the same, but the man was different. Tooke was one of the keenest
intellects of the time, full of wit and causticity, by which he had
worsted even Junius. He summoned as witnesses the Prime Minister
himself, the Duke of Richmond, Master-General of the Ordnance, and
others of the Cabinet, who had all in their time been ardent Reformers,
and cross-questioned them in a style which, if he were guilty, showed
that they had once been as much so. Tooke's trial was very damaging to
the Government, and he was also acquitted after a trial of six days,
during the whole of which the jury had not been allowed to separate,
that they might not receive any popular impressions from without--a
course which was not calculated to put them in a particularly good
humour with the prosecutors.
On the 1st of December Bonney, Joyce, Kyd, and Holcroft were brought
up, but the evidence was precisely the same against them as against
Tooke; they were discharged without trial. Holcroft would have made
a speech condemnatory of these prosecutions, but was not allowed.
As these gentlemen were removed from the bar, John Thelwall, the
well-known elocutionist and political lecturer, was brought up. As
the Government thought there were some other charges against him, the
trial went on, and lasted four days, but with the same result; and as
it was found that it was hopeless to expect verdicts of guilty from
English juries for mere demands of Reform, the rest of the accused were
discharged. To the honour of the nation, people of all parties appeared
to rejoice at the independent conduct of the juries.
This noble independence was in bright contrast to that of Scottish
juries. In this very autumn, fresh trials of accused seditionists
had taken place at Edinburgh, in which the conduct of Government and
the servility of the Scottish juries were equally reprehensible.
One Robert Watt, a ruined tradesman of that city, was put upon his
trial, on the 14th of August, charged with eighteen overt acts of high
treason--in exciting many individuals to arm themselves, and to meet
in convention to concoct plans for the overthrow of the Government.
But it appeared on the trial that Watt had long been a Government spy,
employed to instigate people to these courses, by direct orders from
Mr. Secretary Dundas and the Lord Advocate of Scotland. Letters from
these gentlemen containing these orders, and proofs of Watt being in
the pay of Government for these purposes, were produced by Mr. Henry
Erskine, the prisoner's counsel. It was shown unanswerably that he
had been encouraged to have arms made and distributed, and to tempt
soldiers in Edinburgh. He had been thus employed to mislead and ensnare
unsuspecting persons from August, 1792, to October, 1793--more than
twelve months; and it was shown that after this the Government had
abandoned him, and that he had then joined the Reformers in earnest.
Notwithstanding this display of the infamous conduct of the Government,
Watt was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered.
One Samuel Downie was next arraigned on the same charges, on the
5th of September, as an accomplice of Watt. But it appeared that he
had been rather the dupe of Watt and the spy-employing Government
than anything else; and though the jury pronounced him guilty, they
recommended him to mercy. He was respited and eventually pardoned; but
Watt underwent his sentence, so far as being hanged and beheaded,--a
warning to spies how they trusted a Government equally faithless to the
people and to the tools by which they sought to betray them.
The last act of this year, 1794, was the opening of Parliament on the
30th of December. The king, in his speech, was compelled to confess the
deplorable defeat of our Allies, and of our own army under the Duke
of York. He had to admit that, Robespierre having fallen, there might
possibly be a more pacific spirit in France; that Holland, the only
ally for whom we were verbally bound to take up arms, was negotiating
a peace with the French; that the United States of America had refused
to coalesce with the French against us, and had, on the contrary, made
a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with us. Here, then, was
an end of all real causes for anything more than a mere defensive war
on our part. Yet the speech breathed a most warlike spirit, and made a
great deal of the secession of the island of Corsica from France and
its adhesion to England. In the same spirit were the Addresses from
both Houses carried by overwhelming Ministerial majorities.
Canning, now rising into note, and Windham, declared that there were no
motives for peace, but everything to necessitate the active prosecution
of the war; and Windham could not help severely condemning the
acquittal of Horne Tooke, Hardy, Thelwall, and the rest of the accused
Reformers. He was called to order for thus impugning the conduct of
independent juries, and reminded that no legal proofs of the guilt of
the prisoners had been produced--on which he replied that they ought to
have been condemned, then, on moral proofs.
Sheridan marked the opening of the year 1795 by moving, on the 5th of
January, for the repeal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.
He showed that the very grounds on which this suspension had been
based had miserably given way on the trials of Tooke, Hardy, and the
rest; that the whole amount of arms and money on which the so-called
"formidable" conspiracy had rested had been shown to be one pike, nine
rusty muskets, and a fund of nine pounds and one bad shilling! He
said that the great thing proved was the shameful conspiracy of the
Government against the people, and their infamous employment of spies
for that end; that eight thousand pounds had been spent on the Crown
lawyers, and a hundred witnesses examined, only to expose the guilt of
the Ministry. Windham defended the measures of Government, and charged
the juries with ignorance and incapacity, for which Erskine severely
reprimanded him. But the standing majorities of Pitt were inaccessible
to argument, and the continuance of the suspension was voted by a
majority of two hundred and thirty-nine against fifty-three. A like
result attended the debate in the Lords, where, however, the Dukes
of Norfolk and Bedford, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Earls of
Lauderdale and Guildford strongly opposed the suspension.
These debates were immediately followed by the opening of the Budget
on the 23rd of February--an opening which was enough to have made any
men but such as were then at the head of British affairs pause in their
ruinous career. There was a call for one hundred thousand seamen,
for one hundred and sixty thousand regulars, and fifty-six thousand
militia--total, two hundred and sixteen thousand soldiers, besides
volunteers, fencibles, and foreign troops in British pay, amounting, by
land and sea, to at least four hundred thousand men! For their support
there were demanded sixteen million and twenty-seven thousand pounds,
in addition to other taxes to make up deficiencies and interest on the
Debt; the whole revenue demanded was twenty-seven million five hundred
thousand pounds. Besides this there was an annual subsidy to the King
of Sardinia of two hundred thousand pounds, although there was no
prospect whatever of saving him. To raise all this, new duties had to
be laid on tea, coffee, raisins, foreign groceries and fruits, foreign
timber, insurances, writs, affidavits, hair-powder, licences, etc., and
the revenue from the Post Office, while the privilege of franking had
to be abridged. The only tax that the compliant aristocracy protested
against was that on the powdered pates of their menials; but the
country cried lustily and in vain against the increase of taxation,
which, gross as it was, was but the beginning of their burdens and of
the burden of posterity.
The Reformers made repeated and strenuous efforts to obtain a
parliamentary expression of the desirableness of this country
refraining from interfering with the internal affairs of France, and of
making specific arrangements with that country. Earl Stanhope made such
a motion in the Lords on the 6th of January, and the Duke of Bedford
made a similar one on the 27th of February. Lord Grey had moved the
same thing on the day before, but all these endeavours were rendered
abortive by Pitt's standing majority. It was replied that France had
no government that could be treated with, and Lord Mansfield asserted
that we had a right to interfere in the internal affairs of any country
that acted on principles dangerous to its neighbour. Fox, on the 24th
of March, moved for a committee of the whole House to inquire into the
state of the nation, but this was rejected on the ground that the times
were too critical, and Canning adduced the condition of Ireland, just
on the verge of rebellion, as a sufficient cause for not ascertaining
our actual state.
[Illustration: THE PALACE OF THE TUILERIES, PARIS.]
The only attempts at reform were in the commissariat and discipline
of the army. The soldiers were allowed an extra quantity of bread and
meat, and the militia regiments were permitted to have artillery,
and to increase their force and improve their staffs. But even these
reforms were made unconstitutionally by the dictum of the Ministers,
without the authority of Parliament, and occasioned smart but
ineffectual remonstrances from the House. Every motion for inquiry or
censure was borne down by the Ministerial majority.
The remainder of the parliamentary session was occupied with royal
marriages and settlements. George III. and his queen, though pious and
decorous in their own lives, had the misfortune to have amongst their
sons some of the most dissolute and debauched men that ever figured in
the corrupt atmosphere of courts. The Prince of Wales was become a very
byword for his profligacy and extravagance. The Duke of York was but
little better, so far as his means allowed him; and the Duke of Sussex,
wishing to marry a woman to whom he was really attached, found the
Royal Marriage Act standing in his way.
The marriage of the Prince of Wales with Mrs. Fitzherbert was
notorious; but as it was not openly avowed by the Prince, no steps were
taken to dissolve it. But in 1794 the Prince had got a new favourite,
the Lady Jersey, already a grandmother, but a young one. For her Mrs.
