REASONS FOR DELAYING A SECOND CAMPAIGN. -- SIGISMUND UNDERTAKES TO
MEDIATE. -- RECEPTION OF SIGISMUND. -- FRENCH SHIPS SCOUR THE SEAS,
AND LAY SIEGE TO HARFLEUR. -- HENRY'S VIGOROUS MEASURES THEREUPON. --
THE EMPEROR DECLARES FOR "HENRY AND HIS JUST RIGHTS." -- JOINS WITH
HIM IN CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL ON A DAY OF THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORY OVER
THE FRENCH. -- WITH HIM MEETS THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AT CALAIS. -- THE
DUKE ALSO DECLARES FOR HENRY. -- SECOND INVASION OF FRANCE. -- SIEGE
OF CAEN. -- HENRY'S BULLETIN TO THE MAYOR OF LONDON. -- HOSTILE
MOVEMENT OF THE SCOTS.
1415-1417.
It has been made a subject of observation, and of conjecture as to its
cause, that Henry did not take advantage of the next spring to
prosecute his claims in France. Some[153] would have us suspect that
it was "to show that personal honour had been his leading object, that
he remained at home nearly two years afterwards without any military
movement." But a much more intelligible and palpable cause (p. 204)
offers itself to the mind on the slightest reflection upon the
circumstances in which he was placed.[154] He had not the means ready
for invading France. His forces were diminished by a number of men
appallingly great, in proportion to the body with which he had landed
at Harfleur; and his treasury was exhausted. For his first expedition
he had borrowed the utmost which his subjects and friends either would
or could supply; and the grants made to him by his parliament had been
anticipated even to carry on the former campaign. That it was his
intention, however, when he left France after the victory of
Agincourt, to return to that country in the following spring, seems
clear from the circumstance that, on dismissing his less illustrious
prisoners at Calais, he bound them on their words to bring their
ransoms to him on the field of Lendi, at the feast of St. John in the
summer; with this voluntary proviso, that, if they did not find him
there, they should be free from all obligation to him.
[Footnote 153: Mr. Turner.]
[Footnote 154: Another view might be taken of the
cause of this delay on the part of Henry. Perhaps
he was acting prudently by allowing time for his
enemies to weaken each other, and to exhaust their
resources by the insatiable demands of civil
warfare. Meanwhile, he was not himself idle.]
In the mean time, a most influential mediator between the two kingdoms
appeared, the intervention of whom would, even under other
circumstances, have rendered delay imperative. Sigismund, Emperor (p. 205)
of Germany, first visited the King of France in his capital, and
then extended his journey to England, with a view of bringing about a
peace, though all his efforts proved unavailing.
On his approach towards England, the utmost pains seem to have been
taken to make his reception worthy of his high dignity and of the
English people. The orders of council are very minute and
interesting;[155] and the arrival of Sigismund seems to have occupied
the time and thoughts of the whole nation. The Earl of Warwick was
then Captain of Calais, whose character for gallantry and courteous
bearing was so distinguished on this, as on all other occasions, that
he was called the Father of courtesy. The Emperor and his retinue of
one thousand persons, among whom were many German and Italian princes
and nobles, embarked at Calais in thirty of the King's ships, and
arrived at Dover on the 29th of April 1416. Here the Duke of (p. 206)
Gloucester, Constable of Dover, with many noblemen, met him; and gave
him precisely that sort of reception which we should have expected
from English gentlemen under the immediate direction of Henry. As the
Emperor was ready to set his foot on land, they stepped into the water
with their drawn swords, and told him with mingled firmness and
courtesy, "that, if he came as a mediator of peace, they would receive
him with all the honours due to the imperial dignity; but if as
Emperor he challenged any sovereign power, they must tell him that the
English nation was a free people, and their King had dependence on no
monarch on earth; and they were resolved, in defence of the liberty of
the people, and the rights of their King, to oppose his landing on
their shores." The answer of the Emperor set them at ease on this
point, and he was received with every mark of respect and honour;
among other testimonies of Henry's feelings towards him, was his
installation of him as a Knight of the Garter at Windsor.[156]
[Footnote 155: Lord Talbot was to be associated
with the Captain of Calais to receive the Emperor
in that city. At Dover, the Duke of Gloucester,
with the Lords Salisbury, Furnival, and Haryngton,
were to welcome him to the English shores; at
Rochester, the Constable and Marshal of England,
the Earl of Oxford, and others; at Dartford, the
Duke of Clarence, with the Earls of March and
Huntingdon, Lord Grey of Ruthing, Lord Abergavenny,
and others, were to meet him. At Blackheath, the
Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and good people of London
were to await his arrival; whilst Henry himself was
to receive Sigismund between Deptford and
Southwark, at a place called St. Thomas
Watering.--"Privy Council," April 1416, Pour la
venue de l'Empereur.]
