THE eldest son of James VI., King of Scotland, afterwards I. of England,

by Anne of Denmark; born at Stirling Castle, and consigned when an

infant to the joint care of the Earl of Mar, and the Countess his

mother, who had been nurse to His Majesty. The lady was of an austere

temper, though conscientious, and between her, her son, and the Queen,

many quarrels ensued. Neither James nor his wife liked the trouble of

educating or bringing up their own children, the younger members of the

family being sent out to board and lodge at the houses of different

noblemen. But James loved pomp, and appointed a household for his eldest

son, when still an infant. Besides the Earl of Mar, his Governor, the

illustrious babe had a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, in the person of Sir

David Murray, who attended him into England, and remained with him till

his death. When between five and six, Henry was removed to the custody

of Adam Newton, a learned Scot, on whom James, on his accession to the

English throne, bestowed the Deanery of Durham (although a layman), and

a Baronetcy. This was probably a reward for translating a work of the

royal pedant’s into Latin. The Pope was anxious himself to superintend

the education of the heir-apparent to the English Crown, but the

proposal was not smiled upon!

No sooner did the little Prince arrive in England than a residence was

allotted him in one of the royal palaces, and a splendid household

appointed, with numerous attendants—the celebrated Inigo Jones named

Comptroller of the Works.

Henry was of a mild, loving, gentle disposition, combined with high

courage, and a passion for military exercises of all kinds; dutiful and

respectful to a bad father, religious, and truthful in the extreme, he

was indeed a gracious Prince. He never pronounced the name of God but

with the deepest reverence, and abhorred the practice of swearing, to

which James was so strongly addicted. On one occasion when out hunting,

his sport was spoiled by a butcher’s dog setting on the stag, and

killing him. A courtier who was present observed, had His Majesty been

there, he would assuredly have sworn. ‘Nay, sir,’ said the Prince, ‘all

the pleasure in the world is not worth an oath.’

The Ambassador of Henry IV. of France, writing to his Sovereign,

says,—‘None of his pleasures savour of a child. He loves horses and

hunting, is fond of games, especially tennis; usually plays with those

older than himself. He studies for two hours every day, but loves better

to toss the pike, leap, shoot, etc. etc. He is kind and faithful to his

dependants. Is never idle. He is already feared by those who have the

management of affairs, especially my Lord of Salisbury, who seems to

fear the Prince’s ascendency.’

Be it remembered, this testimony is of a boy of thirteen years of age.

He governed his large household, as he grew in years, with a discretion

and a justice which argued well for the kingdom it was vainly hoped he

would one day govern.

‘He loved, and did mightily strive,’ says Cornwallis, ‘to do somewhat of

everything, and to excel. He walked fast and far to prepare, in case

long marches should be required of him. He greatly delighted in art,

science, and mechanism.’

Did ever Prince seek to educate himself more thoroughly, or strive to

render himself worthy to govern a great country? By nature haughty, he

subdued what might have been arrogance into proper dignity. He took as

great an interest in naval as in military affairs, and his political

opinions were in every way opposed to those of his father; but he was a

most dutiful son, extremely reserved, the result of his early education.

He was a zealous Protestant, and steadily refused marriage with all the

Catholic Princesses suggested to his choice, saying, if he must marry

one, it should be the youngest of them all, as there would be more hope

of her conversion.

He formed few friendships, Sir John Harrington being one of those

singled out by him. He showed great partiality for his cousin Arabella

Stuart, and strove to befriend her several times. His sister Elizabeth

he loved dearly, from his early boyhood; and the correspondence between

the royal children, although partaking of the formal style of the day,

was marked by tenderness.

Most of the contemporary writers concur in the opinion that the Prince’s

heart was not susceptible, but there were whispers abroad, that he was a

victim to the charms of the beautiful and wicked Lady Essex, and that

his dislike to Lord Somerset was enhanced by rivalry.

Neither of his parents was worthy to possess the blessing of such a son.