Fitzherbert was dismissed, showing how little the Prince thought of
the reality of the marriage with that fair lady, and he now lived
openly and ostentatiously with Lady Jersey, Lord Jersey being well
contented with the arrangement for the sake of the good things he hoped
to gain by it, being at once appointed Master of the Horse to the
Prince. But the Prince's extravagance and gambling, by the practice
of which, notwithstanding his own losses, he reduced his friends, one
after the other, as the Earl of Moira, Sir Wallace Porter, and others,
to beggary, had now brought him into extreme difficulties. His debts,
after having been more than once paid off by Parliament, now again
amounted to six hundred and thirty thousand pounds! Another appeal
to Parliament was absolutely necessary, for his creditors were grown
excessively clamorous. The king seized the opportunity to induce the
Prince to marry a foreign princess, representing it as the only plan
by which they could apply to Parliament for such an increase of means
as would enable him to liquidate his debts. But instead of allowing
the Prince to go abroad and make his own selection, so that there
might be possibly some degree of freedom of choice in the matter, the
queen was anxious to have her own niece, the Princess Louisa Augusta
Amelia of Mecklenburg, selected for him. This Princess, afterwards the
popular Queen of Prussia, was a good creature, and might possibly have
wrought some favourable change even in so depraved a nature as that
of the Prince of Wales. But the king was equally determined to secure
the unenviable post for his own niece, Caroline Amelia Elizabeth, the
second daughter of the Duke of Brunswick, who was one of the petty
princes of Germany. To effect this arrangement, an attachment between
the Crown Prince of Prussia and this Princess Caroline had to be rent
asunder. The Prince was ready to fall in with any such bargain, on
condition that he was liberated from his debts. It was certain that he
would please himself as to the lady or ladies with whom he would really
live. All obstacles of nature, or of nearness of consanguinity, or of
private attachments were overborne by diplomacy, and by the promise of
the discharge of the Prince's debts. The Princess Caroline of Brunswick
was selected--a young lady of not unpleasing person in her youth,
according to the descriptions of the time, but of defective education,
and coming to this country with the repugnance of a prior and
rudely-sundered attachment. She landed at Greenwich on Sunday, the 5th
of April, 1795, and the marriage ceremony was performed at St. James's,
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, on the 8th. The Princess had not
been ignorant of the dissolute character of her appointed husband, and
his mode of receiving her was not calculated to inspire any brilliant
hopes of his improvement. He had sent his mistress, the Lady Jersey,
to meet her on landing, and he made no disguise of his connection with
her before or after the marriage. The Memoirs of the time assert that
Lady Jersey omitted no arts to render the Princess ridiculous and even
disgusting to the Prince; but what chagrined him far more deeply was
the breach of the promises held out to him of the discharge of his
debts by a parliamentary grant or grants.
On the 27th of April Pitt introduced a message from the king,
recommending the settlement of a suitable provision on the Prince of
Wales on his marriage. The Prince expected that Pitt would propose and
carry, by means of his compliant majority, which had readily voted
away millions to foreign monarchs, a vote for the immediate discharge
of his debts. His astonishment may therefore be imagined, when Pitt
proposed that Parliament should grant him such an income as should
enable him, by decent economy, to defray these debts by instalments
through a course of years. Having stated these debts at six hundred and
thirty thousand pounds, he proposed to increase the Prince's allowance
from seventy-five thousand to one hundred and forty thousand pounds,
an increase of sixty-five thousand pounds a-year. Twenty-five thousand
pounds of this were to be set apart every year for the liquidation
of the debts in the course of twenty-seven years. This was, in fact,
only giving him an increase on his marriage of forty thousand pounds
per annum; but so unpopular was the Prince that not even that amount
of money could be obtained. The question was warmly debated during
two months, and it was not till the 27th of June that it was finally
settled in still worse terms for the Prince, namely, that his allowance
should be one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds per annum, with
the income of the Duchy of Cornwall, about fifteen thousand pounds
more, thus making up the one hundred and forty thousand pounds; but out
of this seventy-five thousand pounds per annum were appropriated to the
payment of his debts, leaving him only sixty-seven thousand pounds a
year clear for his own expenditure, or eight thousand pounds per annum
less than his previous allowance. With the grant to the Prince this
Session closed, namely, on the 27th of June.
The first transactions of the campaign of 1795 which demand our
attention, are those of Holland. To the British army these were most
disastrous, and came to an end before the winter closed. The Duke of
York had returned to England early in December, 1794, leaving the chief
command to General Walmoden, a Hanoverian, second to whom was General
Dundas. Walmoden had gone quietly into winter quarters in the isle of
Bommel, forgetting that the firmness of the ice would soon leave him
exposed with his small force to the overwhelming swarms of the French,
under Pichegru, who, in the middle of December, crossed the Waal with
two hundred thousand men, and drove in his lines. General Dundas
advanced against him with eight thousand men, and, for the time, drove
the French back, on the 30th of December, across the Waal. But this
could not last with such disproportionate forces, especially as our
troops were left with the most wretched commissariat, and an equally
wretched medical staff; in fact, there were neither surgeons to attend
the greater part of the wounded, nor medicines for the sick. On the
4th of January, 1795, the French came back with their overpowering
numbers, and on the 6th the British were compelled to retire across
the Leck, and continue their retreat, suffering indescribable miseries
from the want of food, tents, and proper clothes, in the horrors of a
Dutch winter. Notwithstanding this, the British repeatedly turned and
drove back the enemy with heavy slaughter. But on the 11th of January
Pichegru attacked them in a defile between Arnhem and Nimeguen, with
a condensed force of seventy thousand men, and took every measure to
destroy, or compel the surrender of, the whole British army. They,
however, fought their way through and continued their march for the
Elbe, the only quarter open to them. During this retreat they were less
harassed by the French, who fell off to occupy Utrecht and Rotterdam,
than by the fury of the winter and the hostility of the Jacobinised
Dutch, who cursed them as the cause of all the sufferings of their
country. Such was the end of Britain's campaign for the defence of
her Dutch allies. Holland was proclaimed a free Republic under the
protection of France, and Britain immediately commenced operations for
indemnifying herself, by seizing the ships and colonies of her late
ally in every quarter of the globe. They intercepted the homebound
Dutch Indiamen, and when the Council of Government sent deputies to
London to reclaim them, Lord Grenville, the Foreign Minister, asked
them in what character they came. They replied, that they came as
representatives of the sovereign people of Batavia. The Foreign
Minister said he knew of no such Power, and declined to receive them.
No time was lost in seizing the Dutch colonies and factories. On
the 14th of July Admiral Sir G. Keith Elphinstone appeared in Table
Bay, and landed a considerable force under command of Major-General
Craig. They possessed themselves of Simon's Town and the strong fort
of Muyzenberg, and in the beginning of September, being reinforced by
another body of troops, under Major-General Alured Clarke, on the 23rd
of that month they were masters of Cape Town. A similar activity was
displayed in the East Indies; and in the course of the year, or early
in 1796, all the Dutch possessions in Ceylon, Malacca, Cochin, Amboyna,
and other places were surrendered to the British. The same seizures
were in course of execution on the settlements of the Dutch in the West
Indies, and on the coast of South America.
But though we punished the Dutch for their French predilections,
the tide of French success was rolling on in various quarters, and
presenting a prospect of a single-handed conflict with France. The
powers on whose behalf we had armed were fast, one after another,
making terms with the Republicans. Holland was in their hands, and the
King of Prussia, on the 5th of April, concluded a peace with them at
Basle, in which he agreed to surrender to France all his possessions
on the left bank of the Rhine, on condition of retaining those on the
right. There was a mutual exchange of prisoners, including the troops
of such other German States as had served with Prussia. Spain hastened
to follow the example of Prussia. A peace was concluded at the same
place--Basle--on the 22nd of July, by which she gave up all the Spanish
part of San Domingo. To purchase the French evacuation, the Ministers
of Spain itself recognised the Batavian Republic--which was become, in
reality, a province of France--and promised to intercede with Portugal,
Naples, Parma, and Sardinia. The Grand Duke of Tuscany followed with
a proclamation of a treaty of neutrality with France, on the 1st of
March. Sweden and the Protestant Cantons recognised the French Republic
and the Batavian one, its ally; and the Duke of Hesse-Cassel, and even
George III., as Elector of Hanover, were compelled to an agreement to
furnish no more troops to the Emperor of Germany. Whilst the Allies
were thus falling away in rapid succession before the forces of
Republican France, Britain, instead of taking warning, and resolving
to mind only her own business, went madly into fresh treaties with
Continental Powers. Russia and Austria were received into fresh
treaties of mutual defence. Russia we were to assist with ships, and
Austria with twenty thousand foot and six thousand horse, or to pay
each month ten thousand florins for every thousand infantry, and
thirty thousand florins for every thousand of cavalry. To complete the
circle of treaties, Sir Gilbert Elliot, British Governor of Corsica,
entered into a treaty with the Dey of Algiers, by which, on payment
of a hundred and seventy-nine thousand piastres, he was to restore
all the Corsicans captured and enslaved by him, and was to enjoy the
strange privilege of carrying all his piratical prizes into the ports
of Corsica, and to sell them there--which was, in fact, licensing this
chief of sea-robbers to plunder all the other Italian States.
On the Rhine there was a good deal of sharp fighting between the
French and Austrians. General Bender had been compelled to surrender
Luxembourg, on the 7th of July, and allowed to retire with his army of
ten thousand men into Germany, on condition of not serving again till
exchanged. There then remained little on either bank of the Rhine to
restrain the advance of the French, except Mayence on the left bank,
and Manheim and Düsseldorf on the right. Pichegru, in August, made
himself master of both Düsseldorf and Manheim, and was advancing to
the reduction of Heidelberg when he was met by old General Wurmser,
and driven back to Manheim. He was, in fact, meditating treachery.
