INTRIGUES AND COUNTER INTRIGUES
The history of the next six weeks in Egypt, from the arrival of the
English and French fleets at Alexandria to the bombardment of the city
is that of a desperate attempt by our diplomacy one way or another to
regain its lost footing of influence, and failing that to bring about a
conflict; and of a no less desperate and unscrupulous attempt by the
Foreign Office at home to force Gladstone's hand to an act of violence.
In all this there was far less of statemanship, or even financial
intrigue, than of personal pique. The tone neither in the Chancelleries
of Europe nor of the Stock Exchange was so urgent as to make a peaceful
treatment of the case impossible. France, under Freycinet, had withdrawn
entirely from Gambetta's aggressive designs, and would readily have made
the best at any moment of a political situation by no means hopeless at
Cairo, while Germany and Austria, representing the financial interests,
especially of the Rothschilds, were for a repetition of the remedy found
efficacious in 1879, the Sultan's intervention in the form of a new
firman, substituting Halim for Tewfik. This would have been an easy
solution of the quarrel which had arisen between Tewfik and his
Ministers, and though not the ideal to which the Nationalist leaders
looked, would have been accepted by all parties as an ending of the
crisis. The other countries of Europe were for the most part in sympathy
with the National movement, Switzerland and Belgium strongly so, while
Italy was so enthusiastic that at one time, in spite of the Government,
which supported English policy, a corps of volunteers was being enrolled
under Menotti Garibaldi to help Arabi. It was only in England that
public opinion, worked upon systematically through the Press primed by
our diplomacy, was at all excited or called for vigorous action.
The personal element in the struggle is easy to understand. Malet and
Colvin had committed themselves at the time of the change of Ministry in
February to an attitude of uncompromising hostility to the Nationalists,
and any solution of the crisis which should leave these in power at
Cairo they knew would mean their own disgrace. Colvin would certainly
have had to follow his French colleague, de Blignières, into retirement,
and Malet would have been removed to some minor post in the service
where his blundering would have been of less grave consequence. The
Foreign Office, too, had its own _amour propre_ to save. Dilke was an
ambitious man, and did not mean to fail, and even old Granville, fond as
he was of his ease, had his public phrases to make good. Thus from the
middle of May to the 11th of July, the date of the bombardment, we have
the spectacle of a series of diplomatic manoeuvres wholly indefensible
by any valid plea of necessity, absolutely at variance with all the
avowed principles of Mr. Gladstone's Midlothian policy, and so cynically
unscrupulous that I doubt if in the annals of our Foreign Office
anything comparable to them exists.
On the other hand, in native Egypt, we see the National Party just
at the moment when it had secured for the country the right of
self-government and an existence of personal and civil freedom which it
had never before in all its history enjoyed, when its Parliament had
met, and after a first happy session had adjourned, when its mind was
busy with projects of reform and when the general desire was to rest and
be thankful, at peace with all the world, hurried from its attitude of
calm into a sea of apprehension from without, and of treachery, backed
by foreign intrigue, from within. Three letters written to me at the
beginning of the crisis, the first two from Arabi himself, the third
from that gallant old Swiss gentleman, John Ninet, who alone of the
European sympathizers with the National fellah cause remained on in
Egypt and took part with the army during the war, will show what the
earlier feeling in native Cairo was.
"Cairo, _May 15, 1882_.
"_To my dear and sincere friend Mr. Blunt._
"Praise be to God, your letter of the 20th April duly reached me.
We have read it with great pleasure. Let us hope that the fruit of
your endeavour will soon be gathered. Indeed, every sound-minded
lover of freedom bears witness to your philanthropic efforts. My
pleasure was increased by learning from you that my two letters
reached you in a favourable hour. May God in his mercy give peace
to our minds, and better the condition of affairs, and lead us to
what he thinks for the good of our country.
"As to the publication of my two letters I only wished to refute
the attacks made upon me by my enemies, those who accused me of
being a man extravagant in his ideas and seeking after despotic
power. These are mere calumnies, as you know full well. I like
better to remind you that as a member of the Egyptian Government I
am responsible as Minister of War for the acts of my office, as we
all are responsible for our departments. I have but one voice in
the Cabinet, and I act according to the policy imposed upon me by
the Prime Minister, as shown in the letter he presented to the
Khedive when he first formed the Ministry. You may reply upon my
truthful word that we are all of us in anxious watch over our
country, and trying to rule it according to just principles, and we
have made up our minds, by God's help, to overcome all
difficulties. If any among the European nations, who love mankind
and love civilization, will take us by the hand and help us in our
struggle, we shall be infinitely grateful to them. If not we have
to thank God only, who has been our support from the beginning.
