THE OUTLOOK FOR REFORM
And in the political whirl at present it is impossible to foretell
what will be the aim of the Republican party.
As it stands now, however, their aim is not merely to overthrow the
despised Manchu Dynasty and to restore China's former glory. It may
be said, in a word, that the republican ideal of China is the right
of world citizenship for the nation. Dr. Wu Ting Fang, in his
masterly address to foreigners, said: "We are fighting to be men in
the world; we are fighting to pass off an oppressive, officious, and
tyrannous rule that has beggared and disgraced China, obstructed and
defied the foreign nations, and set back the hands of the clock of
the world."
It will have been seen in this volume--and, indeed, no student of
Chinese affairs will need to be told--that the nature and extent of
the preparations which the progressive Chinese have been carrying on
during the last twenty years are simply astounding. They assuredly
are. China, equally as she has been immovable for so many centuries,
has shown us that now it is not a question of getting her to move so
much as keeping her from moving too quickly.
But, on the other hand, I have been in some parts of interior China
where not a single sign of reform in the common life is noticeable.
Behind in the village, however, there has invariably been found one
or two of {289} the scholarly men who have taken into their being a
certain spirit of reform despite the fact that they could not work
out the Utopian era which had been promulgated in the revolutionary
literature they had been reading and with which the country has for
many years been flooded. The time now has come when these floodgates
may be opened. In a considerable amount of travel in various parts
of China I have often been struck with these Revolutionaries, who
appeared, under the then prevailing conditions of government,
misguided fanatics. It was because of the restraint placed upon them
by the Manchu officials that they were slow in openly pursuing their
revolutionary tactics and working out the reforms which their party
were constantly agitating. In another work on China, published just
six days before the Revolution broke out,[1] the author in a
concluding note wrote the following: "I had come to see how far the
modern spirit had penetrated into the recesses of the Chinese
Empire.... One must begin again, no matter how dimly, to perceive
something of the causes which are at work. By the incoming of the
European to inland China a transformation is being wrought, not the
natural growth of a gradual evolution, itself the result of
propulsion from within, but produced, on the contrary, by artificial
means, in bitter conflict with inherent instincts, inherited
traditions, innate tendencies, characteristics, and genius, racial
and individual. In the eyes of the Chinese of the old school these
changes in the habits of life infinitely old are improving nothing
and ruining much--all is empty, vapid, useless to God and to man.
The tawdry shell, the valueless husk of ancient Chinese life is here
still, remains untouched in many places; but the soul within is
steadily and surely, if slowly, undergoing a process of final
atrophy. But yet the proper opening up of the country by internal
reform and not {290} by external pressure has as yet hardly commenced
in immense areas of the Empire far removed from the Imperial city of
Peking.... I cannot but admit that whilst in most parts of my
journey there are distinct traces of reform--I speak, of course, of
the outlying parts of China--and some very striking traces, too, and
a real longing on the part of far-seeing officials to escape from a
humiliating international position, it is distinctly apparent that in
everything which concerns Europe and the Western world the people and
the officials as a whole are of one mind in the methods of
procrastination which are so dear to the heart of the Celestial, and
that peculiar opposition to Europeanism which has marked the real
East since the beginning of modern history."
To a large extent were I to go to the places where I formed the above
opinion I should probably be inclined to write to-day the same
opinion--perhaps with one point of difference: that point of
difference would be worked out by the noticeable presence of the
to-day ubiquitous Revolutionary. He was there before, working
silently; to-day he is working openly and without fear of
decapitation. And if, standing afar off, we are able to look out
across China, if we are able to see a beaconlight of revolutionism
(which means reform) and are able to estimate rightly the enormous
difference in national opinion which they in their teaching are
constantly bringing about, and if we are able also to look into the
future and imagine a China concentrated towards one final end of
resultant progress, assuredly we shall find a nation great in power
as she is now in numbers.
But shall we? The reader for himself must answer the question.
Would that I could without hesitancy declare that we shall. I hope
that we shall; but never, to attain this end, did a nation require
more careful steering.
