years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does
so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry
with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman.
His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of
India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks
of illness, from which he has recovered,--thanks to the strength of
his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself
corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place
him in the front rank as a _strategic_ writer, but also award him an
elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of
order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form
a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration,
Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for
military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds.
THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.
Among the admirable works that have emanated from the pencil of
Lawrence, the reader must have observed a countenance with a melancholy
expression, and a high forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched;
the mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed mouth,
are indicative of a mind of a superior order, but at the age of
scarcely fifty years this countenance, whose nobleness and simplicity
of expression are remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with
the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, by whom
its vanities and illusions are viewed in their true colours. It is a
mixture of the Frenchman of noble descent, and of the highest Russian
nobility, who live so fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence
at Aix-le-Chapelle, and the original was distinguished during his
childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he was called Duc
de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the title of Duc de Richelieu.
The political systems of all ages are personified by certain
statesmen, who were their representatives. Since the commencement of
the eighteenth century, France has been constantly placed between two
preponderating interests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England,
effected during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at Fontenoy;
then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and 1785; again broken by the
convention, with expressions of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed
for a moment under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed by the
personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; and finally restored for
a short time in 1833, by the feeble treaty between France, England,
Spain and Portugal. 2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date,
though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. It was first
attempted by means of the embassy of M. de Ségur, under Louis XVI.;
was restored by Napoleon at Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of
Moscow; resumed in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the Duc
de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in 1828, until Prince
Polignac brought back the English system. After the revolution of July
the diplomatic projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole
difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs what the ministers
of Charles X. had endeavoured to effect with the Tories.
I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu as the
personification of the Russian alliance, which I shall consider in all
its various stages, from the period of the Restoration; and this is an
era of very great importance in diplomatic history, for we are living
under the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at Vienna, at
Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, form the basis of our present
relations with the rest of Europe.
Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well known in his early
youth under the name of Comte de Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th
of September, 1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the
old Marshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of the house of
Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments of his ancestor the great
cardinal, whose purple robe was the glory of his family; and it was
at the college of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de Chinon
first commenced his education, and was tolerably successful in his
studies, especially in acquiring the various languages of Europe; for
he learned to speak Italian, German, and English with facility, and
at a later period Russian became as familiar to him as French. At the
age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of the noble house of
Rochechouart, and the young count and his little wife, who was just
thirteen years of age, went to travel for some years, according to the
custom that prevailed at that time among families of rank: he visited
Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire the works of the old
masters, and the ancient cities, whose renown had once overspread the
world. On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the young
nobleman hastened to offer his services to his menaced sovereign, and
on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, he proceeded on foot and alone
to Versailles, and making his way through the assembled mob of ragged
men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger with which it
was threatened. As if in anticipation of his future diplomatic career,
Louis XVI. employed him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph
II., a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged it with the
silent discretion so necessary to be observed in the relations of the
king with foreigners, at a time when he was so closely watched and
surrounded by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under the
title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished for the uprightness
of his character; political intrigues did not suit his frank and open
disposition, and he therefore quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege
of Ismael, celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." Many of
the French nobility were serving in the armies of Catherine II., and
the Duc de Fronsac fought by the side of Count Roger de Damas at the
taking of the redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the
poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were as numerous as
the lovers of the licentious empress. The Duc de Fronsac was slightly
wounded, and Catherine sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of
St. George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the Russian army,
when he inherited the illustrious title of Richelieu upon the death of
his father.
When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an appeal to the old
and noble families among his countrymen, calling upon them to serve
under the white banner, the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled
to fight for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate
termination of the campaign of 1792, when the Prince of Condé requested
an asylum in Russia for the French exiles, he was despatched by the
Empress Catherine to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, to
be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was to consist
entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of some service when
the noble foundation of Odessa took place; but in a military crisis
like this, how was it possible to conceive and follow out a project
involving a regular system of administration?
