Mittelalter,” _Hansische Geschichtsblätter_, 1907, Vol. XIII, p. 170;
A. Bugge, “Die nordeuropäischen Verkehrswege im frühen Mittelalter,”
_Vierteljahrschrift für Social-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte_, 1906, Vol.
IV p. 227.
[76] Engel and Serrure, _Manuel de numismatique du Moyen-âge_, Vol. II,
p. 505.
[77] F. Lieberman, _Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen_, Vol. I, p. 233.
[78] H. Pirenne, “Draps de Frise ou draps de Flandre?,”
_Vierteljahrschrift für Social-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte_, 1909, Vol.
VII, p. 308.
[79] R. Heynen, _Zur Entstehung des Kapitalismus in Venedig_, p. 81.
[80] R. Heynen, _Zur Entstehung des Kapitalismus in Venedig_, p. 65.
[81] Eugene H. Byrne, “Commercial Contracts of the Genoese in the
Syrian Trade of the Twelfth Century,” _The Quarterly Journal of
Economics_, 1916, p. 128; “Genoese Trade with Syria in the Twelfth
Century,” _American Historical Review_, 1920, p. 191.
[82] R. Heynen, _Zur Entstehung des Kapitalismus in Venedig_, p. 18;
H. Sieveking, “Die kapitalistische Entwicklung in den italienischen
Städten des Mittelalters,” _Vierteljahrschrift für Social- und
Wirtschaftsgeschichte_, 1909, p. 64.
[83] H. Pirenne, “The Stages in the Social History of Capitalism,”
_American Historical Review_, 1914; “Les périodes de l’histoire sociale
du capitalisme,” _Bulletin de l’Academie Royale de Belgique_, Classe
des lettres, 1914, p. 258.
[84] The _Liber Miraculorum Sancte Fidis_, edit. A. Bouillet, p. 63,
says with reference to a merchant: “_et sicut negotiatori diversas
orbis partes discurrenti, erant ei terra marisque nota itinera, ac vie
publice diverticula, semite, leges moresque gentium ac lingue_.”
[85] F. Kurschmann, _Hungersnöte im Mittelalter_, Leipzig, 1909.
[86] _Libellus de vita et miraculis S. Godrici, heremitae de Finchale,
auctore Reginaldo monacho Dunelmensi_, edit. Stevenson, London,
1847. The importance of this text for economic history has been very
well demonstrated by W. Vogel, “Ein seefahrender Kaufman um 1100,”
_Hansische Geschichtsblätter_, 1912, p. 239.
[87] “_Sic itaque puerilibus annis simpliciter domi transactis, caepit
adolescentior prudentiores vitae vias excolere et documenta secularis
providentiae sollicite et exercitate perdicere._ Unde non agriculturae
delegit exercitia colere, sed potius quae sagacioris animi sunt
rudimenta studuit, arripiendo exercere. _Hinc est quod mercatoris
aemulatus studium, coepit mercimonii frequentare negotium, et primitus
in minoribus quidem et rebus pretii inferioris, coepit lucrandi
officia discere; postmodum vero paulatim ad majoris pretii emolumenta
adolescentiae suae ingenia promovere._” _Libellus de Vita S. Godrici_,
p. 25.
[88] “_Qui comparat rem ut illam ipsam integram et immutatam dando
lucretur, ille est mercator qui de templo Dei ejicitur._” _Decretum_ I,
dist. 88, c. 11. For the viewpoint of the Church in matters of trade,
see F. Schaube, _Der Kampf gegen den Zinswucher, ungerechten Preis und
unlauteren Handel im Mittelalter_, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1905.
[89] We even find a similar organization in Dalmatia. See C. Jirecek,
“Die Bedeutung von Raguza in der Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters,”
_Almanak der Akademie der Wissenschaften, in Wien_, 1899, p. 382.
[90] W. Stein, “Hansa,” _Hansische Geschichtsblätter_, 1909, p. 53; H.