[Footnote 156: The Archbishop of Canterbury
commanded all his suffragans to take especial care
that prayers be offered in all congregations for
the good estate of Sigismund.--Rymer's Foed.
1416.]
It is impossible not to contrast the conduct of our countrymen on this
occasion and the behaviour of Sigismund, with his conduct in France,
and the readiness with which that conduct, however humiliating, was
submitted to. Sigismund was received with much ceremony and (p. 207)
magnificence at Paris; but, before he left it, he had surprised and
disgusted the King by exercising an act of sovereignty in the very
house of parliament. By courtesy he was seated on the chair usually
occupied by the King himself. A trial was proceeding, the result of
which seemed to turn on the knighthood of one of the litigants. The
Emperor called for a sword, and knighted the individual forthwith.
Whilst Sigismund was anxiously engaged in endeavouring to bring the
two nations to terms of peace, news arrived of an event which must
have made his efforts and mediation appear hopeless. The French had
fallen upon part of the garrison of Harfleur, and cut off a
considerable body of them. Not long after this, and whilst
negociations were pending between London and Paris, with a more
favourable appearance of a successful issue, tidings came that the
French fleet had scoured the Channel, had blockaded Southampton, and
had made various attempts on the Isle of Wight; that the Constable,
D'Armagnac, had recalled them, and they were then besieging Harfleur.
Henry and his council resolved on making an immediate and vigorous
effort to destroy that fleet; and forthwith an armament was prepared,
of which Henry expressed his determination to take the command
himself. At the urgent request, however, of the Emperor, he desisted
from that resolution, and gave the supreme command to his brother the
Duke of Bedford; who, after a most obstinate battle, gained a (p. 208)
decided victory over the enemy, and relieved Harfleur.[157]
[Footnote 157: Henry was at Smalhithe in Kent
(August 22), superintending the building of some
ships, when news of this success reached him. He
hastened to join the Emperor, who was at
Canterbury, and both went to the cathedral together
to return thanks for the victory. This happened a
week subsequently to their signing of the league of
amity mentioned below.]
The Emperor was soon convinced that his mediation must fail, and that
France was resolved to renew the war. He then determined not to remain
neutral, but to join himself by a solemn league with Henry. The
preamble of this covenant is deeply interesting, as indicative, at
least, of the professed sentiments of Sigismund with regard to the
pretensions of Henry, and to the conduct and character of the two
belligerent kings. Sigismund declared the object of his desire to have
been the restoration of peace to the church and to Christendom; and,
with that end in view, he had endeavoured to reconcile the Kings of
England and France, but without success. The failure he ascribed
entirely to the hatred of peace which influenced the French King, to
whom he attributed also the prevalence of schism in the church, and
the disturbed state of the Christian world. He then expresses his
resolution "to form a league with Henry in the name of the Lord God of
Hosts, and to assist him in the recovery of his JUST RIGHTS."[158]
This league was signed August 15, 1416. The Emperor, shortly after (p. 209)
this unlooked-for termination of his office as mediator, left England.
