CHAPTER IV

Elizabeth's instructions to Lord Buckhurst to communicate the

sentence of death to Mary, and her remarkable reasons for this

act—Elizabeth compromised in the Babington Conspiracy—Her

letter to Paulet to allow the commissioners an interview with

Mary—Elizabeth's chicanery (Petit's version)—Paulet to Walsingham,

21st November 1586—Letter Henry III. to his Ambassador in London

to request James to save his mother's life—Sentence of death

communicated to Mary by Buckhurst—Queen Mary's pathetic letter

to the Pope informing him that she has been sentenced to die,

and giving her last instructions—Her letter to the Duke of Guise

informing him of her sentence, and giving instructions about her

affairs.

Having in the previous chapter touched on the various points which

occupied the attention of Queen Mary's enemies during the past four

months, we now arrive at a critical period, the month of November.

The situation was gradually becoming more serious and more acute,

indicating that the mind of Elizabeth was not only fixed on the

Scottish Queen during the day but during the night. The subject,

in short, engrossed her whole attention. On 16th November 1586 she

formulated her final instructions to Lord Buckhurst regarding the

sentence of death which in her former letter she had ordered her

ministers to find and pronounce. In this document, which we give

in full, much is false and conjectural, much of it grotesque, while

none of it is sincere or truthful. It would not occur to the Queen of

England that these interpolations on Queen Mary's letters would ever be

discovered:—

“Instructions given by Elizabeth to Lord Buckhurst and Robert Beale to

declare to the Queen of Scots the sentence passed against her and the

demand for her execution:

“After you have informed yourselves particularly as well of the

treatise offered and other things needful which have passed between us

and the Scottish Queen; of the manifold favours we have from time to

time shown to her, both before and since her arrival within our realm,

requited by her great ingratitude toward us, of which our pleasure is

you shall receive some special note and remembrance from our principal

secretary Walsingham, as also of the whole course of our proceedings

with her in trial of the late unnatural and wicked conspiracy against

our life and Crown, whereof she is found by a just and honourable

sentence of our nobility to have been not only privy and consenting,

but also a compasser and contriver to the inevitable danger of our

life and state. God of his great mercy towards us and our poor people

most happily and miraculously discovered and prevented the same. Our

pleasure is that you shall immediately repair to Fotheringay, where

the said Queen now remains in charge of Sir Amias Paulet, and after

you have delivered our letter to him and imparted our instructions

and other directions, you shall go together to the Scottish Queen, to

whom you shall signify the cause of our sending you to her, namely,

to let her understand how the lords and our commissioners lately

sent to Fotheringay have proceeded from their return from her. You

shall particularly explain the causes which moved them to postpone

the pronouncing of their sentence, their several meetings after their

return at our Star Chamber to examine and perfect their proceedings, so

that no just exception might be taken against the same; the producing

before them of Nau and Curle; their free, voluntary, and public

maintaining and confirming in their presence, without either hope

of reward or fear of punishment, of all those things which they had

before testified both by word, subscription, and oath, against her; and

finally, the sentence given by the universal consent of all the lords

and other commissioners, that she was not only privy to the late most

horrible and wicked conspiracy against our person, but a contriver and

compasser thereof according to the words of the sentence, which to

this effect our pleasure is shall be delivered to you. And also how

the Parliament of this realm now assembled, having been informed of

our honourable and just proceedings by our commission, directed to the

lords and others appointed for the examination and trial thereof, and

made acquainted with the particulars of those things with which they

found her charged, together with the testimonies and proofs produced

against her, and her own answers to the same. Finding, after deliberate

consideration, that the sentence pronounced by the commissioners was

most just, lawful, and honourable, have not only with full consent

and without scruple or contradiction affirmed and approved the same,

but also by sundry deputies selected from both Houses of the Lords

and Commons and addressed to us in the name of the realm, offered and

presented their humble and earnest petitions to us, both written and

oral, tending to the moving and persuading of us by their strong and

invincible arguments to proceed to the finishing of the sentence by

the execution of her whom they find to be the seed plot, chief and

motive and author of all these conspiracies which these many years past

have been hatched, intended, and attempted against our person, Crown,

and State, and do yet still threaten the same. If we should not apply

that remedy which in honour, justice, and necessity appertaineth, we

should be guilty and inexcusable before God and the whole world of all

the miseries and calamities that may ensue of our neglect or refusal

to agree to their humble petition, so greatly affecting the safety

of our person and preservation of the State, of religion, and common

weal of our realm, none of which can in their opinion be otherwise

sufficiently provided for and assured against such outward dangers than

by a just execution of her by whom and for whom they have been, and

are still likely to be, devised, attempted, and followed out against

us. And for that we are pressed on all sides as well with respect to

honour, justice, surety, and necessity as the unfortunate suit and

petition of our Lords and Commons, who still protest that they can find

no other way of assurance for our person, religion, and State than by

proceeding against her according to justice. You shall therefore let

her understand that we know not how it shall please God to incline

and dispose our heart in this matter, but we have thought meet in

conscience that she should be forewarned thereof, so that she may the

better bethink herself of her former sins and offences both to God and

to us, and call on Him for grace to be truly penitent and for her late

unnatural and ungodly conspiracy against our life. This crime is so

much the greater and more odious in the sight of God and man in that

she hath suborned and encouraged some of our own subjects to be the

actors and doers of an act so foul and horrible against their Sovereign

and anointed prince her own near kinswoman, and one that, however she

may account thereof in nature and duty for past benefits, ought to have

received a more charitable measure at her hands if either the fear of

God or common humanity had prevailed anything with her. And because

she should have no reason to think herself hardly dealt with in the

manner of our proceedings against her, you shall let her know how much

the respect of her degree, calling, and nearness in blood to ourselves

hath moved us to take the course we have done in sending her a number

of our chief and most ancient nobility to examine and try her offence.

We might have proceeded otherwise by an ordinary course of law without

these respects and ceremonies if we had not preferred our own honour to

any other particular affection of malice or revenge against her, which

you may truly say is such as if the consequence of her offence reached

no farther than to ourselves as a private person. We protest before

God we could have been very well contented to have freely remitted

and pardoned the same, if we might hereafter have lived sufficiently

cautioned and assured against the like, a thing so much the more

hopeless however she might hereafter reform herself. The taking of

our life and subversion thereby of the present state of religion and

commonwealth is amongst her factors and instruments abroad and at home

now held and approved in their bloody divinity, as work meritorious

and lawful before God and man. And whereas in the opening of these

particulars she may happen, as in the late meeting of our commissioners

with her, to fall into some justification of her former offers and

demeanour towards us, removing the cause of all these mischiefs from

herself and imputing the same to the hard treatment she may pretend to

have received at our hands. We have thought meet, in case she shall

fall into any such argument, that you remind her how much she is to

blame to wrong us in honour with her unjust and untrue assertions,

considering how much more graciously we have dealt with her than she

could with any judgment or reason expect, if we had proportioned our

favour with her own demerits. You may take occasion to point out to her

those our deserts and benefits with her many ingratitudes in recompense

for them, which is conform to a special note from our secretary which

shall be delivered to you. Lastly, in case you shall find her desirous

to communicate with either of you apart under a pretence of revealing

any matter or secret of weight to be delivered to us concerning either

ourselves or our service, we think it not amiss that you conform

yourselves to her desire, and thereby, if you find cause, to advise us

before your return, which we leave to your discretion.

“ELIZABETH R.”

This is probably the most startling official paper to be found

during the period covered by our narrative. It is pure fiction and

was written a month after Queen Mary's trial. The first question

that arises is this: Was Elizabeth connected directly or indirectly

with the interpolations on these letters, and if so, to what extent?

She was much too clever a woman to commit anything to writing that

would incriminate herself. We have evidence that Walsingham, her

secretary, was the writer of them, and that he paid Phillips to open

the letters surreptitiously, copy them, and on the copies introduce the

interpolations. The originals were evidently destroyed, for they were

never seen again.[11]

Could anyone suppose that this momentous proceeding was going on

without the knowledge of the English Queen? Such a supposition

would be impossible. Walsingham was a daily visitor at court and

Elizabeth's paid secretary. It would have been as much as his life

was worth to negotiate this diabolical plot unknown to his mistress,

and particularly as every movement in connection with the Queen of

Scots had to be communicated to her. It was a case where she reserved

to herself exclusively the privilege of giving every order, with no

intention whatever of consulting her responsible ministers or her

Privy Council. In this particular matter they were merely figureheads.

