was no longer what it had been. Louis XVIII. had discovered that his
plenipotentiary, and the Duc de Dalberg, in his name, had received
overtures concerning the possibility of the younger branch of the
Bourbons succeeding to the throne of France, and it was not likely he
should forget it. The king, with his habitual sagacity and experience,
would never have chosen for his minister the man who had been
plenipotentiary at Vienna; but the influence of the Duke of Wellington,
which placed Fouché at the head of the police, also restored to
Talleyrand the direction of foreign affairs. The cabinet of July 1815
was entirely favourable to English ideas and interests.
As long as Talleyrand had only to treat with Lord Castlereagh and
the Prussians, he preserved his ascendancy; but how hard were the
conditions imposed by those powers! The Duke of Wellington had a
regard for him as the old representative of the English alliance, and
supported him with all his influence, which was very great; however,
in the month of August 1815, the face of every thing was changed; the
Russians joined with 350,000 bayonets; the Emperor Alexander took
a part in the negotiation, and as Russia alone was kindly disposed
towards the house of Bourbon, as she alone defended the integrity of
our territory, and did not exact the sacrifices required by England and
Prussia, she soon became the predominant power. The first condition
imposed by the Emperor Alexander, before he would enter into any
negotiation, was the dismissal of Prince Talleyrand. He has since
pretended that he voluntarily retired from office to avoid signing the
Convention of Paris, that hard necessity to which France was compelled
to submit through the heavy calamities which had fallen upon her, but
this fact is as untrue as his opposition to the Spanish war in 1808.
He has on every occasion striven to invest his dismissal with a degree
of interest, but in this instance he had unavailingly had recourse to
all his influence with the Duke of Wellington and Prussia to obtain the
direction of a treaty, and he only retired because it was impossible
for him to carry on a negotiation. He had submitted to every thing, he
had made a thousand concessions to the czar, even going so far as to
recommend Count Pozzo di Borgo as Minister for the Interior; it was all
in vain, Alexander never would consent to see or to treat with him. Had
Russia withdrawn her influence we should have lost Lorraine and Alsace,
which had been claimed by the Germanic Confederation, but when the czar
took the negotiations in hand, he stipulated for better conditions than
those proposed by Prussia and England. Louis XVIII. took pleasure in
relating the scene, at the close of which he asked for or accepted the
resignation of the Bishop of Autun, and he described it with all the
malicious wit he possessed in so admirable a degree. The king was quite
delighted, for he did not at all enjoy the imperative and arbitrary
style of proceeding adopted by his minister, who was more apt to
request he would affix his signature to the papers he laid before him
than inclined to consult him upon any political business; and besides,
though the king was a little of a free-thinker, he could not quite
forgive the utter disregard of the laws of the Church evinced by a
married priest. This feeling was so strong at court, that the Cardinal
de Périgord, grand almoner of France, never would recognise any dignity
but that of bishop as belonging to his nephew. The Royalist party, now
very powerful, lost no opportunity of turning him into ridicule, and
clever caricatures always represented him with the crosier in his hand.
They wanted to get rid of him as they had already contrived to do of
Fouché, the former regicide orator. One day at a party in the Faubourg
Saint-Germain Talleyrand said in a loud voice to some Royalists,
"But, gentlemen, you want to bring back the old order of things,
and that is not possible." The caustic and clever M. de Sallaberry
replied, "Why, monseigneur, who would think of making you Bishop of
Autun again? It would be an absurdity." The shaft was well aimed, and
it _struck home_. In spite, however, of personal feelings, the king
gave him the appointment of Grand Chamberlain of France, with a salary
of 100,000 francs, at the suggestion of the Duc de Richelieu, who had
declared in the royal council that, after all the services rendered
by M. de Talleyrand, the Bourbons ought to present him with a noble
mark of their gratitude. One would think that Louis himself, must have
remembered that he owed the defence of his dynasty to him, at a time
when the Restoration was regarded with coolness by all the cabinets of
Europe.
Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of grand-chamberlain during
the reign of the restored family. He was not a favourite at the
Tuileries, where he went every day through etiquette to fulfil his
office, standing behind the king's chair with admirable punctuality;
and he was received with great coolness by Louis XVIII. Charles X.
was more kindly disposed towards every body, and occasionally entered
politely into conversation with him on some trifling subject. He also
performed his duties at the _diners d'apparat_. The king was seated
at table, the grand-chamberlain occupying a small chair at a little
distance, and while Louis was discussing a pheasant, or other game,
with an excellent appetite, Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira
wine. It was a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the
most profound silence. Every now and then the king would look fixedly
at the grand-chamberlain with a sneering expression of countenance,
while the latter, with his impassibility so coarsely defined by
Marshal Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping
his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards the king his
master. Not a word was addressed by the sovereign to the chamberlain
during the short repast, after which Talleyrand used to resume his
place behind the king's chair in a cold, ceremonious manner, that
reminded one of the statue in the _Festin de Pierre_, only with this
difference, that the grand-chamberlain's mind was filled with the most
inveterate hatred, a feeling which he extended to all the members of
the royal family.
In the Chamber of Peers he adopted a system of opposition, which
assumed a greater degree of solemnity, from all the statesmen of the
various epochs who had been engaged in the management of affairs and
vast negotiations being included in it. He very rarely spoke; indeed,
I believe only two speeches delivered by him are on record. The first
was on the occasion of the war in Spain in 1823, when he entered
rather awkwardly into the question and foretold a disastrous event to
our arms, whereas they were in reality crowned with success, shewing
how great a mistake it is ever to give utterance to predictions in
politics. The second time was on the occasion of the law of election
and the liberty of the press; he then reminded the assembly of the
promises entered into at Saint-Ouen, at which he had himself been
present. He appeared at this time to be held in little estimation in
the upper house, and there were not above five or six peers whose votes
were at his disposal. The case was very different in his drawing-room
and at his toilet, where he was in the habit of receiving a great deal
of company and listened to confidential communications from men of all
parties, flattering in turn the liberal societies and the aristocratic
coteries; for the latter, especially, he entertained a strong
predilection. His fortune was now very much involved in consequence
of an immense bankruptcy, by which his friend the Duc de Dalberg alone
lost the sum of 4,000,000[14] francs, and he passed but little part of
his time at Paris, but lived at Valençay, or at his great estates in
Touraine; these were deeply mortgaged, and without the management of
the Duchess of Dino, who was a woman of wonderful ability in business,
he would, probably, have been obliged to part with some of them. He
occasionally made an excursion to a greater distance, and once passed a
whole season in the south of France, in a pleasant habitation selected
for him at Hyères, in the country of fragrant flowers, of vanilla,
and orange, and citron groves. His wit and noble manners are still
recollected with delight in that part of the country; and, indeed,
it is impossible to express the charm he infused into the evening
conversations at his house.
[14] About 160,000_l._
His social existence was, in fact, passed entirely during the night.
He rose late, and it was near eleven o'clock before he rang for his
_valet de chambre_, who brought him his morning gown. He was obliged to
lean upon his stick as he walked from one chair to another, until he
reached the fireplace; and he breakfasted after the English fashion,
making a very trifling repast. Then followed his toilet, which
occupied a long time, and was almost public, according to the fashion
of former times, when dressing the hair was a perfect operation. His
servant put on his cravat, still worn with all the pretension of an
exquisite of the Directory, and he then went out for an airing. After
dinner, and to conclude the evening, he generally joined some of his
old intimate friends, and played a rubber, very late and always very
high. He sometimes dozed a little in an easy chair, for he possessed
an admirable faculty for closing his eyes, and, perhaps, of indulging
in a waking sleep. His conversation was generally brilliant and
clever, sometimes very communicative, and he took great pleasure in
talking over the events of his life, dwelling with especial delight
upon the Congress of Vienna, which had been such a brilliant period
for his diplomatic talents. Thus passed his life, full of a feeling
of discontent and a constant looking forward to change; nothing was
hurried, but he was constantly in a state of expectation, or carrying
on one of those vast conspiracies which no one can lay hold of.