"As to the state of the country, it is in perfect peace. Our only
perplexity is caused by the lies published by unscrupulous men in
the European press. This is a gratuitous hostility, but we hope
that soon the veil of prejudice will fall from their eyes.
"AHMED ARABI."
"Cairo, _May 21, 1882_.
"After offering to you our best salutations and compliments, we
tender you our thanks for your endeavours, and for the interest you
take in the welfare of our country, and for your constant
inquiries, either by telegrams or by letters, after the events
which have been taking place, and we have already replied, as the
rest of us did, explaining the true state of things. We now add
these few further explanations.
"All the people in the country are grieved at the despatch of the
French and English ships, and they look on this as a sign of evil
intentions on the part of the two Powers towards the Egyptians, and
as an intrusion into our affairs, without necessity and without
reason; and truly the Egyptians have made up their minds not to
give in to any Power which wishes to interfere with our internal
administration. They are also determined to keep their privileges
confirmed to them by the treaties of the Powers. And they will
never allow a tittle of these to be taken from them as long as they
have life. And they will also try their best to watch over European
interests and the lives of European subjects, their property and
honour, as long as these keep within the limits prescribed to them
by law.
"We all endeavour to do our duty, and we trust in God in defending
our rights, and through His help we hope to obtain our purpose.
This is the welfare of our country and the peace of those who live
in it. We also trust in the justice of Europe that the Powers shall
not begin the attack upon us, but on the contrary that they may
behave wisely with us. Because this will really be better for the
success of their own wishes, and their interests in our country.
"It will be better for Great Britain if she does not rely on her
representatives in this country, because they are persons who have
private motives, which they wish to serve. And we think that even
if they succeed it will be for the disadvantage of their
Government.
"This is enough now of the present state of things, and the future
will tell the rest.
"Herewith I send you a letter addressed to Sir William Gregory, and
beg you to be kind enough to hand it to him.
"Please present my compliments to Mr. Sabunji and Lady Anne Blunt,
and may God preserve you all.
"AHMED ARABI."
Ninet's letter is of especial value from its date, 19th May, the last
day of Egypt's peaceful enjoyment of self-government. It says:
"My heart of an old Swiss patriot bleeds now at the most unjust of
all international interventions. The country is entirely united in
favour of its honest leader, sprung, like the fellahin, from the
_limon du Nil_ (the black mud of the Nile). The Egyptian people has
loyally accepted its debt contracted for it by an unscrupulous
despot, one who in sixteen years squandered more than three hundred
millions sterling to fill his own pockets, the pockets of the
diplomacy, high and low, and of the Semitic and Nazarene
usurers.... A peaceful revolution has been accompanied by and with
the will of the nation. Not a single act unbecoming a scrupulous
government has taken place during the great change effected. But
Europe, interested more in the dealers in stocks and shares than in
the aspirations of a people, sends her fleets. Why? Because the
Chamber of Representatives found it proper to claim the right of
discussing the Budget! Where is the crime?... Suppose a Minister of
your Queen, having a disagreement with her, were to receive news
that a powerful combined fleet of the Catholic Powers would go to
Ireland and pacify it? Even so the analogy is not complete. Egypt
is quiet. Not a European or Christian can complain. Would not the
position be intolerable?... Arabi is wise and tranquil, awaiting
the future like a sage of ancient times. The army, the country, the
towns are with him. The French Consul-General has been a silent
member. Sir E. Malet has been _cassant, parti pris inconciliant_,
sowing fear in Cairo, instead of reassuring the people. You have no
idea, my dear sir, of the abominable lies every day telegraphed to
the 'Times,' 'Standard,' 'Daily News,' by the telegraphic
agencies.... Well, never a word, not an insult from the
population--we have been and are as quiet here as an English
congregation on a Sunday in Regent's Park. The fleets are expected
to-morrow."