Walsingham, therefore, whose character we have already described,

was in this case nothing but a puppet in the hands of a powerful and

unscrupulous woman, stronger than himself. If he had an audience of

her daily no correspondence between them would be necessary. The spies

employed were Walsingham's servants. Their object was to inveigle

Mary into a crime that was punishable with death. Walsingham having

failed to get Babington's consent to Elizabeth's assassination, and

thereby compromise the Scottish Queen, evidently resolved on the

other alternative, and manufactured the material which Phillips

introduced into the letters. The circumstantial evidence is too strong

to permit of Elizabeth's escape from the responsibility. The actual

extent to which she was compromised we shall probably never know, but

it is a fair and reasonable deduction from the correspondence, as

now disclosed, to say that she and Walsingham were responsible for

connecting Mary with the plot against her life. There is no proof

against Mary that will stand investigation, and no proof at all save

forged and interpolated letters (see pp. 228-40). It was, in plain

language, a cunning plot by Elizabeth against Elizabeth to encompass

the Scottish Queen in a false conspiracy against her life.

[Illustration: SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM, Secretary to Queen Elizabeth.]

The foregoing paper containing instructions to Buckhurst, the outcome

of this plot, we shall proceed to analyse. For audacity and unblushing

falsehood it is almost without precedent. It proceeds on the assumption

that the duplicity of the writer would not be found out, and we have

no evidence that during her lifetime, or for long after, it was found

out. The first paragraph takes us back to the beginning of Mary's

captivity, and considering the length of that captivity and the

treatment Mary experienced, the paragraph and its charges may be

regarded as sheer imagination, to which the innocence of Mary has given

the lie. The second paragraph requires Buckhurst to explain the cause

of his mission, the entire responsibility of which Elizabeth put on the

shoulders of her lords and commissioners, who, she says, gave sentence

against Mary unanimously! This almost takes away one's breath. The

reader will take note that the sentence was written out by Elizabeth,

handed by her to her ministers with a command to make it their finding

notwithstanding Mary's guilt or innocence. No one dared to offer a word

against it, or in short to have any opinion of his own; otherwise it

might have cost him his life. As regards Nau and Curie, their evidence

was obtained by the rack, and is of no value. The third paragraph

orders the execution, with the hypocritical reasons which led to it, in

all of which the wish is father to the thought, and plainly indicates

the mind of Elizabeth. The conspiracy trick was an excellent trump card

for such a woman to play against Mary, and by that means get quit of

a rival whom of all the women in the world she knew to be superior to

herself in every accomplishment. No woman could frequent the court of

Elizabeth who was superior to her in these respects. We have a proof

of this in the famous interview between her and Sir James Melville

in 1564, when Melville's ingenuity was taxed to the uttermost to

acknowledge Elizabeth's accomplishments against his will. The fourth

paragraph may be considered as perjury and hypocrisy and a repetition

of the unblushing falsehoods already expressed. The fifth paragraph

doubtless was intended to convey to Mary some idea of the saintly

conduct of Elizabeth and the wicked conduct of Mary, which reminds us

of the Pharisee in the Hebrew story. The commissioners were to let her

know “how much in respect of her degree, calling, and nearness in blood

to us, have moved us to take the course we have done in sending our

chief nobility to try her case.” Whether this sentimental and insulting

message was conveyed to Mary is not recorded, but the probability is it

was not. The sixth paragraph is an “instruction” to the captive that

as she has no case she is not to abuse the plaintiff. If she attempted

to justify herself before the commissioners she was to be told what

was equivalent to an insult: “how much she is to blame to wrong us in

honour with her unjust and untrue assertions.” This was before any

assertions were made! Obviously the English Queen was not endowed with

the common feelings of humanity. If we wished to get a side-light into

her character this paper would afford us as much information as we

require.

On the same day, 16th November, Queen Elizabeth wrote Paulet,

authorising him to allow the commissioners an interview with Mary:—

“We have thought it convenient, for sundry reasons, to send Lord

Buckhurst and Beale to acquaint the Queen your charge, as well

with the proceedings of the commissioners since their departure

from Fotheringay, as with what hath been lately done in Parliament

concerning the commissioners' proceedings. Our pleasure is that you

permit them to have access to the said Queen, hoping in God that before

they repair thither you will be restored to that good state of health,

so that you may be able to assist and join them in the present service

committed to them. And in case the said Queen shall desire to have any

conference apart, upon pretence to reveal some secret matter to be

communicated to us, either with Lord Buckhurst or with any one of our

servants, we are willing to assent thereto if she shall request the

same; otherwise we could best like that you should be present when any

such remarks should be delivered.”