At the time of the breaking out of the revolution of July, Talleyrand
was deeply irritated against the elder branch of the Bourbons, whom
he termed ungrateful and forgetful of his services; and there is no
doubt of his having worked industriously towards establishing a new
monarchical system. He had a horror of anarchy, power was his element.
The time is not yet come when we may venture to tell every thing, but
it is an undoubted fact, that Talleyrand was consulted and examined
on the 9th of August, and his answer was altogether favourable to the
new project. Did not this revolution carry him back in recollection to
the period of the Congress of Vienna in 1814, when an arrangement of
this kind had been suggested by him as a possible event and a means
of solving a difficulty should such occur? Some secret conferences
were held on this delicate subject; Talleyrand took upon himself
the negotiation with the _corps diplomatique_, and also the duty of
setting clearly before them that the peace of Europe depended upon the
establishment of a monarchy in France,--a vast undertaking, to which
a prince of very superior abilities was willing to devote himself.
Talleyrand succeeded in the object he had in view; the despatches of
the ambassadors were all in favour of royalty, it was considered as
a guarantee of the principle of order in Europe, as an efficacious
means of repressing the revolutionary spirit, and maintaining the
treaties already concluded--in short, as the strongest opposition
to the Propaganda tendency, and the most serious scheme of general
conservatism.
Talleyrand at this time refused the ministry for foreign affairs, as
it would merely have added to his responsibility without increasing
his power of action; but he accepted the embassy to London, which was
a much more important office, as affairs of the greatest consequence
would necessarily come under consideration there, it being upon
the prompt decision of this cabinet that must mainly depend the
consolidation of the new order of things; for, although England had
been the first to recognise the events that had taken place, she had
shewn some disposition to reserve regarding an alliance with the new
government. The affairs of Belgium occasioned so much difficulty in
the negotiations, and added so greatly to the danger of the political
crisis, that it was necessary a person possessed both of talent
and great consideration should be deputed to London, to secure the
support of the English cabinet in the negotiations that had been
begun, especially as the despatches received from Russia rendered the
necessity for a good understanding with England particularly urgent.
When Talleyrand arrived in London, the Duke of Wellington was still
in the ministry, and the violent Tories had the direction of the
cabinet,--a state of affairs which prevented his carrying on his
manœuvres as he wished; he was perfectly aware of the attachment of
the Tories to the secret treaties concluded in 1815, and, therefore,
used all his efforts to overturn the Duke of Wellington. He also
renewed his old intimacy with Lord Grey, he sought the society of Lord
John Russell, and lived in a most magnificent style.
The revolution of July had produced an effect in England; the march of
opinion became too powerful for the Tories, and Lord Grey was placed at
the head of the cabinet, affording a complete triumph to the moderate
Whigs. The course being now clear, Talleyrand could assume the position
he wished: and hard had he laboured to prepare it! He now was able to
work openly for a treaty with France.
It ought to be known that, during the embassy of Prince Polignac, a
conference had been arranged in London between the plenipotentiaries
of Russia, England, and France, to decide upon all the questions
relating to Greece; and the same course had been pursued afterwards,
under the Duc de Laval. England attached great importance to it, and
Talleyrand proposed its renewal, for the purpose of watching and
deciding upon the general affairs of Europe, and also advised that
the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia should be admitted. They
were to take the Belgic question into consideration, and decide what
course should be pursued, in consequence of the dismemberment of the
kingdom of the Low Countries, established in 1815; and Talleyrand being
personally acquainted with all these plenipotentiaries, his position
soon became as brilliant in London as it had been at Vienna in 1815. He
was connected with Prince and Princess Lieven by the ties of old and
intimate friendship, and the families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy had
also long been well acquainted: Baron Bulow, the Prussian minister, was
one of the second-rate diplomatists, who all entertained the greatest
respect for Talleyrand and his long experience in public affairs.