One cannot conclude this volume, however, without {291} expressing
the hope that the Chinese will not prove themselves their greatest
enemy. Admiring their many admirable traits of national character,
willing to sacrifice much to uplift them in the truest sense, there
is many a man in China to-day who cannot but see that in the
overbearing attitude of the younger generation is there a great
danger to the common weal. China needs strong men: her strong men,
many of them young, enthusiastic, inexperienced in great things they
now have in hand, need to remain strong, they need to recognise Truth
first and last. The responsibility of remoulding the national
character of a quarter of the human race remains with them. They can
only do this by adhering to Truth and to right principles. If they
do, they will go from height to height in national reform and
progress of the greatest good. Without it, they will fall and be
lost. China's end will then be nearer.[2]
[1] "Across China on Foot: Life in the Interior and Reform Movement."
J. W. Arrowsmith, Ltd. 16s. net.
[2] The following is a newspaper interview with Mrs. T. C. White, the
Princess Der Ling:--
"'What are the causes of the downfall of the Manchu Dynasty?'
"'That is a long story. This thing was expected long ago. Of course
a lot of people in Peking didn't know anything about it, but we
did--our family. My father did, at least, since the China-Japanese
war. He said: "Within ten or fifteen years there is going to be a
revolution in China, and that will be the end of the Manchus. In
case they reform the country right away, it may be all right. But
otherwise they will be finished by that time." At that time they
didn't want it. We tried our best to reform the Court in lots of
things. The Empress-Dowager--at that time she ruled--hated reform.
She was very conservative. She wouldn't have reform as long as she
lived, but, of course, we hoped that in case of her death the Emperor
Kwang Hsu would reign. He would have been for reform; but we knew he
probably wouldn't live through; he would die before her. That Court
is so mysterious in every way--it takes too long to tell.
"'China has been an old, conservative country for so many years.
They kept up the old style and of course the old generations like it
because it is to their advantage. Just now the young people who have
been abroad and educated want the Western civilisation and freedom.
If they did not see anything better they would not know. But they
begin to see how nice it is in America and how hard life is in their
{292} country, and I do not blame them for causing the Revolution. I
would myself. I hate the old customs. But our family was one of the
first progressive families. In fact, I should say probably there are
very few like us among the Manchu families.
"'My father wanted reform. I remember hearing him talk about it ever
since I was four or five years old. The first thing he wanted us to
study was English. We were living at Shasi on the Yangtze River, and
afterwards at Hankow, and he sent us to the missionary school. All
his friends protested against it and said he was progressive, and
wanted to sell his country to the foreign people, that was why he
wanted his children to have a foreign education. The people called
him at that time "a rebel." He was very progressive. It didn't
bother him a bit. He wanted us to study and we did.
"'The Government was not fair. It was all for itself. It didn't
have good ministers. The heads of different Boards in Peking were
corrupt. First the Empress-Dowager, when she was alive--just as she
did--everybody did. They squeezed. Every position was bought in
China, every official position--all the Viceroys and Taotais. It was
like this. If you are the Prime Minister I come to you with so much
money and want this job. You say "All right." You take the money
from me and another person gives a little more and you accept my
money just the same, and his too. They left the good men without
jobs, and put in the crooked people. That is the reason of the
Revolution. They wanted to be treated fairly. Everybody has an
opportunity or should have, but so long as the Manchu rules, the
Regent rules--in fact, no one can get a chance except those who pay
their money.'
"'Why are the Manchu princes and high officials so inefficient?'
"'The Manchus do not want to study. They are so grand, they lose
their heads--they think they are, any way. The old Manchus were not
like that--that is, the Manchus got bad about eighty years ago.
Before that they were all capable men and fair in their judgment.
They do not want to know anything at all now; they are so conceited,
and you cannot talk to them.'
"'What is the chief source of their inefficiency--does it lie in
their characters, training, or habits?'
"'Training, of course. Everybody praises them, you see. All they
want is pleasure. The young princes in the Royal family think only
of pleasure. The Regent did not want to study when he was a boy, nor
his brothers. His father used to be very furious, but, of course,
his mother took his part, and instead of sending him to school she
sent him to play. Another thing, of course, the Regent himself is
weak-minded. He has not any character at all. I say this from
personal experience. I have talked many times with him.'
"'How are they brought up in the palace and what is the influence of
this upon their views about government?'
