memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with
the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in
regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they
governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The minister
depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the despair of
a great people, and the prospective consequences to be feared from it;
for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to arms. This
remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander, and though it was
not possible to induce the allied powers to agree to the general idea
contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the
important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the forts of Joux
and Ecluse, should not be included in the territorial cessions. The
pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by 100 millions of francs, and
it was determined the military occupation should not exceed five years,
and might possibly terminate at the end of three. The French minister
signed the memorable treaty on the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears
honourable witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.[44] He had
succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages for his country,
but he bore the name of Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the
celebrated cardinal who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and
he could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle of
its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five days afterwards bears
the stamp of patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was
impossible, while listening to it, not to feel that the minister had
yielded solely because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the
measure of imperious necessity.
[44] _Vide_ art. Pozzo di Borgo.
The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the Duke
to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while the
chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the government
to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the ministry
was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against those who,
by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of
their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial
of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now that political
ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by declamation,
the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily explained. The
marshal was summoned before a council of war, by an _ordonnance_ signed
under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; and this council having
declared itself incompetent, the marshal ought to have been tried by
the House of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. The
Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, carried to the chamber
the royal _ordonnance_, which constituted it a court of justice, and,
with his heart still full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted
from his country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness against
the authors of the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the
actions of those people that had brought a million of foreigners into
our land? After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous
of calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a
bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were no
exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché.
During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond the plans
proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber of 1815
established its system of _categories_; and the regicides were banished
the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. In the
course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate the property of
condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu rejected the measure,
saying that "confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." And
how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, when we consider
that the Duke had himself been deprived, by the most implacable
confiscations, of all the property of his family!
The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great
object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded
France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the
situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. It
was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the European
balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the
treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears entertained by the different
cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the divisions arising
in the chambers were merely the natural result of the representative
system. One ought to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the
dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces,
the occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and
a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all
these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign army,
thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater results; and,
on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers that
30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and that the expense of
the army of occupation would be diminished by 30 millions of francs.
This relief was owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to
the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.
We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two
years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed
invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and
withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and
in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all means
preserved.
The army of occupation having been diminished, it became indispensable
to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety and the dignity
of the country; and a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at
the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military system: the
essentials of this law are still in force.
At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de Richelieu
and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great ability, and who
remained faithful to his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a
last tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the flower of
their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for men of strong feelings
are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to
an ancient diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office
dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the treaty with the
Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed with a lively and penetrating
mind, and possessed immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in
early youth, been thrown into the administration of the Empire, and
had filled the situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke
conceived a friendship for both these men equal to the confidence
he deservedly reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and
probity, and where could it be more fully met with than in people,
whose characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained
an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign
debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs?
When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments had declared
their reciprocal debts at an end; but while they renounced their own
claims upon the treasury, they made a reservation in favour of those
of private individuals, which had been so violently attacked by the
wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When Europe dictated the
implacable treaty of November, 1815, claims poured in on every side;
it was stipulated that payment should be effected by inscriptions in
the great book of the public debt of France, and 9 millions a-year
were at first set aside for that purpose; the time, however, for
presenting claims was not to expire until the 28th of February,
1817; and--will it be believed?--the sum total amounted to 1600
millions![45] a sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which surpassed
the value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to drive one
to despair, especially as each person demanded payment in full. What
was to be done under circumstances of so much difficulty? Russia was
so situated as naturally to assume the character of a mediator, for
she had but few claims; and the Emperor Alexander, convinced that,
unless the negotiation were carried on by an arbiter common to all
parties, it would fall to the ground before the diversity of views
and opinions, proposed, as I have before stated, to intrust it to the
Duke of Wellington, making, at the same time, a sort of appeal to his
generosity.
[45] 64 millions sterling.
The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier, and after unheard-of
retrenchments, fixed the sum destined for the payment of the debts
of France to individuals at 16 millions and 40,000 francs. People
are too apt to forget in the present times the extreme difficulties
encountered by the public credit of the restoration, during the
period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu very soon came to the
conclusion, that a system of well-conducted loans offered the only
possible means of fulfilling the obligations imposed by the treaty.
During the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government had been
utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by too many violations of
the public faith, and too many arbitrary actions, for the Revolution
and the Empire were merely the abuse of power; and the events of 1814
and 1815 having compelled the government to increase the public debt
to 126 millions, would it be possible to obtain an additional loan? No
French house had presented itself possessed of sufficient capital to
act upon so vast a scale; their fear of the risk was too great. But
the Duke considered there would be an advantage in foreign loans, in
raising a competition among all the capitals of Europe, and effecting
our deliverance by a mere change of location. The necessary pecuniary
resources were found in the opulent firm of Hope and Baring; and, to
prepare the departure of the foreign troops, the minister succeeded
in obtaining that the sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should
assemble at Aix-la-Chapelle, to determine whether the occupation should
terminate at the end of three years, or whether it should be prolonged
to five, according to the alternative left by the treaty.