When Parliament ordained the sentence to be carried out, Elizabeth was

the more overjoyed at it as she believed herself thereby cleared, while

she had accomplished her brutal purpose; and she took care to hint that

but for the love of her people she could never have made up her mind

to sign the death-warrant of Mary Stuart! She said, “I must tell you

one thing, that by the last Act of Parliament you have reduced me to

such straits and perplexities that I must resolve upon the punishment

of her who is a princess, so nearly allied to me in blood, and whose

practices against me have so deeply affected me with grief and sorrow

that I have willingly chosen to absent myself from this Parliament lest

I should increase my trouble by hearing the matter mentioned, and not

out of fear of any danger or treacherous attempts against me, as some

think. But I will now tell you a further secret (though it be not usual

with me to blab forth in other cases what I know). It is not long since

these eyes of mine saw and read an oath wherein some bound themselves

to kill me within a month. Hereby I see your danger in my person, which

I will be very careful to prevent and keep off.”[12]

The unabated energy shown in the espionage of the Scottish Queen is

evident from Paulet's letter to Walsingham under date 21st November

1586:—

“My letter to Her Majesty enclosed herein will be, I doubt not,

imparted to you; and although it pleaseth you to impute her intended

liberality to my servants and soldiers to the report of Stallenge, yet

I am persuaded that the same hath proceeded of your favour towards

me and mine; wherein you have bound me very much, and indeed I thank

you for it as for a singular benefit. I do not remember, and I think

I may be bold to deny, that I have at any time left this lady in her

passionate speeches. I have said to Stallenge, and it is very true that

in former times I have observed this course: to have as little talk

with her as I might. Lately, following your direction, I have given

her full scope to say what she would; and yet at some times, finding

no matter to come from her worthy of notice, I have departed from her,

as otherwise she would never have left me; and I am deceived if Lord

Buckhurst will not give the same testimony of her tediousness.”

At this crisis the conduct of James VI. surprised many of the friends

of Mary. He was indifferent about his mother, because he was shaping

his policy to succeed Elizabeth, and to do so he must not quarrel with

her. A judicious and well-expressed letter on the subject was sent by

Henry III. of France to Courcelles, his Ambassador. It was intended

that this letter should be put before James, which doubtless was done,

but for the reason stated was not acted upon. It is believed he could

have saved his mother's life, but he was a selfish young man, and from

all reports indifferent to his mother's circumstances, he never having

seen her since he was an infant. The letter from the French King is

full of sympathy, with every expression of anxiety for the sad and

pitiful condition of the unfortunate Mary. It bears date, St. Germains,

21st November 1586:—

“I have received your letter of 4th October informing me of the

conversation which passed between you and the King of Scotland on your

expressing to him the sincere affection I bear him, by which he seems

to have an earnest desire to correspond with me entirely; but I wish

that letter had also informed me that he were better disposed towards

the Queen his mother, and that he had the heart and the will to do

everything to assist her in her present affliction, considering that

the captivity in which she has been unjustly held for eighteen years

and more might have induced him to listen to the many proposals which

have been made to him for obtaining her liberty, which is naturally

most desirable to all men, but more particularly to those who are born

sovereigns and to command others, who are more impatient of being thus

detained prisoners. He ought also to think that if the Queen of England

should follow the advice of those who desire her to imbrue her hands in

the blood of his mother, it will be a great stain on his reputation,

inasmuch as it will be thought that he has withheld the good offices

which he ought to render her with the Queen of England, which might be

sufficient to move her if he had employed them as early and as warmly

as natural affection commanded. It is much to be feared that in case

of the death of his mother there may be hereafter some scheme for

acting the same violent part towards him, to render his accession to

the throne of England more easily attainable by those who have it in

their power to secure it after the Queen of England, and not only to

deprive the King of Scotland of the right that he may claim to it, but

render doubtful that which he has to the crown of Scotland. I know not

in what state the affairs of my sister-in-law (Queen Mary) may be when

this reaches you, but I desire you will endeavour to excite the King of

Scotland by these remonstrances and any others that can bear on this

subject, to take up the defence and protection of his mother; and tell

him in my name that this is a thing for which he will be highly praised

by all other kings and sovereign princes, and that he may be assured

if he fails in this, great blame will attach to him and perhaps great

injury ensue to himself.”

