need of them not to have regard for their interests. Its finances rested
in great part upon them, and to the extent that they augmented the power
of the State and therewith its expenses, it felt more and more
frequently the need of going to the pocketbooks of the burghers. It has
already been stated that in the twelfth century it borrowed their money.
And this money the cities did not grant without security. They well knew
that they ran great risks of never being reimbursed, and they exacted
new franchises in return for the sums which they consented to loan.
Feudal law permitted the suzerain to exact of his vassals only certain
well-defined dues which were restricted to particular cases always
identical in character. It was therefore impossible for him to subject
them arbitrarily to a poll-tax and to extort from them supplies, however
badly needed. In this respect the charters of the cities granted them
the most solemn guarantees. It was, then, imperative to come to terms
with them. Little by little the princes formed the habit of calling the
burghers into the councils of prelates and nobles with whom they
conferred upon their affairs. The instances of such convocations were
still rare in the twelfth century; they multiplied in the thirteenth;
and in the fourteenth century the custom was definitely legalised by
the institution of the Estates in which the cities obtained, after the
clergy and the nobility, a place which soon became, although the third
in dignity, the first in importance.
Although the middle classes, as we have just seen, had an influence of
very vast import upon the social, economic and political changes which
were manifest in Western Europe in the course of the twelfth century, it
does not seem at first glance that they played much of a rôle in the
intellectual movement. It was not, in fact, until the fourteenth century
that a literature and an art was brought forth from the bosom of the
middle classes, animated with their spirit. Until then, science remained
the exclusive monopoly of the clergy and employed no other tongue than
the Latin. What literature was written in the vernacular had to do
solely with the nobility, or at least expressed only the ideas and the
sentiments which pertained to the nobility as a class. Architecture and
sculpture produced their masterpieces only in the construction and
ornamentation of the churches. The markets and belfries, of which the
oldest specimens date back to the beginning of the thirteenth
century--as for example the admirable Cloth Hall of Ypres, destroyed
during the Great War--remained still faithful to the architectural style
of the great religious edifices.
Upon closer inspection, however, it does not take long to discover that
city life really did make its own contribution to the moral capital of
the Middle Ages. To be sure, its intellectual culture was dominated by
practical considerations which, before the period of the Renaissance,
kept it from putting forth any independent effort. But from the very
first it showed that characteristic of being an exclusively lay culture.
By the middle of the twelfth century the municipal councils were busy
founding schools for the children of the burghers, which were the first
lay schools since the end of antiquity. By means of them, instruction
ceased to be furnished exclusively for the benefit of the novices of the
monasteries and the future parish priests. Knowledge of reading and
writing, being indispensable to the practice of commerce, ceased to be
reserved for the members of the clergy alone. The burgher was initiated
into them long before the noble, because what was for the noble only an
intellectual luxury was for him a daily need. Naturally, the Church
immediately claimed supervision over the municipal schools, which gave
rise to a number of conflicts between it and the city authorities. The
question of religion was naturally completely foreign to these debates.
They had no other cause than the desire of the cities to control the
schools created by them and the direction of which they themselves
intended to keep.
However, the teaching in these communal schools was limited, until the
period of the Renaissance, to elementary instruction. All who wished to
have more were obliged to turn to the clerical establishments. It was
from these latter that came the “clerks” who, starting at the end of the
twelfth century, were charged with the correspondence and the accounts
of the city, as well as the publication of the manifold Acts
necessitated by commercial life. All these “clerks” were, furthermore,
laymen, the cities having never taken into their service, in
contradistinction to the princes, members of the clergy who by virtue of
the privileges they enjoyed would have escaped their jurisdiction.
The language which the municipal scribes employed was naturally, at
first, Latin. But after the first years of the thirteenth century they
adopted more and more generally the use of national idioms. It was by
the cities that the common tongue was introduced for the first time into
administrative usage. Thereby they showed an initiative which
corresponded perfectly to that lay spirit of which they were the
preeminent representatives in the civilization of the Middle Ages.