Other letters of a later date will show it in its later stages. The
supreme injustice of the attack being made on them by England, the
country above all others which had been associated in their minds with a
traditional love of liberty and of those humanitarian doctrines of which
she had been the apostle, revolted men's minds and roused in them
feelings of anger foreign to their natural attitude. Under constant
threat of violence, now from England, now at English instigation from
the Sultan, and knowing not whom to trust and fearing everywhere
betrayal, it is not surprising that wild ideas prevailed even among
those who had been soberest hitherto in their expression. At the same
time it is not a little remarkable what few mistakes were made in action
by the leaders under circumstances of such extreme and constantly
changing difficulty, and the closer one examines these the more they
redound to their credit. Nothing but the desperate shifts of our agents,
when one after another their treacherous expedients had failed them and
they found themselves faced with a disgraceful diplomatic defeat, to
bring about a violent solution through the guns of the fleet, forced the
Egyptians at last from their calm attitude and enabled our Foreign
Office to claim a victory.
This may be affirmed without attributing either to Arabi or to any other
of the leaders qualities of a first-class kind. They were neither
diplomatists nor administrators nor soldiers at all to be compared with
their opponents, and they were most of them quite inexperienced in the
arts of government and the subtleties of international usage. Arabi's
best quality, I think, was a certain dogged determination not to be
driven from the position he had originally announced, namely, that,
while ready to be friends with all the world, it was his duty to defend
his country against all hostile comers. In this he rendered in those
weeks an incalculable service to his fellow countrymen, which it is
right they should be reminded of. Nothing is more certain than that, if
Arabi had been less obstinate than he was in refusing either for threat
or bribe to leave Egypt, and if thereby the Egyptians had not fought,
the fellahin would still be the double slaves they were in 1880, slaves
to their Turkish masters as well as slaves to Europe. What does any
patriot suppose would have resulted from Arabi's compliance? Liberty in
any form? A continuance of self-government? Foreign rule less strenuous
than now? Certainly, none of these things. What would have come to pass
is very clearly shown by the _régime_ established at Cairo immediately
after the war. It would have been one of police despotism, espionage,
and secret punishments, unmitigated by any further interest taken in
Egyptian nationality by the moral sense of Europe. It is possible that
as a matter of form a Chamber of Notables might have been allowed to
remain in existence for a few sessions as what is called a consultative
body, but it would have been one wholly powerless and wholly discredited
of patriotism. The Turco-Circassian rule would have been ruthlessly
re-established, and the Financial Control, reinforced with new political
powers and exercised entirely in financial and European interests, would
have had neither the will nor the power to enfranchise the fellahin from
their Turkish masters, themselves the slaves of Europe. The whole legend
of fellah nationality would have vanished in a disgraceful smoke, for a
nation which has never dared fight for its existence is justly despised.
The native press would have been reduced to the condition we find it in
in Tunis. There would have been neither civil nor personal liberty, nor
any regard paid to native rights. It would be still, in fact, what Egypt
was in 1883, a land where no man could speak above his breath or count
on his next door neighbour not to betray him. Arabi at least saved his
countrymen from this, and, if when it came to the point of actual
warfare he was found incapable as a soldier, they still owe him as a
patriot much. He prevented them from incurring the supreme disgrace of
not having fought at all on the only occasion in all their history when
the chance was theirs to stand up for their freedom.
Having said this much, I will return to my story. The true history of
the telegrams, as I afterwards learned it, at Cairo was this. They had
arrived at a most critical moment when the attitude of the Deputies and
of some among the weaker-kneed of the other civilian leaders was
exceedingly doubtful. Malet had persuaded the Khedive to take heart and
quarrel with his Ministers, and the Khedive had persuaded Sultan Pasha
to join him partly by working on his jealousy of Arabi, for he was
disappointed at not having been included by Mahmud Sami in the Ministry
of February, partly by informing him that the English and French fleets
were on their way to Alexandria. And Sultan, in his turn, had persuaded
thirty, as against forty-five, of the Deputies. So that Malet had been
able to telegraph to the Foreign Office that the Chamber was supporting
the Khedive. My telegrams, however, had given new heart to waverers and
had put such pressure upon Sultan that he had gone at once to the
Khedive (who was engaged in drawing up a new list of Ministers under the
Presidency of Mustafa Pasha Fehmi, the colourless Minister of Foreign
Affairs) and effected a reconciliation between him and Mahmud Sami. The
ministerial crisis was considered by everybody at an end. Hardly,
however, was the arrangement made than it was undone. Malet, having got
wind of the telegrams, sent for Sultan Pasha, and partly by threats
about the fleet, partly by promises, once more persuaded him to take
sides with the European Control.
