctors Lewis and others, and this you have
not contradicted; to which I answered that I had taken nothing upon
myself in my letters, but hindering the doctors and ecclesiastics from
naming me at their pleasure was not my province, being obedient to
the Church, approving what she decreed but not correcting her. And I
said the same in regard to His Holiness if, as they declared, he made
me be prayed for everywhere under a title of which I was ignorant. In
any case, I wished to die and to obey the Church, but not to murder
anyone in order to possess his rights. In all this I saw clearly the
pursuit of Saul against David, but I cannot escape like him by the
window, although from the shedding of my blood protectors may arise
for the sufferers in this general quarrel. In short, the day before
yesterday Paulet returned with Drury much more modest than gracious,
to tell me that, having been warned to prepare myself to confess my
fault towards the Queen, I had shown no repentance nor feeling of my
fault, and he had therefore commanded that they should take away my
daïs in order to signify that I was a woman who had died without any
honour or dignity as Queen. I answered that God had called me by His
grace to this dignity, and I had been anointed and consecrated justly,
and that from Him alone I held it, to Him alone should I render it
with my soul; that I did not recognise their Queen as my superior
nor her council and heretical assembly as my judges; that I should
die Queen in spite of them, and that they had no more power over me
than robbers at the corner of a wood had over the most just prince
or earthly judge, but I hoped that God would show His justice after
my death upon this kingdom. The kings of this country had often been
murdered, and it would not be strange for me to be amongst them and
those of their blood. King Richard had been treated thus in order to
take away his rights. After these proposals, seeing that my servants
would not lend a hand, all refusing boldly, even the poor girls crying
aloud for vengeance upon him and his company, he called seven or eight
satellites and destroyed the daïs, sat down and put on his hat, and
informed me there would be no more time for exercise and pastime, and
thereupon made them take away a billiard-table. I said thank God I
have never used it since it was erected; I had always plenty of other
occupations. I assembled yesterday my little troupe to repeat to them
my protestation in respect of religion and the things they had laid to
my charge, such as having distributed the estates, and other lies. Also
I charged them all before God to tell you of all my behaviour and that
of the others in this matter. I remit to Messieurs de Lorraine and de
Guise, and all our relatives, everything necessary for the safety of my
soul, the discharge of my conscience, and reparation of my honour, and
that of those to whom I belong, which by my death they will put under
their feet, not reproaching me alone but my cousin de Guise and all his
relations for having given money for her death. I say, and it is true,
that I know nothing of it and believe nothing of it.... I am content,
and have always been, to give my life for the safety of the souls of
this island. Adieu for the last time, and remember the soul and honour
of her who has been your Queen, your mistress, and your friend, and
if I have had any offence against you I pardon it, and beg of you
and all my servants to pardon what I may have done amiss, just or
unjust, protesting that I believe you guiltless in everything towards
me, but you specially, as the principal and oldest of my servants. I
feel myself obliged to recognise your services if God allowed me to
live longer; failing that, I shall pray God to the end of my life to
recompense you instead of me. May God be with you and with my servants
whom I leave as my children.—Your affectionate and good mistress,
MARIE R.”
James Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow, Mary's devoted friend, was resident
in France during the greater part of her captivity.
After the communication of the death-sentence Queen Mary employed
her time in arranging her worldly affairs and in preparation for her
removal. That was a task that was difficult of accomplishment, as she
had estates in Scotland and in France, the actual extent of which we
have no means of knowing, but we have reason to believe that they
were in each case large and not easily handled. On account of the
arrogant and obstreperous conduct of the English Queen, we have no
assurance that any of Mary's final directions were attended to. An
illustration of this conduct will serve our purpose, and this will best
be understood by the reproduction of the following letter:—
Queen Mary to Elizabeth, November 1586:
“I thank God with all my heart that it has pleased Him through you to
put an end to the troublesome pilgrimage of my life. I do not ask that
it may be prolonged, for I have only had too much time to experience
its bitterness. I only ask your Majesty, for I cannot expect any favour
from those zealous ministers who hold the highest rank in England. It
is only from you, and not from any other, that I expect the following
favour:—_First_, I beg of you, as I cannot hope for a burial in England
according to the Catholic rites practised by the ancient kings your
ancestors and mine, and as in Scotland they have desecrated the ashes
of my forefathers where my enemies wish to tarnish my innocent blood,
that my body may be carried by my servants to be buried in some holy
ground, preferably in France, where the bones of my honoured mother the
Queen repose; so that this poor body, which has never had any peace
since it was joined to my soul, may find it at last when the two are
separated. _Second_, I beg your Majesty, because of the fear that I
have of the tyranny of those to whom you have abandoned me, that I may
not be executed in a secret place, but in the sight of my servants and
others, who can witness my faith and obedience towards the true Church,
and defend the end of my life and my last moments against the false
reports that my enemies would circulate. _Third_, I require that my
servants that have served me with so much grief and so much fidelity
may freely retire where they will and enjoy the pittance that my
poverty has left them in my will. I entreat of you, madam, by the blood
of Jesus Christ, by our relationship, by the memory of Henry VII., our
common father, and by the title of Queen which I bear to my death, that
you will not refuse such reasonable demands, and that you will assure
me by card from your own hand. Thereupon I die as I have lived, your
affectionate sister and prisoner,
MARIE R.”