Pirenne, “La hanse flamande de Londres,” _Bulletin de l’Academie Royale
de Belgique_, Classe des lettres, 1899, p. 80.
[91] H. Pigeonneau, _Histoire du commerce de la France_, Vol. I, p. 104.
[92] See the text cited in Note 6 and add this passage from Galbert
de Bruges, _Histoire du meurtre de Charles le Bon_, edit. H. Pirenne,
p. 152, stating the grievances of the burghers against Count William
of Normandy: “_Nos in terra hac clausit ne negociari possemus, imo
quicquid hactenus possedimus, sine lucro sine negotiatione, sine
acquisitione rerum consumpsimus._”
[93] Charles Gross, “The Court of Piepowder,” _The Quarterly Journal
of Economics_, 1906, p. 231. Here we have to do with the “_extraneus
mercator vel aliquis transiens per regnum, non habens certam mansionem
infra vicecomitatum sed vagans, qui vocatur piepowdrous_.”
[94] “The Life of Saint Guidon of Anderlecht,” _Acta Sanctorum_, Vol.
IV, p. 42, speaks of the “_ignobilis mercatura_” and calls a merchant
who advised the saint to apply himself to it a “_diaboli minister_.”
[95] An example of the conversion of a merchant quite analogous to
that of Godric and at the same epoch is given by the “Vita Theogeri,”
_Monumenta Germaniae historica_, Vol. XII, p. 457.
[96] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,”
_Revue Historique_, 1895, Vol. LVII, p. 18.
[97] _Ibid._, p. 30; Goldschmidt, _Universalgeschichte des
Handelsrechts_, p. 125.
[98] Alpert, “De diversitate temporum,” _Monumenta Germaniae
historica_, Vol. IV, p. 718, speaks of merchants of Tiel “_judicia non
secundum legem sed secundum voluntatem decernentes_.”
[99] This is true, naturally, only for towns placed under normal
conditions. The State has often had to maintain city populations much
too numerous to be able to take care of their own subsistence. This,
for example, was the case with Rome at the end of the Republic. But the
increase of the population in Rome was the result of political, not
economic, causes.
[100] There were certainly in the Middle Ages numbers of localities
bearing the title “city” and endowed with city franchises, of which the
inhabitants were much more occupied with agriculture than with commerce
or industry. But in this case they were the product of a later era. We
are alluding here to the middle class as it was first constituted and
as it continued to exist in the characteristic centers of city life.
[101] The most important towns for the study of the origins of city
institutions are evidently the oldest; it is there that the middle
class arose. It is a faulty method to seek to explain the latter by
relying on towns of later and tardy development, such as those of
Germany beyond the Rhine.
[102] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,”
_Revue Historique_, 1895, Vol. LVII, p. 68.
[103] H. Pirenne, “Villes, marchés et marchands au Moyen-âge,” _Revue
Historique_, 1898, Vol. LXVII, p. 59; F. Keutgen, _Untersuchungen
über den Ursprung der deutschen Stadtverfassung_, Leipzig, 1895; S.
Rietschel, _Markt und Stadt in ihrem rechtlichen Verhältniss_, Leipzig,
1897.
[104] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,
_Revue Historique_, 1895, Vol. LVII, p. 66.
[105] The chronicler Gilles d’Orval, for example, speaking of the
franchises granted the town of Huy by the Bishop of Liège in 1066,
mentions a few points and passes over the rest in silence “in order not
to bore the reader.” He is evidently thinking of the ecclesiastical
public for which he is writing.
[106] Richer, _Historiae_, Book III, par. 103, “_negotiatorum claustrum
muro instar oppidi extructum, ab urbe quidem Mosa interfluente
sejundum, sed pontibus duobus interstratis ei annexum_.”
[107] In the old municipal laws of Strasbourg, the new agglomeration is
called “_urbs exterior_.”
[108] “Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium,” _Monumenta Germaniae
historica_, Vol. VII, p. 499.
[109] F. Kiener, _Verfassungsgeschichte der Provence_, p. 212.