Sultan Pasha, who afterwards deeply regretted his defection from the
National cause at this critical moment, always affirmed that Malet, to
win his support, gave him his word of honour that day that the rights of
the Egyptian Parliament would be respected; and I have been told by his
friends that Sultan died reproaching himself that he had been fool
enough to believe him. Nevertheless, with the exception of Sultan,
nobody of any importance among the Deputies allowed himself again to be
detached from the National cause. All who had received my telegrams
believed me rather than Malet, and Arabi's hands had been immeasurably
strengthened when ten days later the next great crisis came. Malet's
coup with the fleet had been discounted, and it ended in a complete
fiasco. The sending of the fleet had been intended by Lord Granville as
a _brutum fulmen_, which was to effect its purpose without real
violence, a method in which he greatly believed and of which his success
the year before at Dulcigno in the matter of the Greek frontier had
specially enamoured him--indeed, it was one of his maxims that "a threat
is as good as a blow." Malet also, who knew Lord Granville's mind,
counted at that time on a bloodless victory. He throughout miscalculated
the power of the National sentiment; and it was only when he saw that he
had failed diplomatically that, following Colvin's lead, he prepared for
force. The dates are: May 17th, Malet finally secures Alexandria. May
25th, Malet and Sinkiewicz issue their ultimatum, stating that it has
been suggested to them by Sultan Pasha. It demands the resignation of
the ministry and Arabi's retirement from Egypt. May 27th, the Mahmud
Sami Ministry resigns. May 28th, Cairo rises and insists upon Arabi's
reinstatement as Minister, and Arabi is reappointed Minister of War with
something like dictatorial powers.
In England during all this crisis the outlook for me was a black one,
made darker by the unfortunate defection, just at the moment when his
support was most needed, of my fellow champion of the Egyptian cause in
London, Sir William Gregory. Gregory had committed himself quite as
deeply to the National Party in its earlier stages as I had, and had
written a number of powerful letters in support of Arabi in the "Times,"
and his influence stood far higher than mine in official quarters and
with Chenery, the "Times" editor. The prospect, however, of possible
hostilities in connection with the arrival of the fleets alarmed him,
and he had latterly begun in his letters to doubt and qualify his
published opinions. Since leaving Egypt in April he had been travelling
on the Continent and I had been hoping daily for his arrival in London
to reinforce my pleadings with the Government. Instead of this, I found
to my dismay that, if not exactly against us, he was doing us little
service. We were to have gone together to an anti-aggression meeting but
now he refused to go. I find in my journal:
"_May 19._--Gregory has failed us. He dined last night with Chenery who
has frightened him, and he refuses now to go to the meeting. I went to
the meeting and made my speech and answered a number of questions put to
me, giving the true history of the telegrams, and I got Dilwyn, the
chairman, to vote my conduct patriotic.
"_May 20._--I hear Lord Granville is furious with me about the
telegrams."
On Sunday, 21st May, the very next day, after this entry, I had an
embarrassing meeting with Granville. I had been asked with my wife some
time before by her cousin, the present Lord Portsmouth, to spend that
Saturday to Monday at Hurstbourne, and the Granvilles had also been
asked and several other persons more or less political. I fancy
Granville had wished to meet me, as it is called "accidentally" in
diplomatic parlance. But in the interval grave events had taken place,
and I was not a little disturbed when I found him staying there, for I
had not myself been told of it. The moment was an unfortunate one, for
that morning we had brought down with us the "Observer" newspaper which
contained an account of the first rebuff given to the fleet at
Alexandria. "We arrived with Lowell, the American Minister, and found
the house empty, every one gone to morning church. On their return I
perceived to my horror, for I was not expecting it, Lord Granville and
Lady Granville walking back with the rest of the party. Things however
went off well, for I had the sympathy of most of the party with me,
especially as we had brought news down with us that the arrival of the
fleets at Alexandria had been resolutely answered by Arabi by a call to
arms, and that 4,000 of the Redifs (reserve men) had responded to it.
His Lordship looks worried, so I argue well for the Nationalists. I had
a deal of conversation with him on every subject in the world except
Egypt. Lord Granville is very pleasant company, a _raconteur_ of the
old-fashioned type, each story being neatly and concisely got up, not
always apposite to the moment but almost always good. With the rest of
the party Egypt was gaily and sympathetically discussed. Henry Cowper
was charming--Lowell and Stuart Rendall most sympathetic--the last, that
is, when Lord Granville was out of hearing.... It was a lovely day and
we sauntered about the park and gardens, Henry Cowper telling good
stories, amongst others one, _à propos_ of the Eastern Question, of
Disraeli. He had heard him say 'Tancred is a book to which I often
refer, not for amusement but for instruction.'" Lowell, as already said,
was the whole of that summer a strong believer in the National Party,
and always gave me support in conversation about it when we met.