This lay spirit, moreover, was allied with the most intense religious
fervor. If the burghers were very frequently in conflict with the
ecclesiastic authorities, if the bishops thundered fulsomely against
them with sentences of excommunication, and if, by way of counterattack,
they sometimes gave way to decidedly pronounced anti-clerical
tendencies, they were, for all of that, none the less animated by a
profound and ardent faith. For proof of this is needed only the
innumerable religious foundations with which the cities abounded, the
pious and charitable confraternities which were so numerous there. Their
piety showed itself with a naïveté, a sincerity and a fearlessness which
easily led it beyond the bounds of strict orthodoxy. At all times, they
were distinguished above everything else by the exuberance of their
mysticism. It was this which, in the eleventh century, led them to side
passionately with the religious reformers who were fighting simony and
the marriage of priests; which, in the twelfth century, spread the
contemplative asceticism of the Beguines and the Bégards; which, in the
thirteenth century, explained the enthusiastic reception which the
Franciscans and the Dominicans received. But it was this also which
assured the success of all the novelties, all the exaggerations and all
the deformations of religious thought. After the twelfth century no
heresy cropped out which did not immediately find some adepts. It is
enough to recall here the rapidity and the energy with which the sect of
the Albigenses spread.
Both lay and mystic at the same time, the burghers of the Middle Ages
were thus singularly well prepared for the rôle which they were to play
in the two great future movements of ideas: the Renaissance, the child
of the lay mind, and the Reformation, towards which religious mysticism
was leading.
_Bibliography_
Sources
In no country does there exist a complete collection devoted to the
sources of city law. We shall confine ourselves to mentioning here:
BALLARD, A., _British Borough Charters, 1042-1216_
Cambridge, 1913
GAUPP, E. T., _Deutsche Stadtrechte des Mittelalters_
2 vols., Breslau, 1851
GENGLER, H. G., _Deutsche Stadtrechte des Mittelalters_
Erlangen, 1852-1866
_Codex juris municipalis Germaniae medii aevi_
Erlangen, 1863
GIRY, A., _Documents sur les relations de la royauté avec les villes en
France de 1180 à 1314_
Paris, 1885
KEUTGEN, F., _Urkunden zur städtischen Verfassungsgeschichte_
Berlin, 1901
Works
It is useless to mention, despite the importance which they had in their
own times, a number of works which have become antiquated today. The
chief characteristics of the most important among them will be found in
H. Pirenne, “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,” _Revue
historique_, Vol. LIII, 1893. For England, see J. Tait, “The Study of
Early Municipal History in England,” _Proceedings of the British
Academy_, Vol. X, 1922.
ASHLEY, W. J., “The Beginnings of Town Life in the Middle Ages,”
_Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Vol. X, 1896.
BALLARD, A., _The English Borough in the Twelfth Century_
Cambridge, 1914.
BATERON, M., “The Laws of Breteuil,” _English Historical Review_, Vol.
XV, 1900
BELOW, G. V. “Zur Entstehung der deutschen Stadtverfassung,”
_Historische Zeitschrift_, Vols. LVIII-LIX
_Die Entstehung der deutschen Stadtgemeinde_
Düsseldorf, 1889
_Der Ursprung der deutschen Stadtverfassung_
Düsseldorf, 1892
BLANCHET, A., _Les enceintes romaines de la Gaule_
Paris, 1907
BLOMMAERT, W., _Les châtelains de Flandre_
Ghent, 1915
BONVALOT, E., _Le tiers-état d’après la charte de Beaumont et ses
filiales_
Paris, 1884
DES MAREZ, G., _Étude sur la propriété foncière dans les villes du
Moyen-âge et spécialement en Flandre._
Ghent, 1898
DOREN, A. J., _Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Kaufmannsgilden
des Mittelalters_
Leipzig, 1893