[Illustration: WHAT REMAINS OF HANKOW'S MAIN RIVER GATEWAY. The
scene of the Revolutionists' last stand in Hankow. The ruins above
are part of the Temple of the Dragon King.]
{293}
"'That is the great mistake in China, the way the Emperor is brought
up. The late Emperor Kwang Hsu deserved a lot of credit. He was
brought up in the Forbidden City so exclusively that he could not see
anybody who had any education at all, and played all day long with
the eunuchs. The eunuchs are of the commonest people in China. In
that way the Emperor could not have any chance to talk to people with
experience so he could make a good governor. But Emperor Kwang Hsu
was brought up that way and still had the idea of reform and I think
he deserved a lot of credit. The Manchu law is very strict that
children have to be polite to their parents' servants, so the little
Emperor must be polite to the eunuchs; otherwise they could report to
the Empress-Dowager. That is a very bad custom. If this little
Emperor is brought up that way, he will not amount to anything. The
present Empress-Dowager is a very nice woman. She, of course, has
some Chinese education. That would have been all right some years
ago, but we want something new now, something different. There is no
use to stick to the old books written thousands of years ago. We
want new civilisation now. Of course they had the idea at that time
to shut the door and shut out all foreigners so they could not bother
us. They cannot do that now; we must have something new.'
"'Will you be kind enough to trace and describe the influence of the
Empress-Dowager at the Court, and tell why this personage cuts such
an important figure.'
"'That is according to the Manchu law. If the Emperor is young and
she rules for him, she has all the power. He is only the figurehead.
Even if she retires, like the old Empress-Dowager did, the Emperor
has to go to her and consult with her regarding the affairs. The
outside world thought the Edicts were from the Emperor, but really
they were from her. In case of something important he had to go to
the Summer Palace and ask her questions. The late Empress-Dowager
wanted power. She is the only famous Empress-Dowager in the history
of the Manchu Dynasty. The present one does not care. She knows she
cannot run those things and she does not care.'
"'What kind of a woman is the present Empress Dowager?'
"'She is a mild, quiet, unobtrusive person, rather indifferent. She
knows very well that she cannot compare with her aunt, the late
Empress-Dowager.'
"'What part is she likely to play if the infant Emperor remains upon
the throne under a Constitutional Government and Chinese Regency?
"'Talking from a personal point of view, she would rather retire and
be quiet. Some things happened while I was at the palace and we
would ask her opinion. She would say: "I don't want to say anything
because I do not think it is right." She would say: "I am not
capable of telling you and cannot say anything at all." She does not
want to run the Government at all. This I am sure of. The only
thing she {294} wants is peace. She certainly has suffered all her
life. Although she was her niece, the old Empress treated her in a
very mean way.'
"'Has she any real power?'
"'No. But she doesn't want any. We were talking one day about
different things. During one of the Audiences the Old
Empress-Dowager told her to take the foreign ladies to the
refreshments. After this audience was over I asked her how she would
like to act in the Empress-Dowager's place after the
Empress-Dowager's death. And she said to me: "It depends on
circumstances. If I am the Empress of China, I would, but not as the
Empress-Dowager." That is, if her husband was Emperor and she
Empress. "If I had a son I would have to depend on him. I have no
son, and if that was the case, I would have to adopt one and it would
be the same thing as the Empress-Dowager and Kwang Hsu.'
"'Will you please describe the personality and character of the
ex-Regent and his brothers.'
"'Ex-Regent Tsai Feng; he is a very stupid man--a weak-minded
man--very conservative. No one can talk reform to him. Some one did
try it once just for fun and he said: "Our ancestors did not do that
and I do not see why we should." Of course he favours the
Conservative party. His two brothers are not like that. They have
both been abroad, in Europe and America too. But of course they are
not so overloaded with brains either. They are the three I mentioned
a while ago as being so poor. All they want, these two brothers, is
pleasure. There is one thing I want to say; when I was abroad a
young Prince, Tsai Chen--came over to King Edward's coronation.
Passing through Paris he came to see us. I was very much surprised.
At that time there were very few progressive people. Four months
after, I returned to Peking and found him just the other way and the
same case with the two brothers of the ex-Regent. When they were
abroad they got their heads full of reform for China, and of making
China like Europe and America, and as soon as they got back to China
they were satisfied with the way the people live. I was much
surprised. I asked him once what was the matter. He said: "We have
to live in this country and be that way and must be satisfied with
it."'