[110] _Digeste_, L, 16. 59: “_Portus appellatus est conclusus locus
quo importantur merces et inde exportantur_”; Isidorus of Seville,
_Etymologiae_, Book XIV, chap. VIII, pars, 39, 40:
“_Portus dictus a deportandis commerciis_.”
[111] In the twelfth century the word still retained its original
meaning of landing place: “_Infra burgum Brisach et Argentinensem
civitatem, nullus erit portus_, qui vulgo dicitur Ladstadt, _nisi apud
Brisach_,” H. G. Gengler, _Stadtrechtsaltertümer_, p. 44.
[112] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,”
_Revue Historique_, Vol. LVII, p. 12.
[113] Murray, _New English Dictionary_, Vol. VII, 2nd part, p. 1136.
[114] “Miracula S. Womari,” _Monumenta Germaniae historica_, Vol. XV,
p. 841.
[115] H. Pirenne, “Les villes flamandes avant le XIIᵉ siècle,” _Annales
de l’Est et du Nord_, Vol. I, p. 22.
[116] We may make the same observation concerning the towns of Bavai
and Tongres, which had been important administrative centers in
the North of Gaul during the Roman era. Not being situated on any
watercourse, they did not profit by the commercial revival. Bavai
disappeared in the ninth century; Tongres has remained without any
importance up to our own day.
[117] Naturally, no claim is made that the evolution took place
in exactly the same way in every city. The merchant suburb is not
everywhere so clearly distinguished from the original burg as it is,
for instance, in Flemish cities. According to local conditions, the
immigrant merchants and artisans formed their colonies in divers ways.
Here merely the main outlines of the subject can be indicated. See
on this point the observations of N. P. Ottokar. _Opiti po istorii
franzouskich gorodov_, Perm, 1919, p. 244.
[118] In 1042 the church of the burghers at St. Omer was built at the
expense of a certain Lambert who was most probably himself a burgher.
A. Giry, _Histoire de St. Omer_, Paris, 1877, p. 369.
[119] See the map of Bruges at the beginning of the twelfth century in
Galbert de Bruges, _Histoire du meurtre de Charles le Bon, Comte de
Flandre_, edit. H. Pirenne, Paris, 1891.
[120] Boretius, _Capitularia regum francorum_, Vol. II, p. 405.
[121] See above (chap. III, Note 14), the text cited for
Cambrai. At Bruges, at the beginning of the twelfth century, the town
was still defended only by wooden palisades.
[122] See above, chap. IV.
[123] Ghent must have already been an important weaving center in
the eleventh century, since the “Vita Macarii,” _Monumenta Germaniae
historica_, Vol. XV, p. 616, speaks of the proprietors of the
neighborhood bringing their wool thither.
[124] On this point see the “Chronicon S. Andreae Castri-Cameracensii,”
_Monumenta Germaniae historica_, Vol. VII, p. 540, and the “Gesta
abbatum Trudonensium,” _ibid._, Vol. X, p. 310.
[125] In the eleventh century the “Miracula Sancti Bavonis,” _Monumenta
Germaniae historica_, Vol. XV, p. 594, mentioned at Ghent the “_laici
qui ex officio agnominabantur coriarii_.” There is no doubt but that
these artisans had come there from without.
[126] H. Pirenne, _Belgian Democracy--Its Early History_, Manchester,
1915, p. 201.
[127] H. L. Labande, _Histoire de Beauvais_, Paris, 1892, p. 55.
[128] For the status of real estate in the towns, see G. Des Marez,
_Étude sur la propriété foncière dans les villes du Moyen-âge et
spécialement en Flandre_, Ghent, 1898. The oldest known reference to
the enfranchisement of city land dates back to the beginning of the
eleventh century.
[129] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,”
_Revue Historique_, Vol. LVII, pp. 25, 34.
[130] H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,”
_Revue Historique_, Vol. LVII, pp. 25, 34.
[131] G. Kurth, _Notger de Liège et la civilisation au Xᵉ siècle_,
Brussels, 1905.