ESPINAS, G., _La vie urbaine de Douai au Moyen-âge_
4 vols., Paris, 1913
FLACH, J., _Les origines de l’ancienne France_, Vol. II
Paris, 1893
GÉNESTAL, R., _La tenure en bourgage_
Paris, 1900
GERLACH, W., _Die Entstehungszeit der Stadtbefestigungen in Deutschland_
Leipzig, 1913
GIRY, A., _Histoire de la ville de Saint-Omer et de ses institutions
jusqu’au XIVᵉ siècle_
Paris, 1877
_Les établissements de Rouen_
2 vols., Paris, 1883-1885
GROSS, C., _The Gild Merchant_
2 vols., Oxford, 1890
HEGEL, K., _Die Entstehung des deutschen Städtewesens_
Leipzig, 1898
_Städte und Gilden der germanischen Völker im Mittelalter_
2 vols., Leipzig, 1891
HEMMEON, M. DEW. “Burgage Tenure in Medieval England,” _Harvard
Historical Studies_, Vol. XX, 1914
HUVELIN, P., _Essai historique sur le droit des marchés et des foires_
Paris, 1897
KEUTGEN, F., _Untersuchungen über den Ursprung der deutschen
Stadtverfassung_
Leipzig, 1895
LABANDE, H. L.; _Histoire de Beauvais et de ses institutions communales_
Paris, 1892
LUCHAIRE, A., _Les communes françaises à l’époque des Capétiens
directs_, new edition, with introduction by L. Halphen
Paris, 1911
MAITLAND, F. W., _Township and Borough_
Cambridge, 1898
OTTOKAR, N., _Opiti po istorii franzoukish gorodov_
Perm, 1919
PETIT-DUTAILLIS, C. E., _L’origine des villes en Angleterre_, Vol. I of
the French translation of Stubbs’ _Constitutional History_
PIRENNE, H., “L’origine des constitutions urbaines au Moyen-âge,” _Revue
historique_, Vols. LIII, LVII, 1893, 1895
“Villes, marchés et marchands au Moyen-âge,” _Revue historique_,
Vol. LXVII, 1898
“La hanse flamande de Londres,” _Bulletin de l’Academie de
Belgique_, Classe des lettres, 1899
“Les villes flamandes avant le XIIᵉ siècle,” _Annales de l’Est et
du Nord_, Vol. I, 1905
_Belgian Democracy--Its Early History_
Manchester, 1915
PROU, M., _Les coutumes de Lorris_
Paris, 1884
RIETSCHEL, S., _Markt und Stadt in ihrem rechtlichen Verhältniss_
Leipzig, 1897
_Das Burggrafenamt_
Leipzig, 1905
_Die civitas auf deutschem Boden_
Leipzig, 1894
ROUND, J. H., “The Castles of the Norman Conquest,” _Archaeologia_, Vol.
LVIII, 1903
SOHM, R., _Die Entstehung des deutschen Städtewesens_
Leipzig, 1890
VANDERKINDERE, L., “La première phase de l’évolution constitutionelle
des villes flamandes,” _Annales de l’Est et du Nord_, Vol. I, 1905
“La notion juridique de la commune,” _Bulletin de l’Academie de
Belgique_, Classe des lettres, 1906
VANDER LINDEN, H., _Les gildes marchandes dans les Pays-Bas au
Moyen-âge_
Ghent, 1896
WAUTERS, A., _De l’origine des premiers développements des libertés
communales en Belgique_
Brussels, 1869
The numerous monographs devoted, in each country, to the particular
history of a city must of course also be consulted. A list of them can
be found in the national bibliographies and especially, for England, in
the _Bibliography of British Municipal History_ of Charles Gross.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] P. Scheffer-Boichorst, “Zur Geschichte der Syrer im Abendlande,”
_Mittheilungen des Instituts für Oestereichische Geschichtsforschung_,
1885, Vol. VI, p. 521; L. Bréhier, “Les colonies d’Orientaux en
Occident au commencement du Moyen-âge,” _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_,
1903, Vol. XII.
[2] H. Pirenne, “Mahomet et Charlemagne,” _Revue belge de philologie et
d’histoire_, 1922, Vol. I, p. 77.
[3] A. Dopsch, _Wirtschaftliche und soziale Grundlagen der europäischen
Kulturentwicklung_, Vienna, 1920, Vol. II, p. 527, takes issue strongly
with the opinion that the Germanic invasions put an end to Roman
civilization.
[4] N. D. Fustel de Coulanges, _La monarchie franque_, p. 236;
A. Dopsch, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 342; E. Mayer, _Deutsche und
französische Verfassungsgeschichte_, Leipzig, 1899, Vol. I, p. 296.
[5] See _Historia Francorum_, edit. B. Krusch, Book IV, sec. 43; Book
VI, sec. 45; Book VIII, secs. 1, 33; Book III, sec. 34.