Conferences were, therefore, undertaken upon very indefinite subjects,
for their principal object was to seek the opportunity of meeting and
maintaining peace. No doubt there was something very undecided in the
numerous protocols signed at that time upon the affairs of Belgium, and
the greater part of them were never put in force. In addition to this,
though they had been the result of a common agreement, the Russian and
Austrian plenipotentiaries never received the formal assent of their
governments: the conduct of Prince Lieven and Prince Esterhazy was, in
the first instance, disclaimed on the part of their courts, and they
were shortly afterwards recalled; but the result of these conferences
in London, the happy consequences of their developement, was the
maintenance of peace, whose existence had at one time been greatly
threatened. In 1831, when the foreign ministers met in such close
communication with each other, it was almost impossible explanations
should not take place, and that there should be any misapprehension
between the governments; the proceedings of Talleyrand were, therefore,
successful; for his main object was the preservation of the European
_status quo_, by preventing those conflicts among the cabinets, those
clashings among people, which fill history with tales of bloodshed; and
the conferences in London were of service, because the close contact
into which men were brought with each other was a means of reconciling
affairs.
According to his general custom, the French ambassador received a
great deal of company; his entertainments were splendid; his evening
parties, in particular, were remarkable for the good taste and
distinguished company so much prized in England. I should not exceed
the truth if I were to say that his wishes influenced certain votes in
the House of Commons. No ambassador had ever before enjoyed so much
consideration. But Lord Grey was aware of an approaching storm: the
difficulty of his political situation had not consisted in overturning
the Tory ministry--that was a simple and natural victory, for the
agitation of minds and events had been sufficient to displace the Duke
of Wellington, but the really dangerous part of Lord Grey's position
was, on the contrary, the inevitable and powerful progress of the Whig
principles, which sought to proceed to extremities; for when a nation
lays its hand upon its ancient institutions, one change often leads to
another. After having reformed the state, and given a greater latitude
to elections, must they not reform the Church? did not the situation
of Ireland require modification? The Dissenters complained, and with
justice, of their grievances; it would have been an absurd attempt to
set a limit to a reformed parliament, to say to the nation "Thus far
shalt thou go, and no farther." The parliament became impatient, while
religious scruples arose in the mind of Lord Grey, in the old party of
which Canning was formerly the head, now represented by Mr. Stanley,
and, above all, in the heart of William the Fourth.
Talleyrand was as well aware of the danger as Lord Grey himself, for
he well knew the powerful influence exercised by young and ardent
opinions; it soon became impossible to arrest the parliamentary
agitation. The venerable Lord Grey was suddenly seized with disgust for
the whole proceeding; he would not raise a sacrilegious hand against
the Church; he sent in his resignation, and England well remembers the
touching explanations he gave upon his own ministerial conduct in the
House of Lords. From the time of the appointment of Lord Melbourne,
the French ambassador foresaw the invincible tendency of affairs, the
triumph of the Ultra-Whigs, and, perhaps, of Lord Durham,[15] and
began to think of retiring, for he no longer played the principal part,
of which he was always ambitious.
[15] I speak of the time before Lord Durham had taken the side of
Russia and of Conservatism.