The Queen tried in vain to gain some influence over his mind, but she

loved him not, and James, it was easy to imagine, was jealous of the

adoration with which his English subjects regarded his son and heir.

Moreover, Henry, though always respectful to his father, silently

rebuked him by the contrast in their way of life and general conduct.

Amongst the different suitors for the hand of his beloved sister, the

Prince of Wales favoured the young Elector Palatine, more especially on

account of his strong Protestant tendencies.

It was in the midst of the preparations for the marriage of the Princess

Elizabeth, that the hope of the nation was seized with sudden and almost

unaccountable illness. Different causes were assigned:—he had, when

over-exerted by too frequent swimmings in the Thames, ridden hastily to

and from Belvoir Castle, to wait on the King’s Majesty, etc. etc. The

illness, pronounced by the physician to be putrid fever, appears to have

been aggravated by injudicious medical treatment. He was lying at St.

James’s, where his father, mother, and sister visited him in the early

days of his illness. But James soon took fright for his own safety, and

retired to Theobalds. Delirium with fearful convulsions now set in, with

lucid intervals, when Henry displayed all the courage and gentle

patience which might well be expected from so good and noble a Prince.

His illness lasted about a fortnight. We quote the words of Richard Earl

of Dorset on this deeply deplored death: ‘Our rising sun set; it had

scarcely shone, and with him all our glory lies buried.’

The news which plunged the whole nation in sorrow, the King received

with much indifference, and issued an order forbidding the people to

wear mourning, on the plea of the approaching nuptials of his daughter.

He also directed that the arrangements for the Christmas festivities

should in no wise be interrupted.

A report was now circulated which accused Lord Rochester of having

poisoned the Prince of Wales, a suspicion which doubtless gained more

credence when that unworthy man was found guilty of the murder of Sir

Thomas Overbury. Bishop Burnet says that Henry’s brother Charles never

wavered in his belief that such was the case, although the Court

physicians denied it.

The description which Sir Charles Cornwallis gives us of Henry’s

appearance is as follows: ‘He was of a comely stature, about five feet

eight inches high, strong, straight, and well made, as if Nature in him

had showed all her cunning; with somewhat broad shoulders and a small

waist, of an amiable and majestic countenance; his hair auburn,

long-faced, and broad forehead, piercing grave eye, a most gracious

smile, with a terrible frown.’

The beautiful house at Bramshill, Hants, now the property of Sir William

Cope, was said to have been built as a residence for the Prince of

Wales, likewise the picturesque old house of Charlton, in Kent.

[Illustration]

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[Illustration]

_SMALLER CORRIDOR UP-STAIRS_.

[Illustration]

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SMALLER CORRIDOR UP-STAIRS.

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_No. 133._

THE HONOURABLE LADY THYNNE.

_Head oval. Brown dress. White scarf, fastened in front with a jewel.

Ringlets._

SHE was the daughter of Lord Keeper Coventry, and the wife of Sir Henry

Frederick Thynne.

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No. 134.

ADMIRAL CAVENDISH, THE CIRCUMNAVIGATOR.

BY ZUCCHERO.

DIED AT SEA 1593.

_Light brown hair. Clean shaven. Embroidered vest. Band of pearls over

the shoulder. Dark cloak. Right arm akimbo._

THOMAS Cavendish was the son of a gentleman of fortune in Suffolk. He

had an early fancy for the sea, which was strengthened by circumstances.

At the age of twenty-one he had already dissipated the chief part of the

property left him by his father, through gambling and other pleasures.

England was at this time at war with Spain, and it was considered fair

play for ‘amateur buccaneers’ on the high seas to attack any vessel, or

take possession of any settlement, in any part of the world, belonging

to that nation.