[6] M. Prou, “Catalogue des monnaies mérovingiennes de la Bibliothèque
Nationale de Paris,” with an Introduction by H. Pirenne, “Un contraste
économique. Mérovingiens et Carolingiens,” _Revue belge de philologie
et d’histoire_, 1923, Vol. II, p. 225.
[7] _Historia Francorum_, edit. B. Krusch, Book IV, sec. 43; Book V,
sec. 5; Book VI, secs. 17, 24; Book IX, sec. 22. See also Gregory the
Great, _Epistolae_, I, 45.
[8] M. Prou, _op. cit._, p. 300.
[9] It is impossible, in fact, not to infer that at Marseilles there
was a class of artisans at least as important as that which still
existed at Arles in the middle of the sixth century. See F. Kiener,
_Verfassungsgeschichte der Provence_, Leipzig, 1900, p. 29.
[10] _Marcuffi Formulae_, edit. K. Zeumer, No. I, p. 102.
[11] L. Levillain, _Examen critique des chartes mérovingiennes et
carolingiennes de l’abbaye de Corbie_, Paris, 1902, pp. 220, 231, 235.
This treats of the market-tolls of Fos, near Aix-en-Provence.
[12] See the letters of Agobard in _Monumenta Germaniae historica_,
Vol. V, p. 184.
[13] _Historia Francorum_, edit. B. Krusch, Book III, sec. 46.
[14] I. Goll, “Samo und die karantanischen Slaven,” _Mittheilungen des
Instituts für Oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung_, Vol. XI, p. 443.
[15] _Historia Francorum_, edit. B. Krusch, Book III, sec. 34.
[16] _Ibid._, Book VIII, sec. 33.
[17] _Ibid._, Book VI, sec. 45.
[18] A. Dopsch, _Wirtschaftliche und soziale Grundlagen der
europäischen Kulturentwicklung_, Vol. II, p. 432; F. Dahn, _Über Handel
und Handelsrecht der Westgothen Bausteine_, Berlin, 1880, Vol. II, p.
301.
[19] H. Pirenne, “Mahomet et Charlemagne,” _Revue belge de philologie
et d’histoire_, 1922, Vol. I, p. 86.
[20] The objection may be raised that Charlemagne conquered in Italy
the kingdom of the Lombards and in Spain the region included between
the Pyrenees and the Ebro. But these thrusts towards the south are by
no means to be explained by a desire to dominate the shores of the
Mediterranean. The expeditions against the Lombards were provoked by
political causes and especially by the alliance with the Papacy. The
expedition in Spain had no other aim than the establishing of a solid
frontier against the Moslems.
[21] H. Pirenne, “Un contraste économique. Mérovingiens et
Carolingiens,” _Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire_, 1923, Vol.
II, p. 223.
[22] Imports, however, had not completely ceased at that date. The
last reference we know to the use of papyrus in Gaul is in 737; see
M. Prou, _Manuel de paléographie_, 3rd edit., p. 17. In Italy, it was
continued to be used up to the eleventh century; see A. Giry, _Manuel
de diplomatique_, p. 494. It was imported there either from Egypt
or, more probably, from Sicily (where the Arabs had introduced its
manufacture) by the shipping of the Byzantine cities of the South of
the Peninsular, or by that of Venice, which will be discussed in chap.
III.
[23] See chap. I, Note 11.
[24] F. Kiener, _Verfassungsgeschichte der Provence_, p. 31.
[25] A. Schulte, _Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Handels und Verkehrs
zwischen Westdeutschland und Italien_, Leipzig, 1900, Vol. II, p. 59.
[26] W. Vogel, _Die Normannen und das fränkische Reich_, Heidelberg,
1906.
[27] Charles de la Roncière, “Charlemagne et la civilisation maritime
au IXᵉ siècle,” _Le Moyen-âge_, 1897, Vol. X, p. 201.
[28] A. Dopsch, _Die Wirtschaftsentwicklung der Karolingerzeit_, Vol.
II, pp. 180 _ff._, has, with very great erudition, cited a number of
them. We must, however, bear in mind that many among them belong to
the Merovingian period and that many others are far from having the
significance which he attributes to them. See also J. W. Thompson, “The
Commerce of France in the Ninth Century,” _The Journal of Political
Economy_, 1915, Vol. XXIII, p. 857.