"'Who is, then, the real power among the Manchu nobility?'
"'That depends now. Just now no one has power. It was supposed to
be the ex-Regent because he was the head.'
"'Are the Manchus capable of regeneration?'
"'I doubt it. They don't want it. In fact, both my mother and
myself did all that we really dared to bring the Empress-Dowager
around to our viewpoint on the question of reform. The fact of our
being able to speak more languages than our own naturally made the
people in and out of the Court both jealous and suspicious of us.
They were sure that we were trying to influence the old
Empress-Dowager to {295} adopt some of the foreign ideas that we had
accumulated during our stay abroad, and one particularly good (?)
friend of ours, Prince Na Yung, told everybody that my mother was a
woman Kang Yu-wei.
"'One thing: they must bring up Manchu babies a different way and
send them abroad. Then probably there would be some hope. This
younger generation, like the ex-Regent, have common blood in them.
The mother of the Prince Regent and the two brothers was a concubine
of Prince Chung, the ex-Regent's father. And this woman was a
slave-girl. She had no education. Prince Chung died and left the
boys very young and they, of course, had no opportunity. They have
their mother's blood and they are just like their mother. That
generation all descends from concubines.
"My idea is, as long as the Chinese will have concubines they will
not progress. It is common blood. My idea is that the first reform
should be the abolishment of the concubine business. Let us say some
officials have daughters. They do not wish their daughters to be
concubines; they must be proper wives, so the concubines must be
slaves or bad women. Now how can they bear fine sons? Their blood
is common. One thing, however: the Imperial concubines are selected
from the Manchu officials' daughters--the daughters from the first
and second rank, not lower than that. They consider themselves just
like slaves. It is an awful life. The late Empress-Dowager was a
concubine. She was selected when she was seventeen years old. She
had a son and gained power that way. Her son was Emperor Tung Chih,
who died when he was nineteen. I know the girlhood of the old
Empress, and some day I will write it. She suffered terribly after
she went to the Court.'
"'What are the first things to be done in China to institute real
reform?'
"'Starting with the family, the very first reform which should be
instituted is to do away with the secondary wives. The next
important if not the most important, is an entire regeneration of the
official system. It is a well-known fact that the Government loses
three-fourths of the revenue it is entitled to through the official
system of squeeze, and by diverting the squeeze which now goes into
the pockets of officials to that of the Government's pocket will
immediately place the Government in the position of having sufficient
funds to carry through other reforms they have in mind. The next is
the putting of China's finances on either a silver or gold basis,
whichever may be thought best for the country, and having an
universal coinage system, thereby doing away with the enormous losses
to the business people of China by way of continual internal
exchange.'
"'Do you think the baby Emperor can be raised to be a capable
sovereign for the nation?'
"'That depends upon the way that they bring him up. If they bring
{296} him up as they did the old Emperor in the palace and no one to
see him, the eunuchs to keep him company, he will be the same as any
other Emperor--he will not know anything.'
"'What sort of education and surroundings should he have?'
"'Well, you have to start from childhood to train his mind. They are
so narrow-minded, those people at the Court. These eunuchs, to gain
favour from the Empress-Dowager, praised the late Emperor, no matter
what he did, and spoiled him. Raise this one as an ordinary little
boy--a simple education to start with. He has the idea that he will
be the Emperor, and praised by these people, he will get conceited,
The present Emperor is now five years old; his Chinese age is six. I
am very much afraid for this little boy. I will tell you why--his
mother is so common. His mother's father was all right; he was a big
Manchu official; but his mother's mother was a slave-girl bought from
Yangchow, and that gives bad blood to his mother, the ex-Regent's
wife. Of course, we talk "blood" a good deal, but if he is brought
up among these people--the family do not know anything--he cannot
gain very much. They are all so ignorant.'
"'What part will the Manchus of all kinds play in China under a
Constitutional or Republican Government?'
"'Maybe many people will not agree with me, but I know. The
Republican party is so strong; the Manchus will go somewhere and just
keep quiet. They haven't the nerve to fight; they will go. Who
wants to protest against this thing? It is supposed to be the
ex-Regent and his two brothers. They make so much noise but do not
dare to do anything. There is no strong character in the family.