Before he had proceeded onwards from Calais, Henry himself arrived at
that town. After some days, the Duke of Burgundy also joined them; and
much time was spent in secret negociations, the nature of which did
not transpire, though we may suppose both the Emperor and King were
anxious to make him a party to the league already concluded between
themselves. A covenant, however, was signed by the Duke early in
October, in which he declared that, "though he had taken part with the
enemies of Henry in time past, yet now, _being assured of his lawful
claim_, he would employ his arms in his service as the rightful King
of France."
[Footnote 158: Rymer, H. V. An. iv.]
The Emperor left Calais for Germany; and Henry, having concluded a
truce with France till the 2nd of February, returned to England, and
met his parliament on October 19th. Much zeal was here shown in his
behalf; and whilst the parliament granted two whole tenths and two
whole fifteenths, to be levied on the laity, the clergy gave two
tenths, to be paid by their own body. But all this was not enough;
recourse was again had to borrowing, the Dukes of Clarence, Bedford,
and Gloucester pledging themselves, in case of Henry's death, to the
repayment of the loans. Henry pawned a valuable crown to his uncle,
the Bishop of Winchester, for money to a great amount; and he pledged
very valuable jewels to the Mayor of London for another large (p. 210)
sum. No measure was left untried, that Henry might be prepared by the
ensuing spring with men and money for the invasion of France.[159] In
the meanwhile, the French princes and nobles who had been taken
prisoners at Agincourt were anxiously negociating for their release.
In a communication of strict confidence to the Emperor, Henry declares
that all their proceedings were suspicious, and selfish, and
deceitful; that he had suffered the Duke of Bourbon to return to (p. 211)
France on certain conditions, but that the Emperor might be assured
of his resolution to invade that country.
[Footnote 159: The various expedients to which both
Henry and his father were driven to raise supplies
in any way commensurate with their wants, have
repeatedly reminded the Author of the similar means
to which their unhappy successor Charles, in his
days of far more urgent need and necessity, had
recourse. The reader may perhaps be interested by
the following document. It is a copy of the letter
in which Charles applies to the Provost and Fellows
of Oriel College for a loan of their plate. The
King's letter is dated January 6th, 1642; and the
society, assembled in the chapel on the 8th, vote
unanimously to put their silver and gilt vessels at
the disposal of their sovereign, scarcely retaining
one single piece of plate. (Allocata sunt ad usum
serenissimi vasa argentea et deaurata pæne ad unum
omnia.) The one retained is said to have been the
chalice for the holy communion.
(Extracted from the Register of Oriel College.)
"To our trusty and well-beloved the Provost
and Fellowes of Oriel Colledge, in our
University of Oxon: Charles R.
"Trusty and well-beloved, wee greete you
well. Wee are so well satisfied with your
readiness and affection to our service, that
wee cannot doubt but you will take all
occasions to expresse the same; and as wee
are ready to sell or engage any of our land,
so have wee melted downe our plate for the
paiment of our army, raised for our defence,
and the preservation of our kingdome. And
having received severall quantityes of plate
from divers of our loving subjects, we have
removed our mint hither to our citty of
Oxford, for the coyning thereof.
"And we do hereby desire you that you will
lend unto us all such plate, of what kind
soever, which belongs to your colledge;
promising you to see the same iustly repaid
unto you after the rate of 5 _s._ the ounce
for white, and 5 _s._ 6 _d._ for guilt plate,
as soon as God shall enable us: for assure
yourselves wee shall never let persons of
whom wee have so great a care suffer for
their affection to us, but shall take
speciall order for the repaiment of what you
have already lent us, according to our
promise, and also of this you now lend in
plate; well knowing it to bee the goods of
youre colledge that you ought not to alien,
though no man will doubt but in such a case
you may lawfully lend to assist youre King in
such visible necessity. And wee have
entrusted our trusty and well-beloved Sir
William Parkhurst, Knt. and Thomas Bushee,
Esq. officers of our mint, or either of them,
to receive the said plate from you; who,
uppon weighing thereof, shall give you a
receipt under theire or one of their hands
for the same.
"And wee assure our selfe of your willingness
to gratify us herein; since, beside the more
publiche considerations, you cannot but know
how much your selves are concerned in our
sufferings. And wee shall ever remember this
particular service to your advantage.