These humane requests were refused by Queen Elizabeth, and though
the statement seems incredible, it is unfortunately too true. Such
a proceeding throws a shadow of distrust over the entire conduct of
Elizabeth towards Queen Mary.
The subject of the King and the release of his mother evidently
occupied a good deal of attention immediately Mary's fate had been
announced. One of the many communications on the subject was that of
Robert Stewart to the Commendator of Pittenweem dated from Linlithgow,
27th November 1586:—
“I delivered your letter to His Majesty at Falkland, which letter and
proposition was well received. He inquired the knowledge of the credit
specified in the letter, which I would not at that time declare in
respect that both the persons whom it touched were then present, but
I told His Majesty that I had something to declare that concerned his
welfare, which I should do when it pleased him. I attended several
times, but could not find an opportunity until the report from His
Majesty's mother came: how her Grace was accused and convicted for the
conspiracy against the Queen of England. His opinion apparently was
'that she had done worse evil, and far beyond her honour and duty, and
he could in no wise excuse her for that conspiracy.' He added, 'She
is my mother, and I love her as well as any man may do his natural
mother, albeit I must hate her actions deadly.' I discussed with him
the power to sit and judge her according to their pleasure, as she,
being a foreigner, was not subject to their laws. He said, 'Who could
control the Queen of England's laws within her own country?' There is
nothing apparently to be here but shame and ruin, except God help in
time. It is concluded that the Queen shall die, but never while the
King is living and at liberty. We look for nothing but to hear of her
execution. The greatest part of the nobility lie out and is almost
careless, looking for comfort where there is none. We are all in a
miserable state; if there be any hope of help, haste in time, for he
is not a Scotsman, though farthest in his relations with England, who
would not hazard his life to relieve the Queen and desire the King to
give them licence to that effect. The King believes that they dare do
nothing to her. This is folly; if her release be not effected with
great haste, she will take some sudden sickness, as ye will hear. Alas!
my lord, we had some hopes after that parting to have had better news,
but I perceive nothing but what your lordship knows. I dare not write
what I would; I would rather be dead than aye dying. At her best what
help is the Queen to us; we shall come and seek it of you. As for the
noblemen you left last in the country, they believe you are either dead
or have altered your opinion; we work that we may win, and we work well
for it.”
This letter is given as one of the few communications that have been
preserved as coming from Scotland during this period. Whether the
people of Scotland were silent respecting the extraordinary persecution
of their Sovereign, or whether their protests against Queen Mary's
treatment have not been recorded, it is impossible now to say. Their
protests are conspicuous by their absence. By far the best remonstrance
with Elizabeth on Mary's behalf was made by Bellievre and Chateauneuf,
Ambassadors to Henry III. At their interview we have a graphic picture
of Elizabeth and a side-light into her cruel disposition. How she
takes God's name in vain, when she knows she is not telling the truth,
is a scandalous act and an act of perjury. At that time Walsingham's
interpolations would be imperfectly known outside the court, and that
would very probably induce her to speak as she did. “It was impossible
to save her own life and preserve that of the Scottish Queen.” The
narrative of this interview is one of the most important papers we
possess relating to the last days of the Scottish Queen. It would
appear that the French Government sent over to England Bellievre as an
Ambassador extraordinary with express orders to look after the Queen of
Scots. Chateauneuf wrote asking him to hasten his journey in case the
Queen of Scots should be murdered before his arrival. An audience was
arranged with Elizabeth, and it took place on Sunday, 25th November,
Bellievre being accompanied by Chateauneuf. Elizabeth received them
with extraordinary pomp. She was seated upon her throne, the lords
and officers being assembled around her in order of rank, forming
altogether a brilliant spectacle. Bellievre then made his speech. “The
enemies of the Queen of Scots,” said he, “spread a doleful report
among your people that the existence of the Queen is your ruin, and
that your two lives cannot go on together in this same kingdom....