They are all great cowards. That is why I doubt about the little
Emperor.'
"'What kind of Government do you think is better for the present?"
"'My idea is certainly not a Republic. I prefer a sort of Limited
Monarchy--a Constitutional Monarchy--for the present. The only
objection I would have to a Republic is that there are so many
parties--so many provinces. They are all together now, but after
they get what they want they will split and fight against each other.
That is the character of the Chinese. By and by after the people,
the younger generation, are all educated, the time will be ripe for a
Republic.'
"'Will you kindly give me the genealogy of the baby Emperor, showing
what part of Chinese blood he has.'
"'He is the son of the ex-Regent. The ex-Regent is half Chinese,
because his mother was not a Manchu. The little Emperor's mother is
about three-fourths Chinese; the little Emperor's mother's mother was
full Chinese; her father was half Chinese. So that would make her
three-quarters. So the little Emperor has more Chinese blood in him
than Manchu blood. The blood has been mixed terribly the last forty
years or so, because they all bought concubines. {297} The
ex-Regent's brother was the Emperor Kwang Hsu. He was the only son
of the proper wife of Prince Chung, the late Empress Dowager's
sister.'
"'Has Yuan Shih K'ai any reason to love the Manchus?'
"'No. I do not say he loves the Manchus. He is a very smart man and
he sees the situation. He knows what is best for the country. I
cannot say he loves the Manchus, although he was the late
Empress-Dowager's favourite. She always trusted him. She could see
that he was a capable man. The late Emperor wanted reform, but did
not know how to go at it. Yuan Shih K'ai knows how to go about it;
he is one of the progressive men.'
"'If the Monarchy is retained, what reforms should be made in the
social life of the Court?'
"'They are not trying for such a purpose. The Empress-Dowager should
take lessons. She is a fairly well-informed woman. She has read
some of the foreign histories translated into the Chinese. She is
willing to learn and to bring up the Emperor. My idea is to bring
him up like a foreigner. You see, in China they do not teach the
Emperor to love his people and his country. They do not do that. My
idea is to teach him to love his people and his country, and make him
know that he is responsible for this great nation and that he must do
justice to everybody. Of course, that is a hard thing, but it is as
should be. Teach him his duty to his people. Then it depends much
upon the sort of wife he marries. I begin to think there is not a
suitable girl to marry him. He has to marry a Manchu, and the Manchu
girls have no education. Any Manchu girl would be out of place as
Empress. My idea is that no matter how they change they must keep
their little old-fashioned law. They cannot remove that at once. I
know Manchus who lived in America for years and they even after that
thought that the customs in their own country were best. How can
they think that? I am a Manchu, and see things in a different light,
and have since I was ten or twelve years old. I made up my mind then
that I would not be under anybody. My father always said to me, "You
are just as good as anybody."
"'The Court is so different from any other Court. The people are not
used to those things, it will take time. First of all they must have
proper Court ladies. Those princesses do not know anything. All
they want is power--they do not know how to use it. What can they do
with power? Any Court ladies with education will not want to stay
with these ignorant women. They would have to fight all the time.
My life was not at all sweet whilst I was there. The Government is
just the same as a Chinese family. There is so much nonsense going
on. Now these poor girls, they are brought up in the old way, and of
course they are satisfied because they know no better, and when they
marry they go over to their husband's family and get treated badly by
{298} their mother-in-law. You see, the Chinese teaching is so
different; it always teaches a woman to be patient. And of course,
in the case of a Chinese whom the parents send abroad, when she comes
back she is a changed girl, and her mother does not like it. She
will not listen to her mother's nonsense. Some silly little things
they do in the family; they made the Chinese conservative party
against the progressive. My friends are like that--the poor girls
just suffer. I wish they had not had foreign education.'"