In the circumstances this was a noble letter, but on James it was

quite lost. He had been repeatedly asked to befriend his mother, but

we have no evidence that he ever did so. With him “the love of money

was the root of all evil,” for he was constantly in want of money.

Elizabeth aided him, and in fact controlled him; but that was no reason

for allowing his mother to be murdered when he could have prevented

it. King Henry III. of France behaved to Queen Mary as a brother and

exerted himself more than anyone else to save her. But what is to be

said of her son, on whom this eloquent letter of the King of France was

lost!

It is evident from the conduct of Elizabeth that Mary's life could

not have been saved except by military force, and nothing should have

prevented James from appealing to arms. The kings of France and Spain

would have given him the necessary assistance. The more we know of

James the less do we feel enthusiasm for him.

On 23rd November 1586 sentence of death was communicated to Queen Mary

by Buckhurst, by order of Elizabeth. It does not appear that Mary was

surprised by the announcement; it would rather appear that for some

time she had been daily in expectation of it. To an ordinary individual

the intimation would have been overwhelming, it would have crushed him

to the earth. Mary, however, was made of sterner stuff. She had an

overflow of spirits, which during her captivity did her great service

and was a great factor in preventing her falling into melancholy. It

may be said that her brilliant spirit never left her, but carried

her through all her troubles up to their final termination. On the

very day when she received this crushing intimation she sat down and

wrote a long and beautiful letter to the Pope, a letter which His

Holiness could not read without emotion. She also wrote to the Duke of

Guise. These letters have been preserved and are as follows (slightly

condensed):—

23rd November 1586, Fotheringay:

“Holy Father; And so it is that it has pleased God by his divine

providence to make an order in his Church by which he has willed that

under His Son Jesus Christ crucified all those who should believe in

Him and be baptized in name of the Holy Trinity should acknowledge one

universal and Catholic Church....

“I have been unable to give due testimony to your Holiness in

consequence of my detention in this captivity together with my long

illness, but now that it has pleased God to permit for my sins and

those of this unfortunate island that I should be, after twenty years

of captivity, shut up in a close prison and at last condemned to die

by the Government and heretical Parliament of this country: as it has

been signified to me today by Lord Buckhurst, Amias Paulet, my keeper,

one Sir Drew Drury, and a secretary named Beale, in name of their Queen

commanding me to prepare to receive death, offering me one of their

bishops and a Dean for my consolation, a priest whom I had having been

by them long ago taken from me and kept I know not where, in their

hands. I have considered it to be my first duty to turn myself to God,

and then with my hand to signify all to your Holiness, that although I

cannot make you hear it before my death, at least after it the cause

of it may be manifest to you; which is, the whole well sifted and

considered, for the subversion of their religion in this island alleged

by them to be by me designed and in my favour attempted both by their

own subjects obedient to your laws, their declared enemies, and by

strangers, in particular the Catholic princes and my relations, who

all maintain my right to the crown of England, causing me to be named

as such in their prayers in the churches. I leave to your Holiness to

consider the consequences of this opinion, supplicating you to cause

prayer to be offered for my poor soul; and of all those who have died

or shall die for the same and the like opinions. And also in honour of

God to distribute of your alms, and instigate the kings to do the same,

to those who shall remain alive from this shipwreck. My intention being

to confess, to do penance so far as is in me, and receive my viaticum

if I can obtain my chaplain or other lawful minister to administer

to me my last sacrament, as in default of this with a contrite and

penitent heart I prostrate myself at the feet of your Holiness,

confessing myself to God and to His saints a most unworthy sinner, and

deserving of eternal damnation, if it please not the good God who died

for sinners to receive me by His infinite mercy to the number of poor

sinners penitent by His grace. Entreating you to accept this my general

submission and as a testimony of my intention to fulfil the rest in the

form ordained and commanded by the Church and to give me your general

absolution....