In this manner Cavendish thought to retrieve his fortunes, and he

accordingly, in 1585, equipped a stout bark at his own expense, and

accompanied Sir Richard Grenville on his voyage to Virginia, Florida,

the West Indies, etc. etc. The expedition was very successful on the

whole, though naturally the English met with some reverses. Cavendish

returned with his income much replenished; but he went to the Court of

‘the maiden Queen,’ where he lived in splendour, and indulged in great

extravagance, so that the dollars did not remain long in his purse. He

determined to go afloat once more, but he had to sell or mortgage the

remainder of his estates to enable him to fit out three vessels, and,

fired by the example of Sir Francis Drake, he resolved to visit some of

the spots where that famous sailor had been so successful. He first

steered for Sierra Leone, where he landed, and pillaged and burned the

town, ostensibly as reprisals for a wound inflicted on one of his crew

by a native. Proceeding to South America, he touched at many points as

he coasted along, giving English names to the places which took his

fancy. One beautiful bay, glistening with golden sands, he called

‘Elizabeth,’ after his royal mistress, although it did not enjoy a good

reputation, being inhabited by cannibals who had feasted largely on the

unfortunate Spaniards. He landed frequently whenever there was a

prospect of gain, and attacked the Spaniards in their settlements,

burning, destroying, and plundering, often with considerable loss on his

own side; but he was never daunted, and his success outweighed his

reverses. He took many Spanish barks, but his chief prize was the ‘St.

Anna’ galleon laden with rich merchandise, specie, jewels, etc. etc. He

marked her for his own, lay in wait for her, and in spite of fearful

odds as to numbers of the respective crews, he boarded and took

possession, with all the invaluable freight. He then proceeded on his

voyage round the world, which he performed most successfully, and

returned to Plymouth, being the second Englishman who had

circumnavigated the globe, and the first who had achieved the voyage in

so short a time.

Cavendish was received at Court with great favour; the Queen knighted

him, and he found England ringing with his fame, which in no wise

displeased him. He wrote to Lord Hunsdon in a style of self-complacency,

describing all he had done and seen, especially laying stress on the

fact that he had shown no mercy to the Queen’s enemies, and that he had

lost no opportunity of pillage. He had indeed done very good service to

navigation by the improvements he had made in charts, and the like, the

exact log he had kept, and the observations he had taken as he sailed

along, besides discoveries made.

He pointed out especially the resources and advantageous position of the

fertile island of St. Helena, hitherto little frequented excepting by

the Portuguese. We have not space to recount all his wonderful escapes

and adventures. Cavendish had, as we have before observed, a great taste

for magnificence of all kinds, and when at Court he was remarked for the

splendour of his dress. He was also very nice in the decoration of

vessels, and was said to have had one of them adorned with a mainsail of

costly damask. But in all his wanderings he had not learned prudence. A

third time he found his money all gone, and it was no longer in his

power to raise a sufficient sum for the fitting out of any more ships. A

joint-stock company was formed for the purpose of effecting this, and

Cavendish was engaged in their service; but he found himself very soon

in a most humiliating position, under the orders of men who were

entirely ignorant of navigation, and who constantly interfered and took

share in the command, instead of listening to the advice of this

experienced Admiral. Quarrels and bickerings ensued, and not long after

the small fleet weighed anchor, storms and tempests set in, and

disasters of every kind were encountered. The brave spirit gave way at

length, being broken down by ill-health, disappointment, and perplexity,

the crowning point being the mutinous conduct of the sailors towards one

who had hitherto been paramount on his own quarter-deck. Cavendish had

not proceeded far on his return to England, which he was never destined

to see again, when he died at sea, after a life of storm and adventure

such as few had experienced even in those stirring times.

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No. 135.

PORTRAIT UNKNOWN.

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No. 136.

LADY MARGARET HARLEY, AFTERWARDS DUCHESS OF PORTLAND.

BY MERCIER.

DIED 1785.

_As a girl. Full length. Dressed as a shepherdess. Hat and crook.

Dog and lamb beside her._

SHE was the only daughter and heir of Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford, by

the daughter and heir of William Holles, Duke of Newcastle. Prior

immortalised her as his sweet, lovely, noble, charming Peggy. She

married William Bentinck, Duke of Portland, by whom she had several

children. The eldest daughter became the wife of the first Marquis of

Bath.