[29] H. Pirenne, “Draps de Frise ou draps de Flandre?”
_Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte_, 1909, Vol.
VII, p. 308.
[30] M. Prou, _Catalogue des monnaies carolingiennes de la Bibliothèque
Nationale_, p. 10.
[31] W. Vogel, _Die Normannen und das fränkische Reich_, p. 62.
[32] _Capitularia regum Francorum_, edit. A. Boretius, Vol. II, p. 250.
[33] See the letter of Agobard, cited chap. I, Note 12.
[34] The ingenious demonstration of Mr. J. W. Thompson to prove the
contrary, in his work cited in Note 10 above, raises philological
difficulties which prevent our adopting it. The Greek origin of the
work _Cappi_, upon which it is based, cannot be accepted.
[35] Imbart de la Tour, “Des immunités commerciales accordées aux
églises du VIIIᵉ au IXᵉ siècle,” _Études d’histoire du Moyen-âge,
dediées à Gabriel Monod_, Paris, 1896, p. 71.
[36] M. Prou, _Catalogue des monnaies carolingiennes de la Bibliothèque
Nationale_, p. xlv.
[37] M. Prou, _Catalogue des monnaies carolingiennes de la Bibliothèque
Nationale_, p. lxi.
[38] G. Waitz, _Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte_, 2nd edit., 1885, Vol.
IV, p. 112.
[39] _Ibid._, p. 54.
[40] W. Wittich, _Die Grundherrschaft in Nordwestdeutschland_, Leipzig,
1896; H. Pirenne, “Liberté et proprieté en Flandre du IXᵉ au XIIᵉ
siècle,” _Bulletin de l’Académie Royale de Belgique_, Classe des
lettres, 1906; H. Van Werveke, “Grands propriétaires en Flandre au VIIᵉ
et au VIIIᵉ siècle,” _Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire_, 1923,
Vol. II, p. 321.
[41] _Capitularia regum Francorum_, edit. A. Boretius, Vol. I, p. 125.
[42] The registry of rents of the Abbot Irminon is the principal source
of knowledge of this organization. The prolegomena of Guérard in the
edition which he issued in 1844, should, however, be read. One should
also consult, on this point, the famous _Capitulare de Villis_. K.
Gareis has issued a good commentary: _Die Landguterordnung Karls des
Grossen_, Berlin, 1895. On the recent controversies over the import and
the date of the _Capitulare_, see M. Bloch, “L’origine et la date du
Capitulare de Villis,” _Revue Historique_, 1923, Vol. CXLIII, p. 40.
[43] Certain authors have believed that demesnial products were
destined for sale. See, for example, F. Keutgen, _Ämter und Zünfte_,
Jena, 1903, p. 58. It is a fact that in certain exceptional cases and,
for example, in times of famine, selling took place. But as a general
rule there was certainly no selling. The texts alleged to prove the
contrary are too few in number and too ambiguous to carry conviction.
It is evident that the whole economy of the demesnial system of the
late Middle Ages is in flagrant opposition to this idea of profit.
[44] For what follows, consult: N. Rostovtzeff, _Iranians and Greeks in
South Russia_, Oxford, 1922; V. L. P. Thomsen, _The Relations between
Ancient Russia and Scandinavia and the Origin of the Russian State_,
Oxford, 1877; V. O. Kluchevsky, _A History of Russia_, New York, 1911,
Vol. I, p. 77; I. M. Kulischer, _Istoria Russkoi torgovli_, Petrograd,
1923, p. 5.
[45] _De administrando imperio_ (written about 950). For this text
the excellent commentary of V. L. P. Thomsen, _op. cit._, should be
consulted.
[46] See above, chap. I.
[47] See above, chap. I.
[48] On this institution, see L. Huberti, _Studien zur Rechtsgeschichte
der Gottesfrieden und Landfrieden_, Ansbach, 1892.
[49] This is particularly true for Northern Europe. In Southern France
and in Italy, on the contrary, where the Roman municipal organization
had less completely disappeared, the counts ordinarily lived in the
towns.
[50] The towns of the ninth and tenth centuries have not yet been
adequately studied. What is said of them here, and later, is borrowed
from various passages in the capitularies as well as from certain
scattered texts in the chronicles and the lives of the Saints. For the
towns of Germany, unfortunately much less numerous and less important
than those of Gaul, the reader should consult the interesting work of
S. Rietschel, _Die Civitas auf deutschem Boden bis zum Ausgange der
Karolingerzeit_, Leipzig, 1894.