It is worth noticing in connection with this visit to Hurstbourne that
Lord Granville two days later, 23rd May, sent the fatal telegram
authorizing Malet to "act as he thought fit," with the result that the
Ultimatum was issued on the 25th. The view of the case in Egypt as
printed at that date by John Morley in the "Pall Mall Gazette," runs
thus: "Affairs still remain in a very critical condition at Cairo.
Ourabi[14] persists in maintaining an attitude of defiance. He is
playing his last card. The reserves are being brought up from the
villages--in chains--troops are being hurried to the coast to resist a
landing and artillerymen are being sent to the ports at Alexandria, the
guns of which, such as they are, surround our ironclads. All this,
probably, is only a game of brag, intended to extort better terms for
himself." "The experiment," says Morley, "of vigorous representations
emphasized by ironclads at Alexandria has been fairly tried, and there
seems to be no doubt that it has completely failed."
"_May 22._--To London. Harry Brand, whom I met at the Club, tells me
Dilke tells him 'it must end in intervention.'
"Old Houghton sent to say he wished to consult me about Egypt, and I had
a long talk with him in the Lobby of the House of Lords.... I advised
him, if he was pushing the Government to land troops in Egypt, to send
at once for his daughter home.
"_May 23._--Lord Granville in the Lords has made a jocular answer to
demands for information about Egypt.
"_May 26._--Gladstone has spoken about Egypt, a long rigmarole of which
the only thing remarkable is that he expresses his confidence in a
peaceful solution.... The Consuls have delivered an Ultimatum stating
that their object is to restore the Khedive's personal authority and
demanding the exile of Arabi.
"_May 27._--Sultan Pasha denies having suggested the terms of the
Ultimatum.... The Ultimatum is refused.... Saw Gregory. We think the
Egyptians will have to fight now, and I feel I ought to go out and join
them.... Telegram in the evening papers that Arabi's Ministry has
resigned.
"_May 28._--Sunday at Crabbet. Things all seem gone to ruin in Egypt. I
suppose the Khedive's personal authority under the Control will now be
revived. If Arabi leaves the country and the army is disbanded, or
reorganized under Circassian officers, Egypt may bid good-bye to
liberty. She will share the fate of Tunis. Vicisti O Colvine!
"_May 29._--I could not sleep but began roaming about soon after 3. It
tormented me to think I did not go to Egypt immediately on hearing Lord
Granville's speech. I might have saved matters.... Now all is bright
again. By an extraordinary transition the papers announce that Cairo has
risen and has demanded Arabi's recall as Minister of War, the Khedive
acquiescing. The news seems too good to be true, but it cannot be
doubted from the anger of the newspapers. This shifts things back into
more than their old place, and now there is nothing to fear except from
the Porte. I have made up my mind to go at once to Egypt. Went up to
London, saw Gregory, lunched with the Howards, and wrote a letter to
Eddy Hamilton announcing my intention. Mrs. Howard advises me to trust
all to Gladstone, and in my letter to Hamilton I have done so
implicitly. Only it is a wrench to leave England in June and face the
turmoil and the heat of Cairo. I am happier though, feeling that at
least I am doing all I can do and doing my duty. Anne will go with me."
My letter to Hamilton, written under the influence of the Gladstonian
atmosphere of Palace Green, runs thus:
"_May 29th, 1882._
"DEAR EDDY,
"Though Mr. G. is, I fear, displeased with me for the telegrams I
sent to Egypt a fortnight ago, I do not wish to take any important
step without his knowledge. I am convinced that some day he will
forgive me for what I have done, and approve what I intend to do;
and I have perfect confidence in him that he will act towards Egypt
on the Liberal grounds you spoke of, as soon as he is certain of
the truth. I believe, also, that I may still be of use to England
as well as to Egypt in circumstances which may occur; and with that
idea, I am going, unless anything unforeseen occurs, next Friday to
Cairo.
"I will tell you exactly what I shall advise the National leaders.