{299}
INDEX
Abdication Edict, the (278-87), text, 278-80
Admiralty, inconvenient regulations of, 123
Anti-foreign feeling, 14; reversal of, 43; see Boxer
Artillery, in action, 64-5, 68-9, 71-2, 74, 98
Awakening of China, 273-4
Boxer rising, 209; due to enmity of North and South, 268; directed
against Manchus, yet exploited by the Dowager-Empress, 271-2;
collapse of, 272-3
British authorities, weakness of, 119; letter to Consul, 122-3
British Concession, under fire, 108
British trade in China, 25-8
Cantlie, Dr., and the rescue of Sun Yat-sen from the Chinese
Legation, 208-09
Canton, outbreak at, 16; conspiracy of 1895, 202-07
Cartoons, anti-foreign, 241
Cecil, Lord William, 30-2
_Central China Post_ on Manchu Dynasty, 260-2
Chang Piao, General, 55, 58; interview with, 61-2; surrenders
Nanking, 156-7
Cheng-tu, siege of, 241
Cheo, execution of, 277
China, extent of, 13
"China Under the Empress-Dowager," by Bland and Backhouse, 268
_China Press_, the, 159; on Republic or Monarchy, 196-200, 230
Chinese, future of the, 19, 291
Christianity in China, 30-1; future of, 43
Chwang-Lieh-ti, Emperor, hangs himself (1644), 259
Civil Service, the Chinese, 262
Clothing trade, the, 22
Concessions, position of the, 118
Concubinism, dangers of, 295
Confucianism, 43
Constitutional Monarchy, reasons in favour of, 143, 296
Constitutional Provisional Republic, the, 214-20
Corruption of Manchu Government, 18
_Coup d'état_ of 1898, 271
Courage of Chinese troops, 111
Court, Chinese, the, 297
Courts of Justice, Republican, 219
Cruelty of Imperialist troops, 140-2
Der Ling, Princess, on causes of Reform, 291-8
Dragon, the, 244
Edict, the famous Revolutionary, of General Li, 276; its provisions
carried out, 277
Education, the new, 284-5
Emperor, of China, 31; the child, 295-6
Empress-Dowager, the, 226-32; diverts the Boxers from their original
aim, 271, 274, 291-7
Eucken, Professor, on Reform, 286
Extortion by torture, 203-04; under the Manchus, 261
Fleet, Imperial, at Hanyang, 69, 71
Foreign Concessions, at Hanyang, 72, 119-21
Foreign intervention not desired, 265-6
Foreign Loans, 44; feeling against, 238
French, at Hankow, ask for troops, 118, 121; wish to annex Yunnan, 259
German trade in China, 25-8
Gordon, General ("Chinese"), in the Taiping Rebellion, 195, 265
_Hai Yung_, 112; Chinese cruiser, in action, 114-15
Hankow, 44; premature outbreak in the Russian Concession, 49-50; 53;
the Revolution commences in, 54, 58; the burning of, 81-7; looting
of, 85; ruin of, 267
Hanyang, the arsenal taken, 57-58, 87; threatened with a second
bombardment, 96-8; second battle of, 107-08; final bombardment of,
125-32; fall of, through treachery, 144; 154
Hanyang Hill, captured, 147
Hat trade, captured by Japanese enterprise, 22
_Helena_, U.S.A. launch, 58
Hokwan, peculates twenty-six million sterling, 261
Hsi-fan tribes, 251
Hsuan Tung, H.I.M., 227
Hsu-Ching-cheng, executed for saving Europeans, 271
Hu Ying, Revolutionary delegate to the Peace Conference, 177-84
Hunan, troops from, fate of deserters, 143; refuse to fight, 148
Hung Siu-tsuan, 263
Hupeh, army of, 47-8, 58, 117
Hwei-ti, Emperor, revolution in days of, 257
Imperial Edict, the, 90-1, 153
Imperialists, at Hanyang, 34, 62, 64; victorious, 67; 71; courage of,
71-2; 73; massacre of refugees from Hankow, 85-6; brutal behaviour
of, 88; surround Hankow, 107; attack Hanyang, 128; cruelty of,
138-41; 145-6
Japan, war with, 15; her trade with China, 24-5, 28; revolution in,
130; victory over China, 273
Jung Lu, to be beheaded, 224; 269, 271
Kaifeng, drowned out by Li-Tsi-cheng in 1642, 258