[132] H. Pirenne, _Belgian Democracy_, p. 27. F. Keutgen, _Ämter und
Zünfte_, Jena, 1903, p. 75. We find in the English clergy the same
hostility towards the middle class, as in the German and French clergy.
K. Hegel, _Städte und Gilden der germanischen Völker_, Leipzig, 1891,
Vol. I, p. 73.
[133] A. Hauck, _Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands_, Vol. III, p. 692.
[134] K. Hegel, _Geschichte der Städteverfassung von Italien_, Leipzig,
1847, Vol. II, p. 137.
[135] R. Davidsohn, _Geschichte von Florenz_, Berlin, 1896-1908, Vol.
I, pp. 345, 350.
[136] F. Kiener, _Verfassungsgeschichte der Provence_, p. 164.
[137] W. Reinecke, _Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai_, Marburg, 1896.
[138] H. L. Labande, _Histoire de Beauvais_, p. 55.
[139] Guibert de Nogent, _De vita sua_, edit. G. Bourgin, p. 156.
[140] H. Pirenne, “Les villes flamandes avant le XIIᵉ siècle,” _Revue
de l’Est et du Nord_, 1905, Vol. I, p. 9; _Belgian Democracy_, p. 64;
_Histoire de Belgique_, 4th edit., Vol. I, p. 170.
[141] G. Espinas and H. Pirenne, “Les coutumes de la gilde marchande
de Saint Omer,” _Le Moyen-âge_, 1901, p. 196; H. Pirenne, “La hanse
flamande de Londres,” _Bulletin de l’Academie Royale de Belgique_,
Classe des lettres, 1899, p. 65. For the rôle played by the gilds
in England, see the fundamental work of Charles Gross, _The Gild
Merchant_, Oxford 1890. See also K. Hegel, _Städte und Gilden der
germanischen Völker_, Leipzig, 1891; H. Van der Linden, _Les gildes
marchandes dans les Pays-Bas au Moyen-âge_, Ghent, 1890; C. Koehne,
_Das Hansgrafenamt_, Berlin, 1893.
[142] A. Giry, _Histoire de la ville de St. Omer_, Paris, 1877, p. 371.
[143] N. P. Ottokar, _Opiti po istorii franzouskich gorodov_, Perm,
1919.
[144] Galbert de Bruges, _Histoire du meurtre de Charles le Bon, Comte
de Flandre_, edit. H. Pirenne, Paris, 1891, p. 87.
[145] _Capitularia regum Francorum_, edit. Boretius, Vol. II, p. 405.
[146] Beaumanoir, _Coutumes de Beauvaisis_, edit. Salmon, Vol. I.
[147] The monumental work of G. Espinas, _La vie urbaine de Douai au
Moyen-âge_, Paris, 1913, 4 vols., should be consulted to get an idea of
the wealth of city regulation in this respect.
[148] Map of the city of Aire in 1188, in L. A. Warnkoenig,
_Flandrische Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte_, Tübingen, 1842, Vol. III,
appendix, p. 22.
[149] H. Van Werveke, “Comment les établissements religieux belges se
procuraient-ils du vin au haut Moyen-âge?,” _Revue belge de philologie
et d’histoire_, 1923, Vol. II, p. 643.
[150] R. Génestal, _Rôle des monastères comme établissements de
crédit_, Paris, 1901.
[151] H. Pirenne, “Les périodes de l’histoire sociale du capitalisme,”
_Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire_, 1923, Vol. II, p. 269.
[152] H. Pirenne, “Les périodes de l’histoire sociale du capitalisme,”
_Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire_, 1923, Vol. II, p. 281.
[153] M. T. Stead, “William Cade, a Financier of the Twelfth Century,”
_English Historical Review_, 1913, p. 209.
[154] Guillaume le Breton, “Philipidis,” _Monumenta Germaniae
historica_, Vol. XXVI, p. 321.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
be part of of it=> be part of it {pg 85}
search of a professsion=> search of a profession {pg 158}
and a jurispdudence=> and a jurisprudence {pg 220}