I shall urge them, first of all, to sink all petty differences in
the presence of a great danger. I shall urge them, as I have always
done, not to quarrel with the Khedive; and if I have an opportunity
I shall urge the Khedive not to allow himself to be persuaded by
the Consuls to quarrel with the people. I shall fortify Arabi in
his determination to retain the full direction of the army in his
hands by remaining Minister of War, but shall advise him to leave
all other offices of State to civilians, and especially to members
of the Chamber. I shall urge the Egyptians to keep on the best
terms they can with the Sultan, short of admitting his soldiers
into their country, and on the best terms with the European Powers
short of yielding their constitutional rights. At the same time, I
shall advise them strongly, as I advised them last January, to
yield something to the Controllers of their present claim regarding
the Budget--that is to say, to postpone their rights at least for
this next year. I shall explain to them the position, as far as I
understand it, of the English Government, anxious not to destroy
their independence, yet bound by ties contracted by their
predecessors; of the French Government, traditionally inclined to
push its powers in the Mediterranean, and forced on by the
financiers; of the German Government, willing to divert the French
from home affairs and dissolve the English alliance; and, lastly,
of the Sultan, with his Caliphal dreams, a matter which they
probably understand at least as well as I do.
"I do not propose myself to take any part in military operations,
should such occur, except in the last necessity, against the Turks,
for I know nothing of military matters, and have a horror of war.
But I shall urge the Egyptians to resist invasion, from whatever
quarter, and, if vanquished, to pursue a persistent policy of
refusing taxation not sanctioned by their laws--whereas, if
unmolested, I would have them pay their debt to the last farthing.
I shall have no need to repress fanaticism, for they are not
fanatics; but I shall join my voice to Arabi's in favour of the
humanest interpretation of the laws of war. I also wish to be at
hand in case of need, to protect European residents at the first
outbreak of hostilities.
"I do not think I am acting unadvisedly in telling you this. My
idea of a policy for the Egyptians is, that they should act by a
rule diametrically opposite to the common Oriental ones. I would
have them tell the truth, even to their enemies--be more humane
than European soldiers, more honest than their European creditors.
So only can they effect that moral reformation their religious
leaders have in view for them.
"I am, yours affectionately, W. S. B."
The "Pall Mall" utterances of this date are again worth quoting, as they
show the absurdly unreal view of the situation in Egypt put forward at
that time by the Foreign Office, Colvin, Dilke, and the rest. Malet's
despatches had led the Foreign Office to believe that Arabi had behind
him no popular following outside the army, that the Khedive was in
reality beloved by his subjects, and it was thought that it only needed
now a little additional show of outside help from Constantinople being
at hand to bring about a manifestation in Tewfik's favour which, if it
did not force the army to submission, would lead to civil war demanding
intervention.
The "Pall Mall Gazette," 26th May, says: "The Ultimatum which England
and France have addressed to the Egyptian Ministry is to be accepted or
rejected in twenty-four hours. This afternoon, therefore, the crisis
ought to be over and the order despatched to Constantinople for the
Ottoman _gens d'armes_ who are to restore the authority of the Khedive
under the control of England and France." Again, on 27th May: "A few
hours may decide whether the crisis in Egypt is to be solved peacefully,
or whether the country is to be the scene of civil war and foreign
occupation. The Ministry has resigned, and so far the terms of the
Anglo-French Ultimatum have been complied with.... On the other hand it
is at least likely that Ourabi ... may throw off the mask and declare
boldly against his head." The kind of civil war expected is explained
next day, 28th May: "Last night the Khedive slept at the Ismaïlia palace
surrounded by twelve thousand loyal Bedouins. The presence of these
children of the desert in the Capital of Egypt constitutes a material
safeguard against a new _pronuncia mento_. No doubt it is a fearful
prospect, that of a civil war in the streets of Cairo between the
Bedouins and the regular army; but its possibility is a security for a
pacific solution of the crisis.... Ourabi's position is no longer what
it was. Even the power of the sword is no longer exclusively in his
hands. If the Khedive with the swords of the Bedouins, the ironclads of
England and France, and the support of the Chamber of Notables cannot
reduce Ourabi to submission, the position must be more hopelessly
complicated than any one has hitherto ventured to affirm."
What a fantastic account! Twelve thousand loyal Bedouins camped round
the palace of Ismaïlia! The Chamber of Deputies devoted to the Khedive!
Arabi standing alone intimidating them all! Yet it was with these lies,
of which honest John Morley was made the popular mouthpiece, that
Gladstone was being persuaded to apply the astonishing remedy for unruly
Egyptian Nationalism of bringing in on it the "unspeakable Turk," the
"Bashi-bazouk," fresh from his "Bulgarian atrocities," and the "man of
sin" himself, Sultan Abdul Hamid. The illusion of the Khedive's
popularity only lasted forty-eight hours. Then we read in the "Pall Mall
Gazette" of 30th May: "The time has at last come for immediate action in
Egypt. The Khedive is a prisoner in his palace. The twelve thousand
Bedouins who were reported to be encamped around their sovereign have
vanished into thin air," etc., etc.