It seems as if the authors of that statement wish to attribute all
to the counsel of men and leave nothing to God's providence.... If
some Catholic princes resolve to attack your kingdom, it will not
be to save the Queen of Scots, but to uphold religion. Though the
Queen of Scots be taken away from this world, the cause of war is not
removed, but rather the occasion for it increased and the pretext
for war made more specious than before, to avenge an act so strange
and so extraordinary committed against all worldly laws, against a
sovereign princess, a Queen anointed and held sacred in the Church of
God. If you put the Queen of Scots to death, as some advise you, her
death will arm your enemies with despair and with an honest excuse for
attempting against you all that may lie in their power to avenge the
outrage.” After showing Elizabeth that she ran a great risk in using
rigorous measures, he asked her to ensure Mary's safety, in the name
of the Queen-mother, the King of France, and the reigning Queen, in
extremely tender and touching terms. “Madam,” continued he, “you can
greatly oblige us all by the resolution it may please you to take in
the case of the noble princess who has been our Queen, and your Majesty
is sure to earn our lasting thanks if, instead of handing her over
to the evils with which she is threatened, you tender her a generous
treatment.” Elizabeth replied, “That she much regretted that persons
of their quality should have been chosen to negotiate so thankless an
affair, but that her resolution was taken; and that at a later period
the patience she had shown to the Queen of Scots would be appreciated,
and the justice of her conduct recognised; and that, besides, she had
been for some time past aware of the stories which people took the
trouble to tell her, but that those noble examples could not induce her
to change her purpose. She took leave of the Ambassadors, telling them
that she put her faith in God, and that with His grace, poor woman as
she was, she should overcome her enemies.” Sentence against Queen Mary
was officially announced in London on 6th December, and by command the
bells were rung for twenty-four hours without ceasing. This command
was from the Queen of England, and need surprise no one after the
proceedings we have narrated. Fires were kindled under the windows of
the French Embassy amid the hootings of the mob. That affront roused
the indignation of Bellievre. He asked Elizabeth to give him time to
inform the King of France what was going on. She refused to receive
the letter, and sent it to Walsingham. Three days later Bellievre
received verbally the assurance that Mary would get a respite of twelve
days. Henry III., on being informed, empowered Bellievre to try all
means which prudence might suggest to bring Elizabeth to sentiments
more befitting humanity. Bellievre requested another interview, which
was granted. He then put forward the wishes of Henry III. regarding
Mary, and his grief on learning that the Queen of England was so
unkind to her illustrious prisoner. He denied that Mary was under the
jurisdiction of Elizabeth, and reflected on the unseemly way in which
she had been treated. This noble princess “is so humbled and trodden
underfoot that her greatest enemies ought to pity her, and therefore
I plead for some clemency and kindness towards her at your Majesty's
hands. What now remains for the Queen of Scots but a wretched life of
a few short days! If she is innocent, she ought to be discharged. If
you hold her guilty, it would be honourable and noble in you to pardon
her. When your Majesty does so, then shall you do what princes are wont
to do.... Those who wish to reign well and happily had better imprint
on the table of their memory the sacred words, 'Thou shalt not kill.'
Blood calls for blood, and such doings often bring about a sad end.”
These eloquent words had no effect, and he then addressed threatening
words, which aroused her. “Monsieur Bellievre,” cried she angrily,
“are you charged by the King my brother to address me thus?” “Yes,
madam, I have His Majesty's express commands to that effect.” “Have
you that power signed by his hand?” “Yes, madam; the King my master
has expressly commanded me and charged me by letter, signed by his
own hand, to address to you remonstrances.” “I ask from you as much
signed by your hand,” added she. Bellievre handed it to her at once,
and immediately retired. He then prepared for his return to France,
taking home with him only disgust at the course of events, and bitterly
regretting that he had not been able to save the Queen of Scots.[14]
This report of this famous interview gives us the substance of what was
so eloquently said by the French Ambassador.
[Illustration: BELLIEVRE,
The French Ambassador who Silenced Queen Elizabeth.
(By permission of BRAUN, CLÉMENT & CIE.)]