At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, the Duc de
Richelieu commanded a company of men of noble birth. There was
something glorious and honourable in this emigration, which followed
the fortunes of the royal banner as their ancestors had done that of
Henry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings according to our
little party prejudices. After the victorious republic had reconquered
her frontiers he returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier
regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, and with his
usual harshness and brutality of disposition he punished the Duke for
his personal attachment to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him
of his regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear at St.
Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism the Czar expected
devotion should be exhibited to himself alone. Such being the cause
of his exile, it is hardly necessary to say, that on the accession of
Alexander he was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the
sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained for him
by Alexander, at this early period, was of the greatest service to
France during the events that took place in the year 1815. Even then
the Duke was fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between
France and Russia, two countries whose interests are constantly meeting
without its being possible they should clash; but at this time people
could not even dream of the restoration of the royal dynasty--no event
could appear less likely to occur.
After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the Duke took the
opportunity of returning to France and collecting the remains of the
enormous fortune of his ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of
his father and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved their
patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was his _sole_ object; and
he abandoned the whole of his rights to the creditors, retaining for
himself nothing of that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving
evidence of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, prime
minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal,
did not himself possess an income of more than 20,000 francs![41]
[41] About 800_l._
Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory when the illustrious
name of Richelieu was presented to him; and he who attached a great
value to names of historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer
of the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment in his army:
but he refused it, and is it possible to blame him for so doing?
He was a man of high and ancient descent, warmly attached to the
House of Bourbon, and resolved not to serve in a French army except
under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered it necessary
he should immediately quit Paris; and on his return to the Emperor
Alexander he was entrusted with the execution of rather a difficult
task, being appointed to the government of the southern portion of
that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders of the Black
Sea had been converted into uncultivated deserts by the ravages of
war, and the barbarous ignorance of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered
them incapable of repairing the mischief--in fact, the old Roman
colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except in name; and
in repeopling this desert, the closest and most careful surveillance
was necessary for the purpose of introducing European customs and
civilisation. In the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor
of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in the general administration
of New Russia--a country where the climate is mild and genial, and
which is like Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation:
institutions had been commenced, but nothing was completed, and in a
city of considerable extent there were hardly 5000 inhabitants.[42]
M. de Richelieu, without the slightest hesitation, had recourse
to the measures necessary for improving this state of things, even
though he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests;
but it is only by means of absolute power that great reforms can be
accomplished. Every thing appeared to have received new life; commerce,
set free from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made a rapid
advance, and the population of Odessa was in a short time doubled. The
administration of the governor extended from the vast countries of the
Dniester to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of German
Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred villages were peopled, first
set the example of agriculture upon the most enlightened system, so
that, in a short time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving
verdure on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the Tartars
pasturage for their cattle.
[42] Now about 80,000.--_Ed._
It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system to defend the
country against the invasions of the Circassians, armed, as in the time
of the Crusades, with golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke,
brave, devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became the
military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible the establishments
on the Black Sea should attain their full greatness until Circassia
should have submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the
Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.[43]
[43] The government of Odessa includes the island of Taman, and
part of the Caucasian line, inhabited by the Cossacks of the Black
Sea, who were settled on the Lower Kouban by Potemkin, as a defence
against the incursions of the Circassians; forming a chain of
intrenched villages, sufficiently near to communicate by signals,
and supported by some regiments of infantry and artillery. The
Circassians have never been able to make any serious impression on
this line; and the Russians, whose object was purely defensive,
never even crossed the Kouban with an intention of permanently
establishing themselves beyond the river till the conclusion of
the last Turkish war, during which Anapa, and all other forts
possessed by the Turks on the Black Sea, were ceded to Russia.
The Circassians had only tolerated these nominal dependencies of
Turkey, as affording convenient points of trade and export for
the slaves captured from Russia and Georgia, as well as those
taken during their own domestic wars. The natural strength of
the country and its deadly climate have hitherto checked the
Russian conquests, but, sooner or later, it must yield to a power
capable of sending unlimited reinforcements, while every action
permanently diminishes the strength of the mountain tribes. The
war, which has now lasted sixty years, can have no effect on the
prosperity of the southern provinces of Russia, nor is it felt
twenty miles from the frontier. The few Circassians that have
been educated in Russia are not permitted to return to the tribes.