Jourdain, who was advancing in another direction to co-operate with
Pichegru in the reduction of Mayence, was encountered by Clairfait, and
driven back to Düsseldorf. Clairfait then attacked the French forces
already investing Mayence, and the garrison making a sally at the
same time, the French were completely dispersed, and part retreated
north and part south. Wurmser then invested Manheim, and compelled its
surrender on the 22nd of November. Pichegru signed an armistice with
the Austrians before joining them. Jourdain also retreated.
In Italy nothing was done till late in the year. Towards the end of
November, the French army, under Massena, commenced operations in
earnest. The Austrians and Piedmontese being scattered over a wide
extent of country, defending various passes, the French attacked and
beat them from different points. The right and centre of the Allies
were ere long routed; and the left, posted on the shores of the bay St.
Pier d'Arena, near Genoa, was attacked, both from the land and from the
water, by gunboats, which Nelson, who had been detached to co-operate
with the Austrians, had no means of coping with, except by letting
loose a far greater number of armed vessels, and was also compelled
to flight. Nelson managed to keep open the Bochetta pass for them, or
from eight thousand to ten thousand prisoners would have been made,
including the Austrian General Devins himself, who was laid up at Novi,
at the foot of the Apennines. The French were then in a position to
open the campaign against Italy in the spring.
The massacre of Savenay had not settled La Vendée. In the spring of
1794 armed parties were again on foot. The largest body was that
under Charette, posted on the Isle Noirmoutier, to which many of the
fugitives who escaped from the massacre of Savenay betook themselves.
Amongst these was the wounded General D'Elbée, with his wife, and a
brother of Cathelinau. Charette quitted the isle to make an attack on
some of the Republican troops left in small bodies in the country,
consigning the care of the sick and wounded to the protection of a
garrison of one thousand eight hundred men. This garrison was soon
corrupted by the Republican general, Turreau; it surrendered, and
D'Elbée and his wife were both shot, and the sick and wounded treated
with merciless cruelty. This was about the only place of any strength
left the Vendéans; but a worse misfortune was at hand. The young and
chivalrous Henri La Roche-Jaquelein, marching, at the head of a body of
his own peasantry, between Trementine and Nouaillé, met two Republican
soldiers. The count generously offered them quarter; but, instead of
accepting it, one of them instantly levelled his musket and shot him
through the head. The two soldiers were immediately dispatched by his
followers and, supposing that a Republican column must be at hand,
they buried the three hastily in one grave and fled. The young count
was only in his twenty-first year, and with him died the hopes and
confidence of his peasantry. Stofflet succeeded him in the command of
his people, but Charette might be considered the Commander-in-Chief of
the Vendéans.
The fall of Robespierre produced a marked change in the policy of
the Convention towards the Royalists of this district, and they were
promised, on laying down their arms, that they should enjoy their
country and their religion in peace. On this assurance, Charette
signed a treaty of pacification with the agents of the Government at
Nantes, in February, 1795. But scarcely was the peace signed, when
Charette received a letter from Monsieur--brother of the late king,
and now appointed by the Royalist party Regent to the Dauphin, now
styled by them Louis XVII.--assuring him of his confidence, declaring
him the second founder of the monarchy, and appointing him his
Lieutenant-General. Charette wrote back to inform him that he had been
compelled to sign a peace, but that his submission was only apparent,
and when the Royalist affairs were somewhat reinstated, he should be
ready to take up arms and die in the service of his prince. The young
General Hoche, who was sent to reduce the insurgents of Brittany,
whilst Canclaux reduced those of La Vendée, did not for a moment
believe in the sincerity of the peace. He was aware that Puisaye,
the chief of the insurgents in Brittany, was gone to England, to
endeavour to induce Pitt to do what all the efforts and importunities
of the Bourbon princes and Emigrant nobles had failed to do--to send
an expedition to the coast of Brittany, with another to the coast
of La Vendée, in which the British fleet should support the bodies
of Emigrants who had, in England and the Channel Islands, formed
themselves into regiments for the purpose. Aware of this, he still did
all he could to reconcile the peasantry to the peace, and very soon
they would have been pacified by this judicious treatment, and been
averse from rising again, with a prospect of re-experiencing their
former sufferings; but the Bourbon princes and the tribes of Emigrants
now driven from the Rhine did not allow them that chance.
[Illustration: LA ROCHE-JAQUELEIN AND THE REPUBLICAN SOLDIERS.
(_See p._ 444.)]
Puisaye's mission to London had been successful. Pitt was weak enough
to fall into the plan of sending over the Emigrants in our ships--as
if any such force could do more against the Republican armies than
create fresh miseries to all parties, and bring down worse vengeance
on the unfortunate Vendéans and Bretons. Puisaye, with the aid of
the Counts d'Hervilly, d'Hector, du Dresnay, Colonel Routhalier, and
other Royalist officers, had mustered a most miscellaneous body of
three thousand Emigrants, most of whom had been soldiers, and who
were accompanied by four hundred artillerymen of Toulon, commanded by
Routhalier. Besides these men, of whom the Count d'Artois, for the
time, gave the command to Puisaye, intending himself to follow, Puisaye
carried over ten thousand pounds, furnished by the Count d'Artois,
twenty-seven thousand muskets, six hundred barrels of gunpowder,
uniforms for seventeen thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry,
as well as provisions for three months. These troops and stores were,
after many delays, conveyed in a little squadron of three ships of
the line and six frigates, attended by transports, and commanded by
Sir John Borlase Warren. They sailed from the Isle of Wight in the
beginning of June, another squadron being sent to take up the Emigrant
troops in the Channel Islands, and land them at St. Malo, where they
were to co-operate with bodies of Chouans. These Chouans were smugglers
and bandits, who had led a life of plunder, and had been easily
collected into a sort of guerilla force, and their mode of warfare
still bore a strong resemblance to their old habits. These men, under
their different chiefs, had been excited by Puisaye to combine for a
strong resistance to the Republicans. They were dressed in green coats
and pantaloons, with red waistcoats. During his absence, Puisaye had
deputed the chief command of the Chouan bands to the so-called Baron
Cormatin, or Sieur Désoteux, who had assumed the title of Baron de
Cormatin from an estate of his wife's. Cormatin was a vain, weak man,
and by no means trustworthy, being ready, at any moment, to supersede
his chief, Puisaye, and act for himself. If the expedition against St.
Malo did not succeed, it was to join Puisaye and his detachment in the
Bay of Quiberon; and transports were also sent to the mouth of the
Elbe, to fetch thence the Emigrant regiments with the black cockade,
and bring them to join Puisaye. If all went well, the Count d'Artois
was to follow with British troops. The grand error of the whole was,
that the French prince did not put himself at once at the head of
the expedition, and see the different squadrons united in the Bay of
Quiberon before making the descent, though, even then, it could have
effected no great success.
On the passage, the squadron of Sir John Warren came in sight of the
French fleet of Villaret-Joyeuse, of nine ships of the line, but it
bore away, and left them to pursue their course. They entered the
Bay of Quiberon on the 25th of June and, after much wrangling as to
the best situation for landing, they put the troops ashore at the
village of Carnac. There they were immediately joined by Georges
Cadoudal, d'Allègre, Dubois-Berthollet, and other Chouan chiefs, with
about four thousand or five thousand of their wild and bandit-looking
soldiers. Along with the Chouans came troops of peasants, crying
"_Vive le Roi!_" and bringing in abundance of fresh eggs, poultry, and
other provisions. Puisaye was delighted, and felt confident that all
Brittany was ready to rise. But this delusion was soon dissipated. The
Emigrants, accustomed to regular armies, looked with contempt on this
wild and ragged band, and they, on their part, were not restrained, on
the landing of the arms and uniforms, from seizing and carrying them
off, without much exertion on the part of Puisaye. There was danger
of bloodshed. At length, in about a couple of days, ten thousand of
them were put into red coats, and furnished with muskets. But fatal
dissensions prevented all operations. Puisaye proposed to march up the
country, seize different towns, such as Vannes and Rennes, and take up
their position behind the Mayenne; but d'Hervilly refused to march till
the troops were formed into regular regiments, and the Emigrants joined
him in despising the Chouans, and in complaining that they had not
been taken to La Vendée to join Charette. Puisaye and d'Hervilly also
disputed the supreme command, and Puisaye had to dispatch letters to
London, to Count d'Artois, on the subject. At length, after five days
had been wasted in this contention, Puisaye proposed that they should
endeavour to carry Fort Penthièvre, which stood on a small peninsula on
Quiberon Bay, and was united to the main land by a sandy isthmus. To
this d'Hervilly consented, and Sir John Warren agreed to support him in
the attempt. On the 1st of July Warren began to bombard the fort, and
on the 3rd, the place being warmly assailed by both the British and the
Chouans, the Republicans surrendered. Meanwhile, Puisaye had sent off
emissaries all over Brittany, to rouse Scépeaux, Charette, Stofflet,
and the rest of the insurgent chiefs. The news of the landing had flown
all over Brittany in a few days, and the Royalists were full of joy.