Keen-lung, great Manchu Emperor, 260-2
Kilometre Ten, Battle of, 68-72
Knepper, Captain, 58
_Kung Ching_, the, 52
Kwang Lu, Emperor, in his Valedictory, hopes Yuan will be beheaded,
227; 293-4
Lee, Homer, General of Reform Cadets, 210
Li Tsi-cheng, ends the Ming Dynasty, 258; turns the Yellow River into
the city of Kaifeng (1642), 258; proclaims himself Emperor, 259; his
fall, 259, 273
Li Yuan Hung, statement by, 33-5; interview with, 37-45; details of
life, 45-6; loth to lead the Revolutionists, 47; 55; his policy of
"sit tight," 73; his Edict, 89, 93-5; appeals to Yuan, 103; 107,
116-17; anxious to stop slaughter, 147; 149, 152; asks for an
armistice, 159; 164-5
Ling, General, takes Nanking, 158; desires peace, 170; 195; his
famous Edict, 276, 282
Liu King, 47; his story, 51-4
Liu King, Mrs., to throw a bomb, 53
Liu Yao-chen, 54
Loans, foreign, _literati_ object to, 238
Lolo tribes, the, 251
_London and China Express_, 122
London Mission Hospital, 85, 109
Macartney, Sir Halliday, and Sun Yat-sen's capture, 208
McFarlane, Rev. H. J., 78, 80
Machinery, belief that it takes away work and starves people, 238-9
Manchu Dynasty, shaken, 134; 153; objection to, 188; 192; on trial,
229; character of, 260; China under the, 261; universality of protest
against, 282; causes of downfall, 291
Manchus, 15; policy of, 17; corruption and tyranny of, 17-18, 103-4;
originally called in to revenge a rape, 259; character of, 294-5
Manifesto of the Revolution, 16-19
Marco Polo, 17
Medhurst, C. S., on claims of Republic and Monarchy, 196-200
Ming Dynasty, the last effort of, 194-5
Missionaries, massacres of, 272
Model army, the, 47, _see_ Imperialists
Mohammedan Rebellion, the, 267; apparently successful, 268;
suppressed, 268
Monopolies, Manchu, 17
Nanking, fall of, 39; news of fall, 155; account of, 156; Provisional
Republic proclaimed at, 210; fall of, in Taiping Rebellion, 264;
taken by Gordon, 245
Nanking, Treaty of, 263
National assembly, 215, 229-30
National Convention, 220
Nationalisation of Railways, cause of, Sze-Chuan rebellion, 235
Navy, the, 39
Nestorian tablet, 17
Nou-su tribes, 251
Northern army, the, 75, 97
"One Aim Society," the, 240
Outlawry, 14
Panthays, capture Yunnan, 267
"Patriotic Harmony Bands," _see_ Boxers
Patriotism, in China, 111, 270
Peace Conference, the, 185; disappointment follows, 196; "fizzles
out," 196
Pekin, Government, the, 15; strong position of, 189-91; disorders in
1912, 212-13; taken by Allies (1900), 272
_People, The_, 51-2
"Plum Blossom Fists," 269-70
Powers, European, ignorance of Chinese temper, 270
President of China, the, 39
Privileges, Manchu, 17
Provisional Military Association, the, 210
Provisional Republican Constitution, the, 214-20
Queue, cutting of the, 194
Railways, nationalisation of, 235-7; condition of Chinese, 237
Recognition of the Republic, 220
Redheads, in the Taiping rebellion, 265
Reform, Yuan paralyses, 224-5; 286-7; outlook for, 288-98; inland,
289-90
Reform Cadets, 210
Reform Edict, of 1898, 284
Regent, the, 134; resigns, 230-1
Republic, the, proclaimed, 16; recognition of the, 151; proclamation
by Dr. Wu Ting Fang, 151-2; difficulties in way of, 193; general
support of, 195; established as a world Power, 281; ideal of the, 288
Revolution of 1400, 257
Revolution of 1911-12,13; planned years ago, 15; causes of, 38;
outbreak of, 47-8; plans of, 53; movement abroad, 201; sincerity of
movement, 283
Revolutionary troops, at Hanyang, reversed, 65; courage of, 73;
excellent behaviour of, 89; confidence of, 117; good behaviour at