Meanwhile I was awaiting an answer from Downing Street, and making my
preparations for an immediate start for Egypt. Mr. Gladstone was out of
town, staying with Lord Rosebery at the Durdans, in my eyes an ominous
circumstance. I knew Rosebery's view of the Egyptian question, for a few
weeks before I had found him at Downing Street with Hamilton, and had
walked with them both by the little garden exit through St. James's
Park. On the way I had asked him his views about Egypt, and he had
answered very briefly, "I have no views at all but those of a
bondholder." He was, in fact, through his wife, a Rothschild, largely
interested in the financial aspect of the case; and I looked upon
Gladstone's visit to him just then as an evil symptom. Rosebery was not
as yet in office, but had influence with Gladstone, and I knew through
Button that he was being pushed forward by the Rothschilds to do their
political work for them. This continued for some years, and his mission
to Berlin in 1885 was suggested and made successful by the Rothschilds,
and later at the Foreign Office he worked consistently in their
interests on Egyptian questions, though I have heard that before taking
office he got rid of his Egyptian stock.
"_May 30._--No answer from Eddy. I see Mr. G. is out of town at the
Durdans. All however is going on well in Egypt, Arabi the acknowledged
master of the situation.... I found a note yesterday from Houghton
asking again to see me, and I went to him at his house in Mayfair, and
told him of my plan of going to Egypt. By his manner I am convinced that
he has been commissioned by Lord Granville to sound me.... I have told
Glyns (my bankers, Messrs. Glyn, Mills, and Currie) to get me £1,000 in
French gold, the sinews of war. I feel very loath to go, but happy,
being sure that I am doing what is right.... Sabunji will go too....
"_May 31._--To London early and found another note from Houghton saying
'surely I won't go.' I am certain this is an unofficial hint."
Houghton's note was characteristic: "My dear Blunt, assuredly you had
better not go to Egypt just now. Whatever you say or do there will be
exaggerated and probably misinterpreted. The alliance between the
Military Party and the Porte seems complete, and that won't suit your
views. You could let me know if you hear anything precise. My daughter
is still at Alexandria, but I am anxious for Fitzgerald, who must be
obnoxious to the army from his military economies. I am yours very
truly, Houghton. Bring your friend (Arabi) back with you if you do go,
and come and dine here with him."
"Also a telegram from Eddy. 'Your letter received. I implore you to do
nothing till after seeing me. Shall be back this evening.' He is at
Salisbury.... At half past five found Eddy in Downing Street. He
implored me not to go, as my position in Egypt, and my known connection
with Gladstone would be misunderstood, and make a terrible row. He
promised me there would be no landing of troops or intervention at all.
On this assurance I consented not to go. I told him, however, that I
hoped they would not consider me responsible for accidents which might
occur, and which it was my main object in going to prevent. He said they
would not.
"A large card has come from Lady Granville inviting us to the Foreign
Office on the 3rd to celebrate the Queen's birthday. I shall keep this
as an answer to Harry Brand's charge of treason.... Now I am quite
contented. Sabunji is to go instead of me, and will do just as well. He
has telegraphed by my orders to Arabi in answer to a letter I have
received from him: 'Letter received. Do not fear the ships. No
intervention. Issue public notices in every town for the safety of
Europeans.' This in accordance with a suggestion of Eddy's.
"_June 1._--Everything seems going on beautifully. Arabi acknowledged
master of the situation in Egypt. The Sultan supposed to be so at
Constantinople. Button thinks the 'Times' will pay for my telegrams
Sabunji may send them. If so, so much the better. I have agreed to give
Sabunji £30 a month and his expenses.... Went to the House of Commons
with Nigel Kingscote (the Prince of Wales's equerry), who got me into
the Speaker's Gallery. Gladstone was giving his announcement of a
conference at Constantinople as the upshot of it all. No troops are to
be mobilized in India, and no troops to be landed in Egypt. He considers
such a course would endanger European lives. McCoan, an M. P., formerly
editor of the 'Levant Herald,' asked whether it was true I was 'about to
proceed to Egypt to put myself at the head of the insurrection.' Dilke
answered that he believed I had 'relinquished my intention.' Gladstone
then made the astounding statement that Arabi had 'thrown off the mask,'
and had threatened to depose the Khedive and put Halim on the throne of
Egypt. This is too absurd, but it is playing into my hands, because the
statement must be at once disproved, and the fact of its having been
made will show how ignorant the Foreign Office are. Gladstone will now
probably be angry with Malet for having led him into such a blunder.