But the Convention sent to Hoche two extraordinary Commissioners to
stimulate him to the utmost activity. Hoche immediately wrote to the
Committee of Public Welfare to assure them that nothing was wanting
to his success but for Government to support him with "provisions, of
which we are in want, and the twelve thousand men whom you promised me
so long ago." He posted his generals on every frontier, and in every
strong place. Thus he had enveloped Brittany on all sides; instead of
the Bretons rising _en masse_, as was expected, they kept quiet, and
only the Chouans appeared in arms. Even they demanded that the Count
d'Artois should come and put himself at their head; and the Emigrants
asked to be re-embarked, and taken to La Vendée to support Charette.
On their part, the able arrangements of Hoche and Canclaux prevented
the Vendéans from operating in favour of the Bretons, and Puisaye saw
himself paralysed by the vigour of his opponents and the dissensions
of his followers. The different bodies of Chouans were repulsed by the
Republicans as they advanced towards Quiberon Bay, and they complained
that d'Hervilly had withdrawn the four hundred men of the line who had
been ordered to support them. D'Hervilly replied that he had recalled
them to assist at the taking of Penthièvre. Thus favoured by the
wranglings of the Royalists, Hoche, on the 5th of July, found himself
established on the heights of St. Barbe, commanding the Isthmus of
Falaise. On the 7th d'Hervilly, supported by his regulars and by two
hundred British marines, endeavoured to drive him thence, but was
repulsed with great slaughter. Hoche then bore down from the heights,
and drove all the miscellaneous forces of Emigrants and Chouans,
mingled with women and children, to the promontory, and under the guns
of Fort Penthièvre. But for the well-directed fire from Warren's boats
the mass, nearly twenty thousand fugitives, must have surrendered at
once, having no outlet of escape. There, however, for some days they
stoutly defended themselves.
On the 15th the British squadron brought in the Emigrant troops from
the Elbe, under the young and gallant Count de Sombreuil; but they
amounted only to eleven thousand men. Puisaye now ordered the Count
de Vauban to advance against Hoche with twelve thousand Chouans, and,
whilst they attacked on the right, he himself attacked his lines in
front. After some desperate fighting they were driven back, and lost
most of their cannon in the deep sand of the isthmus. Their misfortunes
were completed, on the 20th, by the garrison of the fort of Penthièvre
going over to the enemy, surrendering the fort to them, and helping to
massacre such of their officers and comrades as refused to follow their
example. The English admiral exerted himself to receive the remainder
of the troops who remained true on board his ships; but the storminess
of the weather and the impatience of the fugitives rendered this a
most difficult task. About fourteen thousand regulars and two thousand
four hundred Chouans were got on board; but Sombreuil, exposed to the
murderous fire from the enemy whilst waiting on the beach, surrendered
on promise of life. No sooner, however, were they in the hands of the
Republicans than all the officers and gentlemen were led out and shot;
and the common men enrolled in Hoche's regiments.
Sir John Warren put the two thousand four hundred Chouans on shore
near Lorient, and left them to return to their own predatory mode of
warfare. He then located himself on two small neighbouring islands,
and waited for a fresh squadron carrying four thousand British troops,
which arriving in September, he bore away with them for La Vendée, and
thus terminated the miserable descent on the coast of Brittany. The
descent on the coast of La Vendée was still more unsatisfactory. On
arriving there, it was found that fifteen thousand Republicans were
in possession of the Isle Noirmoutier, formerly the stronghold of
Charette. The British, therefore, disembarked on the little desolate
Isle Dieu, about five leagues from Noirmoutier, and there awaited the
arrival of Count d'Artois, who did not come till the 10th of October,
and then, alarmed at the fusillading of the officers at Quiberon,
declined to land. On hearing this, Charette exclaimed--"We are lost!
To-day I have fifteen thousand men about me; to-morrow I shall not have
five hundred!" And, in fact, chagrined at the pusillanimous conduct of
the prince, and the approach of Hoche with his victorious troops from
Brittany, his followers rapidly dispersed, and at the end of the year
the British armament returned home, having done nothing. From this
day may be dated the extinction of the war in La Vendée. Stofflet, in
January, 1796, was defeated, and in February was betrayed to the enemy,
and on the 26th of that month was executed at Angers with four of his
companions. Charette was captured a month afterwards, and was shot at
Nantes on the 29th of March. With him died the last Vendéan general of
mark. By this time, the spring of 1796, not a fifth part of the male
population of La Vendée remained alive; and Hoche himself calculated
that the Vendéan war had cost France a hundred thousand men.
Meanwhile the Convention determined to proceed to the abolition of the
Constitution of '93, and to the establishment of one more accordant
with their own tendencies. In 1793 the Revolutionists were as violent
against aristocracy as against monarchy, and had allowed only one
legislative body. The precipitate acts of the last three years had
now persuaded them that at least a second, if not an aristocratic,
chamber might be useful, as a balance against legislation under violent
impulses. They proposed, then, to have two chambers--one called the
Council of Five Hundred, composed of that number of members of at least
thirty years of age, having exclusively the right of proposing laws,
of whom one-third should be renewed every year; the second, called the
Council of the Ancients, to consist of two hundred and fifty members,
of at least forty years of age, all either widowers or married,
having the sanctioning of the law, and also to be annually renewed
by one-third. No sooner were these decrees passed than there was a
violent outburst of discontent. On April 1st, and again on May 20th,
the Parisian mob rose in insurrection, but were completely suppressed.
This was the death-blow of the Democratic party. Then came the turn of
the Royalists. A meeting took place in the Odéon theatre, on the 3rd
of October, under protection of some battalions of National Guard. The
Duke of Nivernois presided. The Committees of Public Safety and Welfare
gave the alarm to the Convention, and the Convention sent a force to
disperse the meeting, but it had already dissolved itself. The Sections
had committed the mistake of refusing to allow the ultra-Jacobins to
vote, and the Convention now embodied and armed one thousand eight
hundred of these, ready, in their indignation, to do anything. On the
4th, the Section Lepelletier beat to arms, and the committee held its
meeting in the convent of Filles St. Thomas, in the Rue Vivienne.
General Menou was summoned from the camp at Sablons, and ordered to
disperse the meeting. He proceeded to the convent, found the committee
of the Section armed, and, instead of dispersing them, agreed to retire
on a promise that they would withdraw of themselves. The Convention
immediately arrested Menou as a traitor, and deprived him of his
command. They forthwith appointed Barras general of the interior in
the place of Menou, and ordered him to clear the streets, and place
troops in a position to insure the safety of the Convention. Barras
was a general of brigade, but he was not too fond of exposing himself
and, fortunately for him and for another, he had his eye on one who
would execute the orders of the Convention without shrinking. This was
Napoleon Buonaparte. The Convention had about five thousand troops;
but the decision of the conflict must depend on the cannon. These were
in the camp at Sablons. Buonaparte instantly dispatched Murat to secure
them, and received the insurrectionists with such a shower of grape
that after a short resistance they were completely defeated.
During this time Britain was suffering severely from the effects of
the war. The nation was indignant under the disgrace of the complete
defeat of its army on the Continent, at the defection of those very
Allies who had been so profusely subsidised, at the perfidy by which
these despot Powers had made Britain the efficient party in the
dismemberment of Poland, and at the heavy taxes imposed in consequence.
Political meetings were held in most large towns and in the metropolis,
expressing the most decided disapprobation of the policy of Ministers
and at the refusal of all reforms. At the end of June a monster meeting
had been held in St. George's Fields, and on the 26th of October,
another, of fifty thousand people, near Copenhagen House, at which the
lately prosecuted but acquitted agitators, Thelwall, Gale Jones, and
others, were the speakers. The numbers and tone of these meetings,
which were accompanied with loud cries of "Bread! Bread!" and "Down
with Pitt!" greatly alarmed Government, and there was a summons of
Parliament at the unusually early date of October 29th, only three
days after the meeting in Copenhagen Fields. On going to the House to
open the session, the king--who had become very unpopular from his
eager support of the war, and his going about saying, "The French won't
leave a single crowned head in Europe!"--was shot at with an air-gun in
Margaret Street, opposite to the Ordnance Office, the ball from which
passed through the windows of the carriage, between his Majesty and the
Earl of Westmoreland. The king on entering the House, exclaimed to the
Lord Chancellor, "My lord, I have been shot at!" As the king returned,
he was again furiously hissed; there was the same vociferous shouting
of "Bread! Bread!" and "No Pitt!" Stones were thrown at the royal
carriage; and, in the haste and confusion to escape into the palace
of St. James's, one of the royal grooms was thrown to the ground, and
had his thigh broken. The king got into a private coach to regain
Buckingham House, where his family was; but he was recognised, and
pursued by the same cries of "Bread! Bread!" and "Peace!" That evening
the king, who had behaved throughout with great courage, accompanied
the queen and three of his daughters to Covent Garden Theatre, where
he was received with zealous acclamations; the actors sang "God save
the king!" three times over. Some of the people in the gallery were,
however, pretty vehement in their hisses, but were attacked and turned
out.
[Illustration: ATTACK ON THE ROYAL CARRIAGE. (_See p._ 448.)]
