SAFETY OF THE COLONIES ENDANGERED.
The correspondence of Mr. Canning with Mr. Galatin, lately published,
evinces plainly the importance which is attached to our transatlantic
possessions. It cannot be supposed that a minister of state will hold
one tone to a foreign power, and a different one to ourselves.
It is on occasions of public diplomacy, when our own policy is
opposed to that of the great rising republic of America, that the
full swell of public opinion makes known the extent of interest felt
by the British nation towards her colonies.
The love of dominion is natural to mankind, and few like to lose
what they have once possessed; but, with the reflecting part of
the nation, this feeling is strengthened by the consciousness that
slavery itself will be promoted by the destruction of the British
colonies. Foreign nations will take up what we abandon; and if we
are still to consume sugar, the state of the continental markets
proves to a demonstration that that consumption will be supplied by
slave-labour, and not by free labour from either east or west.
Hence the safety of the colonies not only affects the dignity of
His Majesty’s crown, which ministers have sworn to uphold; but it
combines every consideration on this question which can influence the
conduct of an independent member of the legislature.
If, then, there ever was a measure which involved a dilemma, it is
that of compulsory manumission. It must either be operative, or, from
the restrictions with which it is fenced, it must be inoperative.
Let us view it in both ways.
_Section 1._
CULTIVATION SUPERSEDED.
It is almost unnecessary to remark, that the nature of the
colonial system assumes the production in the colonies of
commodities possessing exchangeable value, to be transported to the
mother-country for sale, and tending, in the various relations of
their transport, to promote and invigorate the national commerce.
But if the negroes free themselves in the manner proposed, this
commerce must cease.
The writer of the “Remarks” has made one acknowledgment which greatly
abridges the necessity for argument or examination on this head.
He says, that no instance has yet occurred of free negroes working
steadily for hire in the field, in the British colonies; and that it
is not to be expected that they will so work, until their physical
wants have been augmented.
Now it has been shown, in the first section of the preceding chapter,
that those wants, instead of being augmented, or even established,
are effectually checked by the new measure. If there could be, in the
first instance, a hope that cultivation might hereafter be conducted
by free labourers, it is destroyed in its bud; and precisely in the
degree that the negroes are freed, will the value of the colonies
decline.
Political economy is now the fashion. All who are connected with
the Legislature, or who take a part in public affairs, are anxious
to display their proficiency in this science. Without further
comment, an appeal is made to them to pronounce, on weighing well the
reasoning referred to, if profitable cultivation in the colonies will
not be superseded.
What, then, would be the object of protecting those colonies? They
would virtually be lost to this country, in express contradiction to
the declared policy of the Legislature.
_Section 2._
REBELLION INSTIGATED.
On the other hand, let us suppose compulsory manumission inoperative;
that Government discover its latent difficulties, and that they
wish ostensibly to enforce its enactment while they fetter it with
restrictions to prevent its practical working.
Here it is conceived that still more disastrous consequences would
ensue. You tell the negro that he has a right to purchase his
freedom; and when he comes forward to claim it, he finds himself
mocked and imposed upon.
In common reason, is this the kind of legislation we are to expect
after the many warnings we have had of negro-susceptibility, and the
well-grounded conviction that there are embers, only wanting one
kindling breath to involve the whole colonies in destruction?
Since the agitation of negro-emancipation, within these few years
past, a great excitement has prevailed among the slaves, and mischief
on no common scale has occurred, merely from the delusion practised
upon the negroes as to the pretended benefits intended them. During
the insurrection in Demerara, when the insurgents were told by the
governor, of the new laws and indulgences to be granted them, they
received the boon with comparative derision; they said, to quote the
words of the Governor’s despatch, that “those things were no comforts
for them; that they were tired of being slaves; that their good King
had sent orders that they should be free, and that they would not
work any more.”
By obvious analogy we may judge of the danger if an inoperative law
be now passed. To inspire hopes which can never be realized, is at
any time bad; but in the case of the slaves, it is to render them
for ever dissatisfied with their lot, and to arouse every angry
passion in their minds. The strongest indignation, therefore, should
be expressed at attempts made to palliate the manifold errors of
the measure, or to procure the unreflecting concurrence of parties
locally interested, by representing that it might ostensibly be
allowed to pass, if rendered inoperative, because then no harm can
result from it. Such a mode of proceeding to all parties concerned,
both master and slave, would be unworthy of the British Government,
and not more disingenuous than impolitic.
Imagine, for a moment, the feelings of a slave, who, relying upon the
efficacy of the law promulgated, applies for his freedom, but finds
all a fallacy! Think of his baffled hope—the pinings of the heart—the
burning sense of injustice! And it is all-important to reflect, that
the obnoxious object of these excited passions will be the master,
or the resident proprietor. The negro will never believe that he has
been deceived by the King of England. He will decide, that the King
has conferred on him the boon, and that it has been intercepted by
combination of the colonial proprietors.
The negroes are just beginning to be sensible that amelioration
is different from what they first imagined it. Proclamations and
proceedings of the governors have tended to check their fatal
impression that a life of idleness was now at hand; but if you
disturb the existing tranquillity, if you again raise the delusive
cry of “Freedom!” may we not apprehend that kindred spirits, brooding
over their fancied wrongs, will coalesce, and discontent thus swell
into rebellion. It is vain to disguise or cloak the measure. Every
colonial proprietor knows the excitement that will always be kept
up by the anti-colonial party. “If I am to be robbed,” he will say,
“rather let me suffer at once, than be kept in perpetual dread of
ruin. If a slave worth 300_l._ comes to demand his freedom, better
suffer a loss of 100_l._ than send him back with a refusal, for
assuredly he will never be a peaceable or good subject again.” In his
own defence, therefore, he must refuse to sanction any modifications
of a measure which will equally injure himself, and endanger the
public safety.
Whether, then, compulsory manumission contain an executory principle,
or otherwise, it is incompatible with the safety of the colonies.
* * * * *
We have now contemplated the measure in every point of view, and it
must be emphatically pronounced to be contrary both to the letter and
the spirit of the Resolutions of both houses of Parliament.