Another circumstance added to this feeling. In the revolution just
encountered by the ministry, Lord Palmerston had still retained the
Foreign Office, his opinions being of a less moderate cast than those
of Lord Grey; and as his disposition was one rather difficult to
deal with, serious dissensions had already arisen between him and
Talleyrand. From the first formation of their ministry, the Whigs had
felt the necessity of augmenting their consideration with foreign
powers; they were not ignorant that the English nation, which preferred
them for their popular opinions and their patriotic sentiments, did
not feel equal confidence in their habits of business and their
comprehension of the situation of Europe. Lord Palmerston considered
that, after the treaty of the 8th of July, which secured such great
advantages to Russia, a certain armed demonstration was inevitable upon
the Eastern question, and he, therefore, proposed to Talleyrand that
the squadrons of France and England should be united, and sail under
the flags of both nations in the Black Sea.
Talleyrand perfectly understood the interest felt by the Whigs in this
armed demonstration, but he considered it far too bold a step to be
ventured upon in their actual situation. As a continental power, France
might well call upon the alliance of England if necessary, or, on the
other hand, afford to her all possible assistance; but then the whole
of the Holy Alliance was close upon her, and this demonstration might
lead to a real war. In the opinion of Talleyrand it was necessary
to fortify the moral alliance, and place a barrier to resist the
encroachments of Russia; but it would be a hazardous undertaking to
make a direct attack on her flag in the Black Sea. He, therefore, held
back from the propositions of Lord Palmerston: he explained to him
that, instead of an armed demonstration, which would be of doubtful
advantage, nay, possibly altogether useless, it would be desirable to
prepare an act, expressive of future policy; and made it evident to him
that a treaty of quadruple alliance, which would unite the south of
Europe against the north, could not fail to lead to great results, even
in the midst of the various but transient events of a party war. The
treaty concluded between France, England, Spain, and Portugal, owed its
existence to this idea, this favourite conception of Prince Talleyrand;
he would, however, have been much better pleased could he have also
included Austria, according to the desire he had cherished in his mind
ever since 1814.
Lord Palmerston entered into Talleyrand's plans. England confined
herself to a few nautical parades in the Black Sea, but from this time
a coldness sprung up between the two diplomatists. The English minister
is a person of very irritable temper, touchy, and of a changeable
disposition, and Talleyrand took a great dislike to him; and as, on the
other side, the cabinet of which Lord Melbourne was the chief was drawn
on from one concession to another, he soon resolved to leave England.
It was announced that his health was failing, and he went into the
country to seek peace in retirement. Like Pythagoras when the thunder
is heard from afar, Talleyrand preferred the desert and the echo.
During his last journey to Paris he became friends with Count Pozzo di
Borgo, that is to say, with the Russian idea. The two diplomatists did
not venture as yet to hold any official communications, but they often
met in little mysterious banquets, in a diplomatic retreat at Bellevue.
Talleyrand quitted London, popular clamour was a source of annoyance
to him; it was no longer a dispute between one portion of the
aristocracy and another, from henceforth it appeared to be the people
against the aristocracy itself: and the stake was too great. He
therefore left England definitively for Valençay, explaining, in a
most dignified letter, the reason of his retirement. There is a period
with politicians when they begin to live for posterity; they then all
seek an opportunity of explaining themselves, of laying open their
conduct, and striving to rectify the judgment of future times--they
feel a desire of revealing themselves solemnly to the public; and such
was the motive which induced Talleyrand to speak at a meeting of the
French Institute. He said but a few words on the occasion of an _éloge_
that had been pronounced, but those few afforded an explanation of the
motives that had actuated a long and busy political life, passed in the
midst of governments, passions, and parties.
After this time Talleyrand lived either in Paris or on his estates in
the country, and was always consulted with the most profound veneration
by all the thinking heads of government. He at one time had some idea
of going to Vienna to accomplish a plan suggested by the Duchess de
Dino, which would unite the two families of Talleyrand and Esterhazy.
The latter, it is well known, is the richest family in Austria, and
during the last seven years Madame de Dino had paid great attention to
her uncle's affairs, and had been so successful in her management that
his property was quite free from debt, and one of the most considerable
of the present day. The fortune of M. de Talleyrand, after so many
reverses, is said almost to resemble one of the fairy tales in the
"Arabian Nights."