This proposal having been accepted, the congress assembled on the
20th of September 1818. All the obstacles had been already overcome
by the pacific views of Russia, which had acted favourably upon the
scruples entertained by Prussia and England; and on the 2d of October
the evacuation of the French provinces was decided upon, and the last
traces of the invasion disappeared; besides which the Duc de Richelieu
obtained a reduction of part of the indemnity still unpaid. Who does
not recollect the proud and natural delight of the French minister on
his return? France was no longer a country in the occupation of Europe,
but a government admitted into the first rank among nations, with its
greatness, its liberty, and its independence. Sufficient justice is
seldom rendered to statesmen who restore to a country its dignity and
consideration: vulgar history only extols those that destroy.
Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The value of the public
securities, owing to excessive speculations, had risen to an immoderate
height, which was followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid fall, and the
Allies might have destroyed the public credit by rejecting the _rentes_
that had been assigned in payment of the subsidies; but the word of
the Duc de Richelieu was sufficient to obtain a considerable extension
of the time fixed for the payments to be made to the allied powers:
and as great embarrassments still prevailed on the Exchange, he still
farther obtained, that 100 millions which were to have been discharged
by inscriptions of _rentes_, and which were included in the payments
stipulated by the Allies, should be withdrawn, and in their stead
_bons_ on the treasury should be substituted, to become due in eighteen
months.
Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the Duc de Richelieu
with foreign powers; the great object of his life was fulfilled, for
in what a state of misery was France when he assumed the reins of
government! 700,000 foreigners, contributions of all kinds, the country
placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country he had restored
liberty, he had reorganised her army, had established her public
credit, and reconciled France with the world. Before this great result
was achieved, the Duke had repeatedly declared to his friends that,
as soon as the personal credit he enjoyed with foreign powers was no
longer necessary, he should quit the situation he had been compelled
to accept, and retire into private life, and accordingly he sent in
his resignation; but it was not accepted, for the old liberal spirit
had arisen to struggle for victory. Many men possessed of no ability,
except for public speaking, had striven to secure the elections, and
the result of the proceedings of several of the electoral colleges had
caused great anxiety to the friends of government. M. de Richelieu was
therefore compelled to remain at the head of affairs; and he returned
to Paris for the purpose of concerting the measures rendered necessary
by the actual circumstances.
The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing a barrier to
democratic opinions and principles; nevertheless, serious dissensions
arose when the electoral system came to be debated; and the Duke,
much annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the council
between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, returned to
his former wish of retiring from office. His example was followed
by the rest of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in a
simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a melancholy truth,
that the statesman who had so powerfully contributed to deliver the
territory from foreign occupation, was compelled to retire before the
petty intrigues suggested by narrow policy and the Chamber of Deputies.
The Duke's opinion of the electoral system was different from that
entertained by the partizans of the old liberal school, and he resigned
his portfolio to General Dessole.
In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu had been
engaged, he was in a condition of honourable poverty, and the king
conferred upon the retired minister the appointment of Grand Huntsman,
in the same manner as he had conferred the title of Grand Chamberlain
upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services in 1815. The chambers,
however, were conscious that a recompense was due from the country to
the able negotiator of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de Lally made a proposal
that the king should be requested to confer a national reward upon the
Duc de Richelieu. The same suggestion was made in the upper chamber, at
the very moment when a letter from the Duke declared to the president
of the deputies, that he should be proud of receiving a mark of the
king's favour, given with the concurrence of the chambers; but that as
it was proposed to award him a _national_ recompense at the expense of
the nation, he could not consent to see any thing added for his sake to
the burdens under which the country was already groaning. Every body
was well aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his sole
income was derived from his office of grand huntsman; a good deal of
littleness, however, was exhibited in the Chamber of Deputies when it
was proposed to assign a _majorat_ of 50,000 francs to the heir of the
name of Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had obtained the
liberation of the territory. Are public bodies only capable of great
actions when a profit arises from them to the passions by which they
are actuated? The proposed _majorat_ was afterwards changed into an
annuity; and, out of respect to the king's wishes, the Duke did not
refuse this acknowledgement of his services, but he devoted the entire
income derived from it to the foundation of a religious charity in the
city of Bourdeaux. Such was the personal generosity of this great man,
who was desirous of retiring entirely to private life.
Alas! his political career was not yet concluded! The Decaze ministry,
on every side inundated by old liberal opinions, was at its last gasp.