In the following condensed narrative,[15] which is an extract from
the official despatch of Bellievre to Henry III., we get the words of
Elizabeth in brief, at both interviews:—“She burst into invectives
against the Queen of Scots, recounting the evil that she had received
from her and the good offices she had rendered her; that she had been
compelled to come to the resolution that had been taken because it
was impossible to save her own life and preserve that of the Scottish
Queen; and that if we knew any means whereby she could find security
for herself in preserving the Queen of Scots, she would be under great
obligations to us, never having shed so many tears at the death of her
father, of her brother King Edward, and of her sister Mary, as she had
done over this unfortunate affair. The day before this audience Lord
Buckhurst was sent to Fotheringay to announce the sentence of death to
the Scottish Queen, and it has been said many times in London (though
falsely) that they had already put the Queen to death.... Elizabeth
gave another audience on the appointed day, Monday. We repeated the
same prayer with all the urgency possible, and spoke in such a manner
that we could not be heard except by her principal counsellors. But she
rejoined in so loud a tone that we were put in pain because we were
using prayer (as necessity required), and by her answer we could not
but understand that our plaint was refused. Then lowering her voice she
told us that she would wish us to be well advised, desiring the good
of your Majesty, and that you could not do better than give shortly a
good peace to your subjects, otherwise she could foresee great injury
to your realm, which a great number of foreigners would enter in such
sort that it would not be very easy to find a remedy for the evil.
She returned to the subject of the Queen of Scots, saying that 'she
had given us several days to consider of some means whereby she could
preserve that princess's life without being in danger of losing her
own; and not being yet satisfied on that point, nor having found any
other expedient, she could not be cruel against herself; and that your
Majesty ought not to consider it just that she, who is innocent, should
die, and that the Queen of Scots, who is guilty, should be saved.' Two
day afterwards Elizabeth informed us, after a long discussion, the
reason which had moved them to proceed to this judgment, that 'out of
the respect she had for your Majesty she would grant a delay of twelve
days before proceeding to the execution of the sentence, conditionally
that nothing in the interim should be attempted against her which
might move her to alter her mind.' We informed her that if she put to
death the Queen of Scots the King her son was determined to renounce
all friendship and alliance that he had with England and to advise
with his friends how he shall proceed in her cause; at which she put
herself into a great fury. Your Majesty will be pleased to consider if
there be not some way through your favour and authority whereby there
may be a hope of saving her life, of which may it please you to let us
understand within the said term your goodwill and pleasure.”
This despatch is worthy of the admiration of posterity, and may be
regarded as the production of one who was not only a highly capable
Ambassador, but probably of all the men who aided Mary in her last
hours he was the most influential, the most determined and earnest,
and the most courageous. Who was there of all Mary's friends and
supporters who could attack single-handed the lioness in her den as he
did? His brilliant interview, the irresistible force of his eloquence,
his contemptuous disregard of her royalty, his plain speaking, and his
remonstrating with her as to her unlawful and cruel treatment of Mary,
roused the ire of Elizabeth into a pitch of hysterical excitement, and
her screaming interrogatives to the Ambassador were heard over the
entire body of the hall. The flashes of wit and ready resources of
Bellievre shown in his sarcastic replies were characteristic of the
vivid intellect of a French statesman.
Bellievre's last communication to Queen Mary, London, 14th December
1586:—
“As it has pleased the King to send me here to inform the Queen of
England how greatly obliged he would be if, in this unfortunate matter
which has happened to your Majesty, it might be her good pleasure to
treat you with that kindness and humanity that he, his kingdom, and
the other princes and States of Christendom would expect from so wise
and virtuous a princess, I have set aside everything in order to obey
his commands and to do the service that I wish to do to your Majesty,
whom I have so long venerated, as the wife of my King, and as my Queen.
I should desire above everything in the world that it had pleased God
that this princess to whom I had spoken on your behalf would have
honoured me with a satisfactory answer. I assure you, madam, of the
very good and cordial will of the King towards you, of the Queen, her
mother and yours, and of the reigning Queen, who all suffer extreme
pain on your account; while they have written to the Queen of England
with as much affection as if it were a question of their own lives. I
should hope that this princess, being so wise, so magnanimous, and so
well advised, would not allow the prayers of persons so great and so
interested in your preservation to be made in vain. Nothing is done
in this world without the permission of God, whose anger we cannot
better appease than by the exercise of a holy and Christian patience.
God permits us to be abandoned by all men when for our greater good He
desires that we may have all our succour from Him. 'When we know not
what to do,' says St. Bernard, 'to whom should we turn if it is not
to thee, O our God!' He is not willing that we should be lost, and is
able to give us in the future more consolation in one hour than the
afflictions we have experienced during our whole life. If you think the
Queen of England has not loved you, who knows that from this time it
may please God to soften her heart towards you? ... It will be by God's
grace that her good nature will soften her. It will be her generosity
that will conquer and force her to love you, to take you under her
protection, and join herself to you by the indissoluble ties of a good,
happy, and perpetual friendship.”
This letter seems to have been written when the Ambassador could in
reality do no more for the unfortunate Queen.