[51] I am seeking, naturally, to characterize only the general
situation. I am aware that numerous exceptions must be made; but they
cannot modify the general impression which comes from an examination of
the data available.
[52] S. Rietschel, _Die Civitas auf deutschem Boden bis zum Ausgange
der Karolingerzeit_, p. 93.
[53] A. Blanchet, _Les enceintes romaines de la Gaule_, Paris, 1907.
[54] L. Halphen, _Paris sous les premiers Capétiens_, Paris, 1909, p. 5.
[55] L. H. Labande, _Histoire de Beauvais et de ses institutions
communales_, Paris, 1892, p. 7; W. Vogel, _Die Normannen und das
fränkische Reich_, Heidelberg, 1906, p. 271.
[56] Before the arrival of the Norsemen, there were not any, or hardly
any, fortified localities outside of the episcopal cities. Hariulphe,
_Chronique de l’abbaye de Saint-Riquier_, edit. F. Lot, Paris, 1894, p.
118.
[57] On the meaning of these words, see K. Hegel, _Neues Archiv der
Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde_, 1892, Vol. XVIII,
and G. Des Marez, “Le sens juridique du mot oppidum,” _Festschrift für
H. Brunner_, Berlin, 1910.
[58] H. Pirenne, “Les villes flamandes avant le XIIᵉ siècle,” _Annales
de l’Est et du Nord_, 1905, Vol. I, p. 12.
[59] F. W. Maitland, _Township and Borough_, 1898. The reader should
also compare the burgs of the West with those built in the tenth
century as a defence against the Slavs, along the Elbe and the Saale,
by Henry the Fowler. D. Schäfer, “Die Milites agrarii des Witukinds,”
_Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie_, 1905, p. 572. For the social
rôle of the burgs, we restrict ourselves to citing the following text
which seems to be thoroughly characteristic; it had to do with the
founding in 996 of Cateau-Cambrésis: “_ut esset obstaculum latronibus
praesidiumque libertatis circum et circa rusticanis cultoribus_.”
“Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium,” _Monumenta Germaniae historica_,
Vol. VII, p. 450.
[60] On the increase in population during the eleventh century, see
Lambert de Hersfeld, _Annales_, edit. O. Holder-Egger, Hanover, 1894,
p. 121; “Suger,” _Recueil des Historiens de la France_, Vol. XII, p.
54; Herman de Tournai, _Monumenta Germaniae historica_, Vol. XIV, p.
344.
[61] H. Pirenne, _Histoire de Belgique_, Vol. I, 4th edit., pp. 148,
300.
[62] L. M. Hartmann, “Die wirtschaftlichen Anfänge Venedigs,”
_Vierteljahrschrift für Social-und Wirtschaftsgeshichte_. 1904, Vol. II.
[63] A. Andréadès, _De la population de Constantinople sous
les empereurs byzantins_, Rovigo, 1920. An economic history of
Constantinople is still lacking. For want of something better, L.
Brentano, _Die byzantinische Volkswirtschaft_, Leipzig, 1917, may be
consulted.
[64] R. Heynen, _Zur Entstehung des Kapitalismus in Venedig_,
Stuttgart, 1905, p. 15.
[65] R. Heynen, _op. cit._, p. 23.
[66] K. Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker_, p. 61.
[67] W. von Heyd, _Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-âge_, Vol.
I, p. 98.
[68] W. von Heyd, _op. cit._, p. 121; K. Schaube, _op. cit._, p. 49.
[69] E. Du Méril, _Poésies populaires latines du Moyen-âge_, Paris,
1847, p. 239.
[70] K. Schaube, _op. cit._, p. 125.
[71] A. Schulte, _Geschichte der Handelsbeziehungen zwischen
Westdeutschland und Italien_, Leipzig, 1900, Vol. I, p. 80.
[72] K. Schaube, _op. cit._, p. 90.
[73] Galbert de Bruges, _Histoire du meurtre de Charles le Bon, Comte
de Flandre_, edit. H. Pirenne, Paris, 1891, p. 28.
[74] See above, chap. II.