Advantage was taken of the law of elections against the government, one
concession led to another, and the Duke was summoned to the council
extraordinary, presided over by the king in person, to advise upon
the measures to be pursued in this emergency. The crime of Louvel had
filled Paris with grief and horror, and M. Decaze, abandoned by the
_côté gauche_ of the chamber, who defended the law of February 5th,
1817, rejected by the royalists, who reproached him with not having
agreed to the propositions of the Marquis Barthélemy, at last sent
in his resignation; and at this difficult juncture, the king again
placed the Duc de Richelieu at the head of affairs. The most urgent
entreaties were required to induce him to accept the appointment,
for the situation was melancholy, and the country full of anxiety,
while the irritation of parties had reached its highest pitch. The
preceding administration had proposed an electoral system, which was
distasteful to all parties in the chamber; it had demanded laws arming
the government with extraordinary powers; no majority was yet formed,
and the ministry were doubtful whether these laws would be capable of
overcoming the formidable opposition they would have to encounter; the
fears of Europe also had been aroused, and it was necessary to appease
them. At length, every thing, however, was provided for, and, at the
end of a long and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted.
But then, who was able to calm the public mind? and what hand was
sufficiently powerful to arrest the evil tendency of society? A bias
had been given to education in France ever since the revolution of
1789; people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions and
frightful systems; parties considered themselves sufficiently powerful
to conspire openly, and intimidate the government by tumultuous
meetings. Seditious assemblies took place with a view to political
catastrophes, and the slightest hesitation might have given rise to
the most dreadful calamities. The command of Paris was now committed
to Marshal Macdonald, by the ministers' council, formidable military
preparations were made, and proofs were obtained of a conspiracy,
involving some names since exalted by another revolution. During the
ten days that this state of anxiety and trouble prevailed, they had
only to regret the lives of two of the disturbers of the public peace;
and now that the ideas concerning government are become more advanced,
people will be surprised at the declamations of those who held liberal
opinions, against measures which were indispensable for the safety of
the country. Has not every government a right to defend itself, and is
it not bound to do so?
Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect. The revolt of the
Spanish army at the island of Léon found an echo in a similar movement
among the Neapolitan troops. Portugal quickly followed their example;
and the seditious, imagining the French army well inclined to imitate
the conduct of their neighbours, directed all their efforts towards
this end. After having broken all the bonds of civil order, the
revolution endeavoured to overturn the principle of duty and obedience
among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however, the officers
continued faithful to their engagements; a few only were unable to
resist the torrent, and a conspiracy was formed in several of the
regiments at Paris, extending in its ramifications to various military
stations, and it was determined that the rising should take place
in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820. On the proposal of M.
Mounier, then director-general of the police, the ministers' council
determined upon arresting the conspirators before they had unfurled
a standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The heads of
this military conspiracy are well known at present, and some of them
have even been rewarded; but, as is always the case, the plot was
denied by the parties engaged in it. The Chamber of Peers behaved with
much indulgence, as able and experienced authorities usually do when
severity is not indispensably necessary; and the government preferred
pardoning many offences, and consigning much to oblivion, to being
compelled to authorise the shedding of blood.
The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a favourable
impression had been raised by the birth of the Duc de Bourdeaux,
gave a powerful and compact _côté droit_ to the chamber, and MM. de
Villèle and Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs,
ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu; but, at the
very commencement of the session, clouds appeared on the horizon. The
_côté droit_ of the chambers had hitherto fought by the side of the
ministers, and triumphed with them, and consequently they claimed a
direct participation in the administration. Negotiations were entered
into with them; the Duke would not consent that any of the men who had
hitherto governed with him, and preserved the kingdom in its hour of
peril, should be excluded from the council; however, two only of the
principal deputies on the _côté droit_, MM. de Villèle and Corbière,
were appointed members of the cabinet, with the title of ministerial
secretaries of state.[46] M. Lainé, a man with whose honest and
upright character the Duke had been particularly struck, was also a
member of this administration.
[46] Ministres secrétaires d'état.
The political principle of this revised ministry was the agreement of
the centre of the _côté droit_, and the _droite_ itself, in one common
vote; but the session under this management was long and troublesome,
and a tedious and stormy debate took place before the Duke was able to
decide upon the execution of his idea of an extended system of canal
navigation, like that at present in force. He drew up a plan, inviting
men possessed of large capital to take a part in these great works;
for at that time the principal part of the capital in the kingdom,
was invested in the funds, and enterprises tending to the benefit of
industry and the improvement of the country were not popular: many
difficulties were encountered, but they were all overcome by means of
firmness and determination.
Order was now established in all the departments of government;
the restraints formerly imposed upon the action of the municipal
authorities, by a system of excessive centralisation, were removed;
and in the financial department the most unlimited competition was
invited, for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value of
public securities reached its highest pitch. In his foreign policy,
the Duke never ceased for a moment to support the idea of the Russian
alliance, less from former recollections, and his affection for the
Emperor Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed in
all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance was advantageous to
France because it was perfectly disinterested. In fact, what can Russia
demand of us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with her can never
be otherwise than an equal exchange; the productions of industry in
her country are not of equal value with ours; she requires our wines,
our fashions, our manufactures, and we, in exchange, require her
timber, her copper, and her iron. Her fleets cannot assume any dominion
over us, her frontiers do not reach us in any direction, and we are
benefited by her influence; whilst, on the other hand, the designs
and interests of France are opposed by the English alliance in all
questions of importance. M. de Richelieu's system was resumed by M. de
la Ferronays in 1828.