Frank Lascelles, however, who walked home with me from the House, tells
me he has seen Malet's telegram respecting this, and all it says is that
the Khedive told him this, and he does not vouch for its truth. So are
things done!"
Malet's telegram, as it stands in the Blue Book (Egypt, No. 11, 1882),
says even less than this. It runs thus: "The Khedive sent for M.
Sinkiewicz and me this morning and informed us that it had come to his
knowledge that the military intended this afternoon to depose him and
proclaim Halim Pasha as Khedive of Egypt.... The Khedive said he hardly
believed the truth of this information." Yet on such a slender rumour
Gladstone, who had declared to me that he never spoke lightly in
Parliament and had bidden me wait for his spoken word in the House of
Commons as a message of goodwill to the Egyptians, fires off, to give
point to his speech, this quite untrue announcement, his first definite
utterance since I had seen him on Egypt. It is a curious comment on the
ways of Ministers and the processes of the Gladstonian mind. The
immediate effect on me of the Prime Minister's speech was a complete and
lasting disillusion. Never after this did I place the smallest trust in
him, or find reason, even when he came forward as champion of
self-government in Ireland and when I gave him my freest support, to
look upon him as other than the mere Parliamentarian he in truth was. I
do not say that on that wonderful 22nd of March he was not for the
moment in earnest when he spoke to me so humanly, but it was clear that
his sympathies with the cause of right, however unfeigned, were not the
law of his public action, which was dictated, like that of all the rest
of them, by motives of expediency. The discovery destroyed for me an
illusion about him which I have never regained.
"_June 2._--Lord De la Warr, Gregory, Brand, and Button met at my house,
and all but Brand seemed highly pleased at the situation. Harry still
calls me a traitor, and declares that Arabi has made a gigantic fortune,
and that he must and will be suppressed out of Egypt. Button then drew
up with Sabunji a code of signals for him to telegraph us news; and I
gave him £100 for his expenses, for which he will have to account. The
telegrams are to be sent to me and I am to communicate them to Button
for the 'Times.' I have given Sabunji my instructions, of which the two
most important are that Arabi is to make peace with Tewfik and on no
pretence to go to Constantinople. Now we have packed him off, anxious
only lest he should be stopped at Alexandria. Button tells me that if I
had persisted in going, orders would have been given to Sir Beauchamp
Seymour to prevent my landing.... My mind is at rest."
If I had heard Gladstone's speech before agreeing with Hamilton to
renounce my journey to Egypt I probably should have persisted in my
intention, but, as things turned out, I doubt if it would have resulted
in any good. Even if I had not been prevented from landing I could
hardly have used more influence personally with Arabi and the other
leaders than I succeeded in exercising through Sabunji. Sabunji was an
admirable agent in a mission of this kind, and it is impossible I could
have been better served. His position as ex-editor of the "Nahleh," a
paper which, whether subsidized or not by Ismaïl, had always advocated
the most enlightened views of humanitarian progress and Mohammedan
reform, gave him a position with the Azhar reformers of considerable
influence, and he was, besides, heart and soul with them in the National
movement. As my representative he was everywhere received by the
Nationalists with open arms, and they gave him their completest
confidence. Nor was he unworthy of their trust or mine. The letters I
sent him for them he communicated faithfully, and he faithfully reported
to me all that they told him. These letters remain a valuable testimony,
the only one probably extant, of the inner ideas of the time, and a
_précis_ of them will be found at the end of this volume. Sabunji landed
at Alexandria on the 7th of June and remained till the day before the
bombardment.[15]
FOOTNOTES:
[14] This French spelling of Arabi's name used by the P. M. G. was due
originally, I believe, to Colvin's French colleague, de Blignières, and
was adopted by him and by Baron Mallortie who, with Colvin, was Morley's
principal correspondent that year at Cairo.
[15] Sabunji remained in my employment till the end of 1883. Then he
left me and visited India, where he had relations, and after many
vicissitudes of fortune drifted to that common haven of Oriental
revolutionists, Yildiz Kiosk, where he obtained the confidential post
with Sultan Abdul Hamid of translator for the Sultan's private eye of
the European Press, a post which I believe he still holds, 1907.