"Given at our Court at Oxford, the 6 day of
January 1642."]
Henry's exertions were effectual; and, soon after midsummer, he found
himself prepared with men and money to renew his expedition to
Normandy in a fleet of fifteen hundred sail, and with an army of not
less than twenty-five thousand soldiers. Before he embarked, (p. 212)
however, he commissioned Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, whose father had
been beheaded at Cirencester in the reign of Henry IV, with a squadron
to scour the seas, and secure a free passage for the transports. The
Earl was successful in a most hard-fought battle with a fleet of
Genoese large ships, sent by their republic[160] to aid the French
King; and on July 23rd 1417, Henry set sail for the coast of
France.[161] A large body of French on the shore threatened to oppose
him; but he landed his forces safely, on the 1st of August, at
Beville. As soon as his people were all safe on shore, by an act
characteristic of himself, he adopted the same measure which, on his
former expedition, had compelled him to make his way to Calais by
land. He dismissed all his ships homeward, excepting what were
required for transporting cannon; thus assuring his soldiers that they
must conquer or die, for they had no retreat.
[Footnote 160: In the letter from Constance, dated
the preceding February, Henry was informed that the
French had sent a large sum to Genoa to wage [hire]
ships to fight with England.]
[Footnote 161: The Muster Roll of this expedition
is preserved in the Chapter-house, Westminster, and
is pronounced to be one of the most interesting
records of military history now extant.--See
Preface to the Norman Rolls, by T.D. Hardy, Esq.]
Henry found the country altogether deserted, the inhabitants having
fled from their homes in every direction on receiving the alarming
tidings of his approach. It is said that twenty-five thousand families
fled into Brittany; and so complete was the evacuation in some (p. 213)
districts, that there reigned through the country the stillness
of death. In Lisieux, a considerable town eighteen miles from the sea,
the English found but one old man and one woman. The people had
secured themselves, to the utmost of their means, in fortified towns,
all of which had been supplied with strong garrisons on the first news
of the intended invasion.
Henry systematically caused the most strict discipline to be observed
in his army, of which many proofs are recorded. Among other instances
we read that when a monk complained of having been robbed by a
soldier, he was desired to fix upon the guilty man. On discovering the
culprit, the King upbraided him with his baseness, and pronounced him
worthy of death; but, on making restitution, and promising never again
to be guilty of the offence, he pardoned him. "And you, friend," said
he, turning to the monk, "go back to your brethren in peace, and
attend all of you to your sacred duties without fear of me or my army.
I am not come hither as a thief to rob your churches and altars, but
as a just and merciful King to protect you from violence." Henry then
proclaimed through the army that no one should injure an ecclesiastic
on pain of death.[162] It was amusing, we are told, to see how the
numbers of the regular clergy were suddenly swollen; rustics (p. 214)
shaving their heads, and putting on the dress of a monk, to be safe
under the terms of that protection.
[Footnote 162: A long list of the clergy, and of
the churches then taken by Henry under his
protection, is preserved in the Norman
Rolls.--Hardy's edition, p. 331.]
During this campaign Henry sent repeated bulletins of his proceedings
and successes to the mayor and aldermen of London, many of the
originals of which are still in existence; and which combine, with the
answers to them, in bearing evidence to the popularity of Henry's
person, and of the cause in which he was embarked. Some of these
documents are exceedingly interesting; but it would be needless to
transfer them all into these pages.[163] It is to be lamented that
such indisputable records are not all published, or rendered
accessible to every one who would wish to consult them. The
interspersion of a few in this part of the volume may enable the
reader to verify in more points than one the views which are here
offered of Henry's character and the feeling of the people of England
at this period. The first is a letter from Henry himself, dated August
9, 1417, at Touque, the very day of the surrender of that place, and
only a week after he landed.
[Footnote 163: These letters did not come within
the Author's knowledge before he had written these
brief memoirs of the last years of Henry. It is
very satisfactory to find them all confirmatory of
his previous views. He has taken especial care to
make every, the slightest, correction in his
narrative, suggested by authorities from which
there is no appeal.]