The Ministers, instead of making rational concessions to the demands
of the people for Reform, proceeded without delay to fresh aggressions
on their liberties. Not contented with the existing suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act, and with introducing into the Lords a Bill for the
protection of the king's person and Government, they passed a law
prohibiting all political meetings, and another to extend the law of
treason; they recommenced arrests and prosecutions, and sent out shoals
of spies and informers, so that all the safeguards of public liberty
were completely annihilated. These despotic measures did not pass
without energetic opposition and a good deal of violent language from
Fox; but all remonstrance was useless against Pitt's majority. Still
the alarm of the Government was not allayed. On the 8th of December
the king sent a message to both Houses, reiterating his assurance of
an earnest desire to negotiate peace with France. The Opposition very
properly pointed out that, so far as France was concerned, victorious
in its armies, and as anti-monarchical in its government as ever,
there were less hopes of any consent on its part to peace than when
the Opposition had so repeatedly urged the same measure. In this
unsatisfactory state closed the year 1795.
Mr. Grey seized the professed desire of peace by Government, so soon
as Parliament met after the Christmas recess, to bind them to it by a
resolution. He complained that, so far from any intentions of peace,
Ministers were making fresh preparations for the prosecution of the
war. Pitt denied this, and asserted that the Government was really
anxious for peace, but could not consent to it unless France agreed
to yield up its conquests of Belgium, Holland, Savoy, and Nice. On
the 10th of March Mr. Grey moved for an inquiry into the state of the
kingdom. He showed that this contest, so unsuccessful, had already, in
three years, added seventy-seven millions to the national debt; more
than the whole expense of the American war, which had cost sixty-three
millions. He commented severely on the wasteful manner in which this
money had been thrown away on monarchs who had badly served the cause,
or had perfidiously betrayed it; and on the plunder of the country by
jobbers, contractors, commissaries, and other vampires, who had left
the poor soldiers to neglect, starvation, and death, amid the horrors
of winter, and inhospitable, pretended friends, for whom they had been
sent to fight. Grey and Fox followed this up by fresh resolutions and
motions condemning Ministers for their misconduct of the war, and
enormous waste of the public money; but all these were triumphantly got
rid of by overwhelming majorities; and in the face of this ineffectual
assault, Pitt introduced his Budget, calling for fresh loans, amounting
to no less than twenty-five million five hundred thousand pounds, and
for supplies to the amount of upwards of forty-five millions. Some
of the items of this sum were--navy, seven million five hundred and
twenty-two thousand five hundred and fifty-two pounds; army, eleven
million nine hundred and eleven thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine
pounds; ordnance, one million nine hundred and fifty-four thousand
six hundred and sixty-five pounds; miscellaneous and extraordinary,
thirteen million eight hundred and twenty-one thousand, four hundred
and thirty pounds. The last item alone amounted to more than the whole
national expenditure before the commencement of this war, yet the whole
of these startling sums were readily voted away by the Ministerial
majority; and with these funds in hand for renewed prosecution of the
war, the Session ended, on the 19th of May.
In March, 1796, Mr. Wickham, the British envoy to Switzerland, asked
of M. Barthélemy, by direction of Pitt, whether the French Directory
were desirous of entertaining the question of peace. Barthélemy
replied that the Directory would enter into negotiations on the basis
of France retaining all the Netherlands won from Austria, which were
now annexed to the Republic, and which France would never restore.
The reply was certainly insincere. France was as busy as ever by her
emissaries undermining the loyalty of all the populations around her
on pretence of liberating them. She had worked upon the Swiss, so that
it was evident that they would soon fall into her net. She had entered
into a treaty with the disaffected in Ireland, namely, Lord Edward
Fitzgerald, Wolfe Tone, Arthur O'Connor, and their fellow-conspirators,
and the treaty was already signed, and a large fleet and force
preparing for the invasion of Ireland. Not only was France on the
very eve of invading Ireland, but she had issued a decree prohibiting
the introduction of all British manufactures into Holland, Belgium,
and the German states on the Rhine, as well as into any of the French
colonies, on the severest penalties. Yet, in the face of all these
hostile demonstrations, did Pitt send over Lord Malmesbury to endeavour
to negotiate a peace. Lord Malmesbury arrived in Paris, on the 22nd of
October, with a splendid retinue. The Directory received him haughtily,
and commissioned M. Delacroix to discuss the matter with him. Lord
Malmesbury insisted on the restoration of the Netherlands to Austria,
a point on which the French Government had declared there could be
no treaty, and which rendered the embassy, from the first moment,
utterly absurd. Delacroix communicated the proposal to the Directory,
and the Directory immediately published it, contrary to all the rules
of diplomacy, in the _Moniteur_, Instead of proceeding further with
Britain, the Directory immediately dispatched General Clarke, an
officer of Irish extraction, and afterwards made Duke of Feltre, under
Buonaparte, to Vienna, to treat separately with Austria. This failed,
and, of course, with it all failed; though there was much talk between
Malmesbury and the Directory on the subject of Britain restoring the
French colonies in the East and West Indies, since the restoration of
Belgium and Holland was a _sine quâ non_. Thus, as might have been seen
from the first, the negotiation was at a deadlock. The King of Sardinia
was already in negotiation for peace for himself; and therefore British
Ministers did not add to his difficulties by demanding the restoration
of Savoy and Nice.
At the very moment that these negotiations on the part of Britain were
going on, Buonaparte, who had been appointed to the command of the army
of Italy, was achieving there victory after victory. Genoa had shut her
ports against our ships, Naples had concluded peace with France, Spain
had been induced to proclaim war against us, and Hoche had sailed for
Ireland with twenty-five thousand troops. On the 19th of December Lord
Malmesbury received a message to quit Paris within forty-eight hours,
with the additional assurance, that whenever Great Britain was prepared
to accept the terms of France, an ordinary courier would answer the
same purpose as well as a lord. The blame of continuing the war thus
lay entirely with the French.
During the year 1796 strong forces were sent to the West Indies, and
the Island of Grenada was recovered by General Nichols; St. Lucia,
by General Abercromby, whilst General Whyte conquered the Dutch
settlements of Demerara, Berbice, and Essequibo; but some of these
possessions were dearly purchased by the number of the troops who
perished from the unhealthiness of their climate. The Dutch made
an effort to recover the Cape of Good Hope. They were to have been
assisted by the French in this enterprise, but their allies not keeping
their engagement, they sailed alone, and reached Saldanha Bay on the
3rd of August, when Rear-Admiral Sir George Elphinstone surprised and
captured the whole of their vessels, consisting of two sixty-four-gun
ships, one fifty-four, five frigates and sloops, and a store-ship. A
squadron then proceeded from the Cape to Madagascar, and destroyed a
French settlement there, seizing five merchant vessels.
During the summer a French squadron stretched away across the Atlantic
with six sail of the line, and finding our Newfoundland coasts almost
wholly unprotected, destroyed and plundered the fishermen's huts and
fishing stages, as well as their vessels, and then, returning, picked
up a considerable number of our merchantmen at sea, and was lucky
enough to make a retreat, by favour of a fog, through our watching
squadrons, into Brest. After this clever exploit, they joined the great
Brest fleet, which sailed for Ireland on the 15th of December. This
consisted of no fewer than forty-three sail, seventeen of them of the
line, four frigates, six corvettes and brigs, with six transports. On
board the transports were twenty-five thousand men, who had been well
tried in the war of La Vendée, and abundance of arms and ammunition, as
well as extra arms to put into the hands of the disaffected Irish, for
to Ireland the armament was bound. General Hoche, who had terminated
the Vendéan war, was appointed to terminate all the woes of Ireland,
and convert that sacred island into another French paradise. Besides
Hoche, Generals Grouchy, Hombert, and Bruix were attached to the
expedition. The fleet sailed out and anchored in Camaret Bay, but no
British fleet was visible to intercept them. But no sooner did the
armament put out to sea again the next day, than it was assailed by
a tempest and the ships were driven different ways. One of them was
forced immediately on the Grand Stenet rock, and wrecked--out of one
thousand four hundred souls on board only sixty were rescued. Seven
ships of the line, and ten of the vessels commanded by Rear-Admiral
Bouvet, managed to reach Bantry Bay on the 24th of December, but
there the storms continued to batter them. There being no sign of an
insurrection, and no other part of the fleet appearing, they sailed
back and reached Brest on the 1st of January, 1797. When they were
gone, another portion of the fleet arrived in Bantry Bay, but only to
be tossed and driven about without rest, to lose several of the ships,
and to put back again. As for Hoche, he never saw Ireland; the greater
part of the fleet being driven about and swamped in the Channel. Of
the forty-three sail, only thirty-one returned, and thousands of the
soldiers were drowned in the foundering transports. Sir Edward Pellew,
in the _Indefatigable_, of forty-four guns, and Captain Reynolds, in
the _Amazon_, of thirty-six guns, fell in with the _Droits de l'Homme_,
of seventy-four guns, and after a severe fight close in Audierne Bay,
south of Ushant, left her a wreck aground, where, of the one thousand
eight hundred men aboard, scarcely more than three hundred were saved,
notwithstanding the greatest exertions of the British seamen to rescue
them.