“I entreat your Holiness to impetrate from the most Christian King that

my jointure may be charged with the payment of my debts and the wages

of my poor desolate servants, and with an annual obit for my soul and

those of all my brethren deceased in this just quarrel; having had

no other private intention, as my poor servants present at this my

affliction will testify to you, and how I have willingly offered my

life in their heretical assembly to maintain my religion, Catholic,

Apostolic, and Roman, and bring back the devout of this island;

protesting in this case that I would willingly demit all title and

dignity of Queen, and do all service and duty to theirs, if she would

cease to persecute the Catholics, as I protest that this is the object

at which I have aimed since I have been in this country, and have no

ambition or desire to reign or dispossess others for my own sake, being

by sickness and long affliction so weakened that I have no more desire

to trouble myself in this world than with the service of His Church and

the gaining of the souls of this island to God. For evidence of which

at my end I would not fail to prefer the public safety to the private

interest of flesh and blood, which makes me beseech you, with a mortal

regret for the perdition of my poor child, after having by all means

endeavoured to retrieve him, being to him a true father as St. John

the Evangelist was to the youth whom he recalled from the company of

the robbers, to take at last all the authority over him which I can

give you to constrain him, and to call on the Catholic King to assist

you in what relates to temporal matters, and especially together to

endeavour to unite him by marriage. And if God for my sins permits him

to be obstinate, knowing no Christian prince at this time who exerts

himself so much for the faith, nor possesses such means of assisting in

the reduction of this island, as the Catholic King to whom I am so much

indebted, he being the only one who has assisted me with his money and

advice in my necessities, under your good pleasure I leave him all the

rights or interest which I can have in the government of this kingdom.

Should my son remain obstinately out of the Church; whom if he can be

brought back I desire to be by him and my kinsmen of Guise assisted,

supported, and advised, enjoining him by my last will to consider them

after you as fathers, and to ally himself by their advice and consent

and with one of these two houses, and if it should please God I wish

him worthy to be a son of the Catholic King. You shall have the true

recital of the manner of my last struggle and all the proceedings

against me and by me, so that, knowing the truth, the calumnies which

the enemies of the Church would fasten on me may be by you refuted and

the truth known.[13]

“MARIE R.”

Queen Mary at the same time wrote to the Duke of Guise, Fotheringay,

23rd Nov. 1586:—

“You whom I hold most dear in the world I bid you farewell, being on

the point of being put to death by an unjust judgment, such a one as

never any belonging to our race yet suffered, much less one of my rank.

But praise God, my good cousin; for, situated as I have been, I was

useless to the world in the cause of God and his Church; but I hope

that my death will bear witness of my constancy in the faith and my

readiness to die for the support and restoration of the Catholic Church

in this unfortunate island. And though executioner never yet dipped

his hand in our blood, be not ashamed, my friend; for the judgment of

these heretics and enemies of the Church, and who have no jurisdiction

over me, a free Queen, is profitable before God to the children of

His Church, which, had I not adhered to, this stroke had been spared

me. All those of our house have been persecuted by this sect; witness

your good father, with whom I hope to be received in mercy by the just

Judge. I recommend then to you all my poor servants, the discharge of

my debts, and the founding of some annual obit for my soul; not at

your expense, but to make such solicitation and arrangements as shall

be requisite to fulfil my intentions, which you will be informed of by

my poor disconsolate servants, eye-witnesses of this my last tragedy.

May God prosper your wife, children, brothers, and cousins, and all

belonging to them. May the blessing of God and that which I should

give to my own children be upon yours, whom I commend to God not less

sincerely than my own unfortunate and deluded son. You will receive

tokens (rings) from me to remind you to have prayers said for the soul

of your poor cousin, destitute of all aid and counsel but that of God,

who gives me strength and courage to withstand alone so many wolves

howling after me; to God be the glory! Believe in particular a person

who will give you in my name a ruby ring, for I assure you upon my

conscience that this person will tell you the truth agreeably to my

desire, especially as to what concerns my poor servants and the share

of each. I have suffered much for the last two years and upwards, but

have not been able to inform you of it for an important reason. God be

praised for all things, and may He give you grace to persevere in the

service of His Church so long as you live, and may that honour never

depart from our race, that all of us may be ready to shed our blood in

the defence of the faith regardless of all other worldly interests.

For my own part, I think myself born both on the father's and mother's

side to offer up my blood for it, and have no intention to degenerate.

May Jesus crucified for us and all the holy martyrs render us by their

intercession worthy of the free-will offering of our bodies for His

glory. Thinking to degrade me, they took down my canopy, and my keeper

afterwards came and offered to write to the Queen, saying that this

act had not been done by her command but by the advice of some of her

council. I showed them on the canopy, in place of my coat of arms, the

cross of my Saviour. You will be informed of all that was said; they

have since been more indulgent.

”MARIE R. of Scotland,

Dowager of France.”

The Last Days of Mary Stuart, and the journal of Bourgoyne her physician · 第 4 / 12 章