taking of Nanking, 159; general good behaviour of, 282
Run-chung-yung, 54
Sah, Admiral, 40, 62; at Hanyang, 71; his bluff, 72-3; appealed to by
students of Hanyang and Hankow, he is converted to Revolution, 100-1
Shanghai, Peace Conference of, 174-5, (185-200)
Shantung, goes over to the Revolutionists, 125
Sian-fu, Nestorian tablet of, 17; massacre of foreigners in, 165
Son of Heaven, ceremonial, 195
Students, influence of, 16
Suffrage, universal, proposed by Sun Yat-sen, 197
Sun Yat-sen, 15, 16, 40, 45, 51; arrives in Shanghai, 196; the coming
of, (201-22); character and adventures, 202; the Canton conspiracy,
202; captured in London, 207-8; swindled in Japan, 209; escapes to
Annam and returns to America, 210; proclaimed President at Nanking,
210; the price on his head, 211; studies medicine, 212; retires in
favour of Yuan, 213; his oath, 213; 282
Sun Wu, causes premature outbreak of revolution, 50, 53
Sze-Chuan, revolt of, against nationalisation of railways, 235;
slaughter in, 241; present disorder in, 241-2; tribal element in,
242, 245-6, 252
Ta Ts'ing Dynasty, 256
Taiping Rebellion, 195, 263-5, 267, 269, 273
Tang-Shao-yi, Yuan's delegate at the Peace Conference, 172-6, 186-7;
favours a Republic, 188; his powers repudiated by Yuan, 196
Tartars, reaction against the, 193-4
Tibet, Chinese policy in, 248-9
_Times_, editorial, 55-6; prophesies failure of Revolution, 155
Torpedo-boats at Wuchang, 113-14
Trade, restrictions of, 18; increase to be expected, 21-9
Tribes in Sze-Chuan, 245-6; their hatred of Chinese, 248, 251;
China's great weakness, 251
Tuan-Fang, Director-General of Railways, 236; his disgrace, 236;
reinstated, 236; killed by his men, 241; sketch of, 252-4; disgrace
of, 255; protects missions, 269
United States of America, action of, 155
United States of China, probable, 195
United Universities scheme, 275
Viceroy of Hankow, the, 54-5
Wang-change-hui, 186
Wang-Chao-naing, 186
Wang-Cheng-ting, 186
Ward, General, in the Taiping Rebellion, 265
Wen Tsang-yao, 185
White, Miss T. C. (Princess der Ling), 261
White Lily Society, 269
Winsloe, Rear-Admiral, 72, 123
Women soldiers, 53
Wong, Mr., 163
_Woodcock_, H.M.S., 109
Wounded at Hanyung, 131-3
Wu, General, 126
Wu San-Kwei, calls in the Manchus to avenge his mistress, 259
Wu Ting Fang, Dr., 40, 152, 173, 185, 187
Wuchang, outbreak at, 16, 33-4, 47, 72-3; stronghold of
Revolutionists, 92; fighting round, 98-100, 124; evacuation of,
167-9; modern army of, 224
Yakub Beg, leader of the Mohammedan Revolt, 267
Yangtze River, 189
Yen, Prince (Emperor Ch'eng-Tsu), his rebellion in A.D. 1400, 257
Yin Chang, General, 62
Young China Party, 242-3, 245
Yu Hsien, massacres missionaries, 272
Yuan-Ch'ang, executed for saving Europeans, 271
Yuan-Shih-Kai, 39-40, 75-7, 93; his letter to General Li, 94-5;
promises a Constitutional Government and abolition of the Manchu
princedoms, 95; his army, 97; Li's appeal to him, 103-06; 117-18,
125; his plea for a monarchy, 135; official statement, 159-61;
negotiations at the Peace Conference, 113-15; 190, 196; proclaimed
President, but loses hold in Pekin, 213; character-sketch of, 221-2;
"Yuan the Reformer," 223; forms the Model Army, 224; betrays the
Emperor, 225; the first man in China, 226; his fall, 227; recalled to
Pekin as Prime Minister, 228; to form a Reform Government, 229; in
favour of limited monarchy, 229, 233; an enigma, 234
Yunnan, Mohammedan rebellion in, 248, 267
UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.
End of Project Gutenberg's China's Revolution 1911-1912, by Edwin J. Dingle