The Directory began its campaigns of 1796 with much spirit and ability.
The plans which had been repeatedly pointed out by Dumouriez, Pichegru,
Moreau, and more recently by Buonaparte, of attacking the Austrians
in Germany and Italy simultaneously, and then, on the conquest of
Italy, combining their armies and marching them direct on the Austrian
capital, were now adopted. Pichegru, who had lost the favour of the
Directory, was superseded by Moreau, and that general and Jourdain were
sent to the Rhine. Jourdain took the command of sixty-three thousand
foot and eleven thousand horse, at Coblenz, and immediately invested
the famous fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, on the opposite bank of the
river. Moreau was sent to lead the army at Strasburg, consisting of
seventy-two thousand foot and nearly seven thousand horse. Jourdain
found himself soon menaced by the Archduke Charles, the Emperor's
brother, the ablest and most alert general that the Austrians possessed
at that period. He advanced rapidly on Jourdain's position with seventy
thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, defeated a division of
Jourdain's army under General Lefebvre, and compelled Jourdain himself
to raise the siege. But the archduke, out of too much anxiety for
Wurmser, who was opposed to Moreau with much inferior forces, ascended
the Rhine to support him, and Jourdain immediately availed himself of
his absence to advance and seize Frankfort on the Main, Würzburg, and
other towns. Moreau advanced to drive back Wurmser and the archduke,
till a union with Jourdain would enable them to fall conjointly on
the Austrians. But the archduke perceived that, in consequence of the
orders of the Directory, Moreau was spreading his army too wide, and he
retreated so as to enable Wurmser to join him. This retrograde movement
was mistaken, both by friends and enemies, for a sign of weakness;
and whilst Moreau advanced with increased confidence, many of the raw
contingents of the archduke's army deserted, and several of the petty
States of Germany sued to the Directory for peace. But the moment for
the action of the archduke had now arrived. Whilst Moreau was extending
his lines into Bavaria, and had seized Ulm and Donauwörth, and was
preparing to occupy the defiles of the Tyrol, the Archduke Charles
made a rapid detour, and, on the 24th of August, fell on Jourdain, and
completely defeated him. He then followed him to Würzburg, and on the
3rd of September routed him again. With a velocity extraordinary in an
Austrian, the archduke pushed on after Jourdain's flying battalions,
and on the 16th of September gave him a third beating at Aschaffenburg,
and drove his army over the Rhine. Moreau--left in a critical position,
so far from the frontiers of France, and hopeless of any aid from
Jourdain, who had lost twenty thousand men and nearly all his artillery
and baggage--made haste to retrace his steps. Thus both of the French
armies were beaten back to the left bank of the Rhine, and Germany was
saved.
But meanwhile in Italy the French had been completely successful.
Buonaparte reached the French headquarters at Nice on the 26th of
March, and immediately set himself to organise and inspirit the
forces, which were in great disorder; he found the commissariat also
in a deplorable condition. The troops amounted to fifty thousand;
the Austrians, under the veteran General Beaulieu, to considerably
more. The united army of the Sardinians and Austrians, Beaulieu on
the left, d'Argenteau in the centre, and Colli with the Piedmontese
division on the right, hastened to descend from the Apennines, to which
they had retreated at the end of the last campaign. Beaulieu met the
French advanced guard at Voltri, near Genoa, on the 11th of April, and
drove it back. But d'Argenteau had been stopped in the mountains by
the resistance of a body of French, who occupied the old redoubt of
Montenotte. Buonaparte, apprised of this, hurried up additional forces
to that point, and defeated d'Argenteau before Beaulieu or Colli could
succour him. Having now divided the army of the Allies, Buonaparte
defeated a strong body of Austrians under General Wukassowich; and
having left Colli and the Piedmontese isolated from their Allies,
debouched by the valley of Bormida into the plains of Piedmont.
Beaulieu retreated to the Po, to stop the way to Milan; and Buonaparte,
relieved of his presence, turned against Colli, who was compelled to
retreat to Carignano, near Turin. Trembling for his capital, and with
his means exhausted, Victor Amadeus made overtures for peace, which
were accepted; the terms being the surrender of all the Piedmontese
fortresses and the passes of the Alps into the hands of the French,
and the perpetual alienation of Nice and Savoy. This humiliation broke
the heart of the poor old king, who died on the 16th of October.
Buonaparte, however, did not wait for the conclusion of this peace;
the truce being signed, he hastened on after Beaulieu whom he defeated
and drove across the Po. Beaulieu next posted himself at Lodi, on the
Adda; but Buonaparte, after a fierce contest, drove him from the bridge
over the Adda on the 10th of May, and with little further opposition
pursued him to Milan. Beaulieu still retreated, and threw himself into
the fastnesses of the Tyrol. On the 15th Buonaparte made a triumphal
entry into Milan, and immediately sent troops to blockade Mantua.
Buonaparte then advanced into the Papal States, rifling the Monti de
Pietà at Bologna and Ferrara. Everywhere contributions were demanded
at the point of the bayonet, and French authorities superseded the
native ones. Pius VI. made haste to sue for peace, and it was granted
on the most exorbitant terms. Fifteen millions of francs must be paid
down in cash, six millions in horses and other requisites for the army.
A great number of paintings and statues were to be selected from the
galleries of art, and five hundred manuscripts from the library of the
Vatican. The provinces of Ferrara and Bologna must be ceded; the port
and citadel of Ancona, and all the Papal ports, must be closed against
the British. This most costly peace was signed on the 23rd of June,
and Buonaparte hastened northward to stop the advance of the army of
Wurmser, which had been sent through the Tyrol to compete with the
rising Corsican.
[Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL OF MILAN.]
Wurmser advanced down the valley of Trent with fifty thousand men,
whose number was increased, by the remains of the army of Beaulieu, to
sixty thousand. With such a force well conducted, the Austrians might
have worsted Buonaparte, whose troops were not more than forty-five
thousand, and already greatly harassed by rapid marches. But there was
no comparison between the genius of the commanders. The conduct of the
Austrians was a series of fatal blunders. Had the Archduke Charles
been there it might have been different; but the first thing which
Wurmser did was to weaken himself by dividing his forces, and sending
one detachment under Quasdanowich along the western shore of the Lake
of Garda, and marching along the eastern bank himself with the other.
The quick eye of Buonaparte instantly saw his advantage; neither of the
divisions was now equal to his own, and he beat them both in detail. He
raised the blockade of Mantua, defeated Quasdanowich at Lonato, chased
him back into the mountains, and then engaged and routed him twice
near Castiglione, on the 3rd and 5th of August. Wurmser had to make a
hasty retreat into the mountains, leaving behind his artillery and many
thousand men slain. Buonaparte pursued him into the very gorges of the
Tyrol, and inflicted fresh losses upon him. The sturdy but not very
bright old Austrian, however, made a detour in the hills, and again
issued on the plains from the valley of the Brenta. With remarkable
address and agility for him, he made his way to Mantua, and threw
himself into the fortress with the wretched remains of his army, about
eighteen thousand men.
There was still a fair chance for the Austrians--Britain had furnished
them with money--and two fresh armies were descending from the hills.
One of these, amounting to thirty thousand, was led by a brave officer,
General Alvinzi; the other of twenty thousand, under Davidowich, was
marching from the Tyrol to meet Alvinzi near Verona, who was coming
from Carinthia by Belluno. Buonaparte did not allow them to meet.
He attacked Alvinzi on the 6th of November, and met with a terrible
repulse. A detachment of French under Vaubois had been dispatched to
impede the march of Davidowich, but was also in retreat. Buonaparte
again attacked Alvinzi near Verona, and again was repulsed. Had the
Austrians united their two new armies before entering Italy, or had
Wurmser marched from Mantua to support Alvinzi, the French must
have been utterly annihilated. As it was, Napoleon was dreadfully
disheartened, and wrote a despairing letter to the Directory, saying
his best officers were killed, and his men exhausted from fighting
and severe marches. But his pride and dogged pertinacity came to his
aid. He made a rapid march and got into the rear of Alvinzi, but found
himself stopped by a narrow bridge over the Alpone at Arcole. The
country on each side was a marsh, and the only approach to the bridge
was by long narrow causeways. As the French advanced along the causeway
on their side to storm the bridge, they were swept down by hundreds
by the Austrian cannon. Time after time, Buonaparte drove his columns
along the causeway, but only to see them mown down by grape shot. His
men fled into the very marshes to save themselves, and he himself was
thrown from his horse into the marsh, and had to be dragged from the
mire. Bodies of Hungarians and Croats made a final sally along the
causeway, cutting down all before them, and it was marvellous that he
escaped them. By this time Alvinzi had brought up his main body to the
neighbourhood of the bridge, and the battle raged obstinately there
for three days. Seeing it impossible to carry the bridge against that
solid mass of troops, Buonaparte dispatched General Guyeuse to cross
the Adige at the ferry of Albaredo, below the confluence of the Alpone,
and take Alvinzi in flank. Guyeuse succeeded in crossing, but was
repulsed on the other side by the Austrians. Buonaparte again, on the
16th, made one more desperate rush at the bridge, but only to receive
another bloody defeat. The next day he threw a bridge over the Alpone,
just above its confluence with the Adige, and sent over Augereau with
a powerful force, whilst he again assailed the bridge from his side.