"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you oftentimes well; doing (p. 215)
[giving] you to understand for your comfort, that, by the grace
of God, we be safely arrived into our land of Normandy, with all
our subjects ordained to go with us for the first passage. And
this day, the even of St. Lawrence, about mid-day, was yolden
[yielded] unto us the castle of Touque, about the which our
well-beloved cousin, the Earl of Huntingdon, lay; and the keys
of the said castle delivered unto us without the shedding of
Christian blood, or defence made by our enemies:--the which castle
is an honour, and all the viscounty and lordships of Ange hold
thereof, as we have been informed of such men as were therein.
Whereof we thank God lowly, that hym lust [he is pleased] of high
grace to show unto us so fair beginning in our present voyage;
desiring also that ye thank God thereof in the most best wise that
ye can, and that ye send us from time to time such tidings be
komerys be thwene [by comers between], as ye have in that side the
sea. Given under our signet, at our said Castle of Touque, the 9th
day of August.
"To the Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen,
and good people of our City of
London."--Endorsed in French.
But though Henry speaks thus encouragingly of his present campaign, he
had soon much to make him anxious, and to rouse all the energies of
his mind. Among other sources of solicitude was the growing evil of
desertion. Many of his soldiers grew tired of the war, and,
dishonourably leaving his camp, stole back to their native country. Of
the prevalence of this mischief we have too clear proof in the
following writ, a copy of which was despatched to all the sheriffs of
England. It is found among the Norman Rolls, and is one of the (p. 216)
few specimens with which Mr. Hardy has enriched the interesting
introduction to his edition of those valuable documents.[164]
[Footnote 164: Norman Rolls, preserved in the
Tower, edited by T.D. Hardy, Esq.]
"The King to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, greeting.
Whereas we have received certain information and undoubted
evidence that divers of our lieges who lately came with us to our
kingdom of France, there as we hoped stoutly to oppose and resist
the pride and malice of our enemies, have deserted us in the
midst of these our enemies, and without our licence have in great
multitudes falsely and traitorously withdrawn and returned to our
kingdom of England, and are still daily withdrawing and
returning; which, if suffered to continue, would manifestly turn,
not only to the continual prejudice of us, but to the serious
injury and peril of our faithful lieges accompanying us (which
God avert!) We, desirous, as we are bound, to provide and ordain
a fitting remedy in this matter, do command and strictly enjoin
you to arrest and take into custody without delay all and each of
those whom by inquiry, information, or other means whatsoever,
you shall discover to have been with us in our said kingdom of
France, in our company, or in that of others, and who have
withdrawn themselves thence without our licence under our signet,
or that of the Constable of our army, and to deliver them as soon
as taken to our very dear brother, John Duke of Bedford, Guardian
of England. And, upon the fealty and allegiance wherein ye are
bound to us, let this by no means be neglected. Witness the King,
at his castle of Caen, in his duchy of Normandy, the 29th day of
September.--By the King himself."
The most important siege in this campaign was that of Caen;[165] (p. 217)
at the taking of which, after a tremendous conflict and loss of life,
Henry behaved towards the vanquished with so much mercy and kindness,
that the governors of many neighbouring towns sent to him the keys of
their gates.
[Footnote 165: Henry's own letter to the Mayor and
Aldermen of London (Liber F. fol. 200), written on
the 5th of September, the day after the surrender
of Caen, represents the loss on the part of the
English to have been very trifling. "On St.
Cuthbert's day, God, of his high grace, sent unto
our hands our town of Caen by assault, and with
right little death of our people, whereof we thank
our Saviour as lowly as we can; praying that ye do
the same, and as devoutly as ye can. Certifying you
also that we and our host be in good prosperity and
health, thanked be God of his mercy! who have you
in his holy keeping."]
So great was his success that the French court sent commissioners to
him to negociate for peace, but the treaty resulted in no favourable
issue; and Henry went on in his career of victory through the very
depth of winter; and became master of Bayeux, Argentan, Alençon, and
other places. He was engaged, however, in the siege of Falaise through
the whole of December, the town not surrendering till the 2nd of
January.