The Caucasian guard formed by Prince Paskewitch in 1830, and who
return periodically to their own country, may have a much greater
effect; they are taken indiscriminately from all the tribes,
Circassians, Lesghis, Chechens, and Ossatinians, forming a body
of about two hundred men, in some measure resembling the Mamelukes
of Napoleon.--_Editor._
To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, the governor
was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into their mountains at the head
of some Russian regiments; he neglected nothing that could lead to
the diffusion of the benefits of European society in that barbarous
country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune of war or
other events had placed in his hands, were carefully educated under his
superintendence, instructed in our arts, accustomed to our manners,
and then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen,
whose customs and habits might be softened and improved by their
example: such was the custom of the ancient Romans with regard to
their vanquished nations. This active administration continued during
the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813; and the Duke
then displayed the utmost firmness and energy, though he was obliged
more than once to have recourse to the military power, which in Russia
is always confounded with the civil administration. But it would
be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all he has
effected there; he appeared to have inherited the creative genius of
the great cardinal.
A new field soon opened before him. The events of 1814 had brought
about the restoration of the Bourbons, and the influence of the Emperor
Alexander reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate which
prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., who was a prince of a
touchy disposition, and very ceremonious habits, had but very little
inclination for the Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his
having preferred filling a high and important situation in Russia to
the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled person; nevertheless, he
restored the peerage to his family, as well as the situation of first
_gentilhomme du roi_. The Duke was not in office during the first
restoration, and he employed himself in studying the new spirit that
had arisen in his country, after so many domestic troubles; for he was
sufficiently aware of the state of affairs to comprehend that events
exercise an irresistible power in the modification of the character,
and that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution to a close,
it is necessary to make incessant concessions to men and circumstances,
and submit to unavoidable acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are
painful duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of thorns?
Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, which were entirely
in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, the Duc de Richelieu may be said to
have spent the first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with his
country. He had quitted it a young man, and since then what marvellous
events, what a new existence, had taken place! Property had been
invaded, the homes of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no
longer existed--even the tombs were violated and the bones of the dead
were cast out; and this in the midst of a revolutionary society, which
attached guilt even to the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th
of March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds of the soldiery,
and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate nobility of France; and
the Duc de Richelieu accompanied the ancient banner of his country into
voluntary exile.
On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand
with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system;
nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must
necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the negotiations
relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as minister of the
king's household, with the idea this choice would be agreeable to the
Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, for
the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated beside the regicide
Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that Alexander was displeased
at the aspect of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and which
had been formed under the ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have
already mentioned the causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after
its dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian influence
would alone be capable of procuring for us some alleviation of the
heavy burdens imposed by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party
whose interest was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to
read the diplomatic correspondence of Lord Castlereagh and the German
diplomatists to judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by
the Allies. Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had
been published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same
time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the
presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the
powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed the
Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the
council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office.
Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion
of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed
in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the
noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had
but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who
had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone
had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to
lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe.
The Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took
care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France
would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals, and
would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia. Alexander's
inclinations were favourable to our country, and by drawing out
these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense
task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect of
the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year 1815. 700,000
soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany were in a state of
extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious and disorganised
army on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with great
difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted, and the course
of the contributions interrupted by a long abuse of power. Surely
it required a mind of no common energy to grapple with a situation
so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times diplomacy
is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange of political
generalities, and some plans proposed for future accomplishment; but
at this time, when we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of
an imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect from the
magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled and trampled upon by French
domination? Under these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation
was intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment
when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to
an agreement concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact
from France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England,
Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between four
points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of Condé,
Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau,
and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications
of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800 millions; and the
occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the
expense of France for seven years. England insisted particularly that
the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should be so closely
curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last in the possession of the
French. The country was to be restored to the limits it occupied in
the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national
excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, considered it
undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to be reunited to the Germanic
confederation. The map which represented France deprived of these fine
provinces had already been designed by the German geographers, and it
has since been preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.