These combined operations succeeded. Alvinzi was compelled to retreat
to Vicenza and Bassano. Scarcely had he given way, when Davidowich,
who ought to have joined him long before, came down the right bank of
the stream. He now came only to experience a severe defeat, whereas
his timely arrival might have insured a complete victory. He again had
recourse to the security of the hills. The belligerents then went into
winter quarters, leaving the French victorious.
Whilst the French had been thus beating the Austrians out of Italy,
and thus rendering abortive our new and lavish subsidy to the Emperor,
Ministers had been busy in the election of a new Parliament. This new
Parliament assembled on the 6th of October, and was full of patriotism.
As Hoche's army had not yet sailed, and as nobody seemed to know its
destination, Pitt represented that it probably was for the coast of
England, and called for the enrolment of fifteen thousand men from
the parishes, half of whom were to be sent into the navy, and for
sixty thousand militia and twenty thousand more yeomen cavalry, all
which were carried. On the 26th of October Windham, as Secretary at
War, announced the whole military force of the country at home and
abroad, apart from the troops in the East Indies, which were raised and
maintained by the Company, to be one hundred and ninety-six thousand
men, and he demanded for their payment five million one hundred and
ninety thousand pounds. On the 7th of November Pitt opened his Budget,
requiring no less than twenty-seven million nine hundred and forty-five
thousand pounds for the total expenditure of the year. There was
another loan called for of eighteen million pounds, and though the
terms were then considered low, such was the spirit of the nation that
the amount was subscribed within two days.
The year 1797 was opened by the suspension of cash payments. The
Bank of England had repeatedly represented to Pitt, as Chancellor of
the Exchequer, that his enormous demands upon it for specie, as well
as paper money, had nearly exhausted its coffers and could not long
be continued. The payment of our armies abroad, and the advances to
foreign kings, were necessarily made in cash. The Government, in spite
of enormous taxation, had already overdrawn its account eleven million
six hundred and sixty-eight thousand eight hundred pounds, and the sole
balance in the hands of the Bank was reduced to three million eight
hundred and twenty-six thousand eight hundred and ninety pounds. Pitt
was demanding a fresh loan for Ireland, when a message came from the
Bank to say that, in existing circumstances, it could not be complied
with. Thus suddenly pulled up, the Privy Council was summoned, and
it was concluded to issue an order for stopping all further issue of
cash, except to the Government, and except one hundred thousand pounds
for the accommodation of private bankers and traders. Paper money was
made a legal tender to all other parties, and the Bank was empowered
to issue small notes for the accommodation of the public instead of
guineas. A Bill was passed for the purpose, and that it might not
be considered more than a temporary measure, it was made operative
only till June; but it was renewed from time to time by fresh Acts of
Parliament. The system was not abolished again till 1819, when Sir
Robert Peel brought in his Bill for the resumption of cash payments,
and during the whole of that time the depreciation of paper money was
comparatively slight.
At the same time, our seamen--who were the real and proper defenders
of the country but were so miserably paid and so abominably treated
in many ways, that they could only be compelled into the service by
the odious operation of pressgangs--now burst forth into mutiny. Their
complaints and resistance compelled a small advance and improvement.
None since then had taken place. This advance of wages did not amount
to more than eightpence-halfpenny a day to able seamen and sevenpence
to ordinary seamen. And the low pay was but the smallest part of the
complaint of these brave men. They complained that a most unfair
system of prize-money had prevailed, by which the admirals and chief
officers swept off most of the money and left little or nothing to
the petty officers and the men; that their treatment on board was
barbarous, unfeeling, and degrading; that their provisions were of the
vilest description, being the direct consequence of the contracts with
villainous purveyors, through equally rascally Navy Commissioners, so
that, in fact, they were served with such salt beef, salt pork, and
biscuit as no dog would touch. Nor did their list of grievances only
too real end here. Instead of Government paying the pursers direct
salaries, they were paid by deducting two ounces from every pound
of provisions served out to the men. Thus, instead of sixteen ounces
to the pound, they received only fourteen ounces; and the same rule
applied to the measurement of liquids--beer and grog--served out to
them. Things had come to such a pass from these causes, and the neglect
of their complaint was so persevering, that the whole fleet determined
on a mutiny.
Accordingly, petitions were sent in from several of the principal
men-of-war lying at Portsmouth, to Lord Howe, the commander of the
Channel fleet, praying him to intercede with the Admiralty for the same
liberality towards the seamen of the royal navy and their families as
had been shown to the army and militia, in increase of pay and better
provisions. Lord Howe, instead of complying with this reasonable
desire, sent the petitions to the port-admiral, Sir Peter Parker, and
to Lord Bridport, who commanded the Channel fleet under Howe. They
treated the petitions as the work of some ill-disposed person, and
therefore of no consequence; but Parker was very soon compelled to
inform Lord Spencer, the head of the Admiralty, that he had discovered
that there was a general conspiracy to take the command of the ships
from the officers on the 16th of April. To test this, orders were
immediately issued to put out to sea; and the moment that Lord Bridport
signalled this order to the fleet, the effect was seen. The sailors
all ran up into the rigging and gave several tremendous cheers. They
instantly followed up this by taking the command from the officers,
and sending two delegates from each ship to meet on board the _Queen
Charlotte_, Lord Howe's flag ship. They thence issued orders for all
the seamen to swear fidelity to the cause, and the next day they all
swore. They kept part of the officers on board as hostages, and put
others, whom they accused of oppression, on shore. They next passed
resolutions to maintain order, and treat the confined officers with
all due respect. They then drew up a petition to the Admiralty stating
their grievances, and respectfully praying for redress. This brought
down to Portsmouth Lord Spencer, and other lords of the Admiralty,
where they met in council with Bridport and other admirals. Had these
admirals shown a proper attention to the health and claims of these
men, their grievances must long ago have ceased; but though they
were perfectly well aware of them, they now proposed, along with the
Admiralty, to recommend the granting of part of their demands. The
deputies replied that they sought nothing but what was reasonable,
and would never lift an anchor till those terms were granted. This
Admiralty committee then offered some of the terms, but left out
the proposal that the pensions of the Greenwich veterans should be
raised from seven pounds to ten pounds, and the crews of men-of-war
should have vegetables when in port. The sailors, indignant at this
miserable parsimony, returned on board and hoisted the red flag at
every mast-head. This was a sign that no concession would be made.
Yet, on the 22nd, the delegates addressed letters to the Admiralty,
and to Lord Bridport, firm, but respectful. Government then tried its
usual resource, the proclamation of a pardon, but without taking notice
of the necessary concessions. With this proclamation, Lord Bridport
went the next day on board the _Royal George_, and assured the seamen
that he had brought a royal pardon, and also the redress of all their
grievances. On this assurance, the crew hauled down the red flag, and
all the other ships did the same.
News now came that the Brest fleet was putting to sea. On the 7th of
May Lord Bridport went on board and ordered anchor to be weighed. Not
a man stirred; nor was it likely. No sooner had Lord Bridport told
them what was not true, that their demands were acceded to, than, in
the House of Lords and the House of Commons, Ministers had spoken
of the subject in very ambiguous terms, and the Board of Admiralty
had only ended the ambiguity by issuing an order on the 1st of May,
commanding, in consequence of "the disposition lately shown by the
seamen of several of his Majesty's ships," that the arms and ammunition
of the marines should be kept in readiness for use in harbour, as
well as at sea; and that on the first appearance of mutiny the most
vigorous measures should be taken to quell it. This was ordering the
officers of marines to fire on the sailors who should refuse to be thus
shamefully juggled out of their promised rights by the Government. On
board the _London_, Vice-Admiral Colpoys pushed the matter so far that
his men resisted orders; and as one was unlashing a gun, Simpson, the
first-lieutenant, told him that if he did not desist he would shoot
him. The man went on unlashing, and Simpson shot him dead! On this,
the sailors, in a rage, disarmed the officers and proceeded to hang
Simpson at the yard-arm. Colpoys then begged for the lieutenant's
life, assuring them that the order was his own, and that Simpson had
only done his duty in obeying it. The chaplain and surgeon joined in
the entreaty; and the men, far more merciful and reasonable than
their commanders, complied. They ordered, however, Colpoys and all
the officers to their respective cabins, and put the marines, without
arms, below deck. Similar scenes took place on the other ships, and the
fleet remained in the hands of the sailors from the 7th to the 11th
of May, when Lord Howe arrived with an Act of Parliament, granting
all their demands. Howe, who was old and infirm, persuaded them to
prepare a petition for a full pardon. They, however, accompanied this
petition by an assurance that they would not serve again under the
tyrannical officers whom they had put on shore; and this was conceded.