It was at this time that the capture and execution of Lord Cobham took
place in England; of which we have written fully in a separate
dissertation at the close of this volume. Henry, however, probably
knew nothing of that unfortunate man's capture till he heard of his
death.
Early in the preceding autumn [1417] an alarm spread through (p. 218)
England in consequence of the hostile demonstration of the Scots.
There seems to be some doubt as to the extent of their movements.
Buchanan represents the whole affair as one of very little moment,
scarcely more than a border foray; but the English chroniclers lead us
to believe that it was a formidable invasion. It is said that the
Lollards were the instigators; though it is more probable that the
invitation was sent to Scotland from France, and especially through
the Duke of Orleans, then a prisoner in Pontefract, whose liberty was
consequently much straitened, as we find by an original letter of
Henry himself.[166]
[Footnote 166: This letter of the King's is only a
fragment, without date: who were the persons
addressed does not appear; probably he wrote it to
his council in 1417 or 1418. Sir Henry Ellis opens
his second series of Original Letters with this of
Henry V. It is found in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. iii.
fol. 5.]
"Furthermore, I would that ye commune with my brother, with the
Chancellor, with my cousin of Northumberland, and my cousin of
Westmorland; and that ye set a good ordinance for my north
marches, and specially for the Duke of Orleans and for all the
remnant of my prisoners of France, and also for the K. of
Scotland. For as I am secretly informed by a man of right notable
estate in this land, that there hath been a man of the Duke of
Orleans in Scotland, and accorded with the Duke of Albany that
this next summer he shall bring the mammet[167] of Scotland to
stir what he may; and also that there should be found (p. 219)
ways to the having away specially of the Duke of Orleans, and
also of the K. as well as of the remnant of my said prisoners,
that God do defend! [which God forbid!] Wherefore I will that the
Duke of Orleans be kept still within the castle of Pomfret,
without going to Robertis Place, or to any other disport; for it
is better he lack his disport than we be deceived."
[Footnote 167: Probably the mammet, or mawmet,
[puppet,] (a corruption, they say, of Mahomet,) of
Scotland, was the pretended Richard, the deposed
King, whom even now many believed to be still alive
there.]
The Scots on one side laid siege to Berwick, from which they were
driven by the Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's son; the other part of
the Scotch army directed their attack on Roxborough, where they were
routed by the united forces of the Dukes of Exeter[168] and
Bedford,[169] and the Archbishop of York. That military prelate,
unable, from the weakness of age, to ride, yet caused himself to be
carried to the field, that surrounded by his clergy he might encourage
his people to defend their native land.
[Footnote 168: The Duke of Exeter was then governor
of Harfleur, but was in England recruiting soldiers
to reinforce the King's army in Normandy.]
[Footnote 169: It is curious to observe, that the
Duke of Bedford is reported to have been engaged at
his devotions at Bridlington in Yorkshire; and
that, on hearing of the invasion, he threw away his
beads, and marched with all the forces he could
muster to meet the Scots. John of Bridlington seems
to have been in an especial manner the patron saint
of Henry IV.'s family.]
After these successful military proceedings in the north of the
kingdom, parliament met on Nov. 16. They prayed for speedy judgment on
rioters and malefactors; presented a petition on the subject of Sir
John Oldcastle; supplicated for a reward to the Lord Powys, who (p. 220)
was instrumental in seizing him; and then they voted the King a
subsidy of a tenth and a fifteenth. The clergy also in convocation
granted two tenths. In this convocation an attempt was made to
encourage learning by promoting to benefices such as had laboured long
and diligently in the Universities. This proposition was rejected in
Oxford at that time; but it received the cordial promotion and
assistance of the University in July 1421. On the latter occasion,
however, the measure, opposed as it was most vigorously by the monks,
would probably again have miscarried, had not Henry himself, "who
favoured arts and loved learned men," interposed his own authority in
its favour.