Admiral Colpoys was included in this list of officers proscribed by
their oppressed men, along with four captains, twenty-nine lieutenants,
seventeen masters' mates, twenty-five midshipmen, five captains of
marines, three lieutenants, four surgeons, and thirteen petty officers
of marines. The whole being arranged on the 15th of May, the red flag
was struck; and the deputies waited on Lord Howe to express their
obligations to him for his kind services on behalf of the oppressed
seamen. His lordship gave them luncheon, and then was escorted by
them, along with Lady Howe, on board the fleet. On their return, they
carried Lord Howe on their shoulders to the Governor's House. Sir Roger
Curtis's squadron had just come in from a cruise, and on learning what
had passed, declared themselves ready to support the rest of the fleet;
but the news which Howe had brought at once satisfied them, and all
eagerly prepared to set sail, and demonstrate their loyal zeal by an
encounter with the Brest fleet.
But the fleet at Sheerness, which sympathised with that at Portsmouth,
did not think fit to accept the terms which had satisfied the seamen
of Portsmouth. They were incited by a sailor, named Richard Parker,
to stand for fresh demands, which were not likely to meet with the
sympathy of either sailors or landsmen, being of a political character
and including a revision of the Articles of War. On the 20th of May,
the ships at the Nore, and others belonging to the North Sea fleet,
appointed delegates, and sent in their demands, in imitation of the
Portsmouth men. The Admiralty flatly rejected their petition. On the
23rd of May the mutineers hoisted the red flag; and all the ships of
war lying near Sheerness dropped down to the Nore. On the 29th, a
committee from the Board of Admiralty went down to Sheerness, to try to
bring them to reason, but failed. The mutineers then drew their ships
in a line across the Thames, cutting off all traffic between the sea
and London. On this, the Government proceeded to pull up the buoys at
the mouth of the river, to erect batteries along the shores for firing
red-hot balls; and a proclamation was issued declaring the fleet in
a state of rebellion, and prohibiting all intercourse with it. This
soon brought some of the mutineers to their senses. They knew that
every class of people was against them. On the 4th of June, the king's
birthday, a royal salute was fired from the whole fleet, as a token of
loyalty; the red flag was pulled down on every ship but the _Sandwich_,
on board of which was Parker, and all the gay flags usual on such
occasions were displayed. Several of the ships now began to drop away
from the rest, and put themselves under protection of the guns of
Sheerness. On the 13th of June the crew of the _Sandwich_ followed this
example, and delivered up the great agitator, Richard Parker, who was
tried, and hanged at the yard-arm of that ship on the 30th. Some others
of the delegates were executed, and others imprisoned in the hulks; and
thus terminated this mutiny, as disgraceful to the sailors as that at
Portsmouth was reasonable and honourable.
[Illustration: THE MUTINY AT SPITHEAD: HAULING DOWN THE RED FLAG ON THE
"ROYAL GEORGE." (_See p._ 456.)]
Early in this year Admiral Sir John Jervis fell in with the great
Spanish fleet, which was intended to co-operate with the French in the
invasion of Ireland, and defeated it. Nelson had predicted that the
Spanish fleet would not take much destroying. Admiral de Langara had
had a fortunate escape in the Mediterranean, in venturing to Corsica.
He had now been superseded by Don Juan de Cordova, and Jervis, on
the 14th of February, met with him off Cape St. Vincent. Cordova
had twenty-seven sail of the line, Jervis only fifteen; but he had
Nelson in his fleet, which more than counterbalanced the inequality of
numbers; and the discipline on board the Spanish ships was far below
that of the British. Nelson broke through the Spanish line, and chiefly
by his exertions and manœuvres four of the largest vessels were taken,
including one of one hundred and twelve guns. The rest escaped into
Cadiz, and there the British blockaded them. The news of this brilliant
victory arrived in London when the public was greatly dispirited by
the exhausted state of the Bank of England, and helped to revive
confidence. Sir John Jervis was made Earl of St. Vincent, and Nelson,
the real hero, a Knight of the Bath.
A still more signal victory was won by Admiral Duncan in the autumn.
On the 11th of October, the Admiral, who had been watching the Dutch
fleet in the Texel, found that during a storm it had stolen out, and
was on its way to join the French fleet at Brest. There were eleven
sail of the line, and four fifty-six gun ships, commanded by Admiral
de Winter. Duncan had sixteen sail of the line. Notwithstanding our
superiority of numbers, the Dutch fought with their accustomed valour,
but Duncan ran his ships between them and the dangerous coast, to
prevent their regaining the Texel, and so battered them that they were
compelled to strike. Eight sail of the line, two fifty-six gun ships,
and two frigates remained in our hands; but the Dutch had stood it
out so stoutly, that the vessels were few of them capable of being
again made serviceable. The loss in killed and wounded on both sides
was great. Duncan was elevated to the peerage for this victory of
Camperdown, and the danger of immediate invasion was at an end.
On the 10th of February, 1797, the French made a descent on the Welsh
coast, which created much alarm at the time, and no less speculation
as to its meaning. Four armed vessels, containing about fourteen
hundred men, had appeared in the Bristol Channel, off Ilfracombe, in
north Devon. They did not attempt to land there, but stood over to the
Welsh coast, and landed in a bay near Fishguard. They were commanded
by General Tate, and commenced marching inland, and the whole country
was in alarm. Lord Cawdor marched against them with three thousand men,
including a considerable body of militia, and they at once laid down
their arms and surrendered without a shot. Many were the conjectures
as to the object of this descent, and historians have much puzzled
themselves about a matter which appears plain enough. The men looked
ragged and wild, more like felons than soldiers, and were apparently
not unwilling to be made prisoners. They were, no doubt, a part of the
great Brest fleet meant for Ireland, which had been driven about by the
tempests ever since they quitted that port on the 17th of December, and
were only too glad to set foot on any land at all, and probably were
by this time so famished and bewildered that they did not know whether
they were in England or Ireland. Many of their comrades of the same
unfortunate expedition never did see land again.
The opening of the campaign on the Rhine in 1797 restored the positions
of the French. On the lower part of the river, Hoche, who now commanded
them, defeated General Kray; on the upper Rhine Moreau retook the
fortress of Kehl, opposite to Strasburg; and such was the alarm of
Austria that she began to make overtures of peace. The fortunes of her
army in Italy made these overtures more zealous; Alvinzi was defeated
at Rivoli on the 14th of January, and Provera soon after surrendered
with four thousand men, and Wurmser capitulated at Mantua. The Archduke
Charles was now sent into Italy with another army, but it was an
army composed of the ruins of those of Beaulieu, Alvinzi, Wurmser,
and Davidowich, whilst it was opposed by the victorious troops of
Buonaparte, now supported by a reinforcement of twenty thousand men
under Bernadotte. The archduke, hampered by the orders of the Aulic
Council in Vienna, suffered some severe defeats on the Tagliamento
in March, and retreated into Styria, whither he was followed by
Buonaparte. But the danger of a rising in his rear, where the Austrian
General Laudon was again collecting numerous forces, induced Buonaparte
to listen to the Austrian terms for peace. The preliminaries were
signed on the 18th of April at Leoben, and Buonaparte, to bind the
Emperor to the French cause, and completely to break his alliance
with Britain, proposed to hand over to the Austrians the territory
of Venice. This being effected, Buonaparte hurried back to seize and
bind the promised victim. He took a severe vengeance on the people
of Verona, who had risen against the French in his absence, and then
marched to Genoa, where, under pretence of supporting the people in
their demands for a Republic, he put down the Doge and Senate, set
up a democratical provisional government, seized on all the ships,
docks, arsenal, and stores--in fact, took full possession. All further
pretence of regard for the neutrality of Genoa was abandoned.
On the 17th of October the peace between France and Austria was
definitively signed at Campo Formio. To France Austria ceded Belgium,
the left bank of the Rhine, including Mayence, the Ionian islands, and
the Venetian possessions in Albania, both of which really belonged to
Venice. Venice itself, and its territory as far as the Adige, with
Istria and Venetian Dalmatia on the other side of the Adriatic, were
made over to Austria without ceremony. The Milan and Mantuan states
were given up by Austria, with Modena, Massa, Carrara; and the papal
provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, Ravenna, and the rest of them, as far
as the Rubicon, were included in a new so-called Cisalpine Republic
belonging to France. Tuscany, Parma, Rome, and Naples were still called
Italian, but were as much, Naples excepted, in the power of France as
the rest. In fact, except Venetia, which Austria secured, all Italy
except Naples was subjected to the French, and the regular process of
democratising was going on, in the latter kingdom, for an early seizure.
Before the conclusion of this treaty Pitt had made another effort to
obtain peace with France. The fact that one ally, Austria, was engaged
in separate negotiations gave him a fair excuse, and Lord Malmesbury
was once more sent to negotiate. He went to Lille, presented his plan
of a treaty, and at first all went well. Britain promised to restore
all her conquests with the exception of Ceylon, the Cape of Good Hope,
and Trinidad. But the Directory suffered the negotiations to drag on,
and when intestine struggles in France had been terminated in the
triumph of the Republican party on the 18th Fructidor (September 4),
the negotiations were suddenly broken off on the ground that Malmesbury
had not full authority. Once more the war party in France had gained
the day, and the weary contest was resumed.
[Illustration: THE DOGE'S PALACE, VENICE.]