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No. 137.

JOHN GRAHAM OF CLAVERHOUSE, VISCOUNT DUNDEE.

BY VANDYCK.

BORN 1643, KILLED IN ACTION 1689.

_In armour. Laced band. Broad red sash. Holding a baton._

THE eldest son of Sir William Graham of Claverhouse, county Forfar,

N.B., by Jane, daughter of John Carnegie, first Earl of Northesk. The

family was a branch of the noble house of Montrose, descended from

William Lord Graham of Kincardine, by his second wife, Margaret,

daughter of Robert III., King of Scotland.

John Graham studied at the University of St. Andrews, but went to France

to finish his education, where he entered the army of the Great Monarch

as a volunteer. Having resolved on the career of a soldier, he left

France, and obtained a cornetcy in the Horse Guards of William Prince of

Orange, by whom he was promoted to the command of a troop in 1674, in

consideration of his bravery at the battle of Seneffe, in which

engagement, indeed, he saved the Prince’s life.

Some time afterwards, Graham applied for the command of one of the

Scotch regiments in the Dutch service, but being refused, the young

soldier was so disgusted that he threw up his commission and went to

England.

Now, although it did not suit the Prince of Orange to grant Graham’s

request, he gave him the warmest recommendation to Charles II., who

immediately made him commander of a body of horse just levied in

Scotland to oppose the rising of the Covenanters, nominally under the

orders of the Duke of Monmouth. Graham found himself vested with full

power to act as he thought fit, and history and historical romance alike

testify to the severity, and even cruelty, with which he carried out his

measures.

He entertained a personal hatred to the Whigs, and his hot temper made

him vindictive in public as well as private matters. He had no

toleration for the opinions, or mercy for the disaffection, of these

enthusiasts, numbers of whom he forced, at the point of the sword, to

take an oath hateful to their consciences. In 1679, one of their

conventicles having been attacked, the peasants rose and defeated a

detachment of his troops with considerable loss. Exasperated beyond

words at what he considered a disgrace, the General gave vent to his

fury, massacring the unfortunate ‘hillside folk,’ who were unarmed;

putting to death without a moment’s respite those who refused the test,

and making for himself a road of carnage and desolation wherever his

march was directed. Who can wonder that he gained for himself the name

of ‘Bloody Claver’se’?

The Crown, however, rewarded his zeal by making him Sheriff of

Wigtownshire in 1682, captain of a troop in the Royal Regiment of Horse,

Privy Councillor in Scotland, together with a grant of the castle of

Dudhope, and the office of Constable of Dundee.

Notwithstanding his cruelty to their countrymen, he was much favoured by

the Scotch Episcopalians, until his marriage with the granddaughter of

the Earl of Dundonald, ‘a fanatic,’ brought him into temporary

disrepute.

On the accession of James II., the King was persuaded (on the plea of

this marriage) to remove Claverhouse from his seat in the Council; but

he was soon reinstated, and successively promoted to the rank of

Brigadier and Major-General, and in 1688 created Viscount Dundee and

Baron Graham of Claverhouse in Scotland. At the time of his elevation to

the Peerage, Dundee was in attendance on the King in London, vainly

endeavouring to prevail on the unhappy monarch to make a stand against

the Prince of Orange, offering to collect 10,000 of the disbanded

troops, and at their head to stem the torrent of invasion. But James was

deaf to these manly and vigorous counsels, though one of the last acts

of his Government was to intrust Dundee with the management of all

military affairs in Scotland.

Thither Claverhouse (for by that name he is best known) repaired, and on

arriving in Edinburgh took his seat at a Convention of the Estates then

sitting. Here he endeavoured to carry matters with too high a hand, and

finding that some of his arbitrary requests were refused, he left

Edinburgh in dudgeon, at the head of a large body of horse. Prompt and

energetic in all his measures, the General repaired to Stirling, called

a parliament of the friends of the expatriated King, and considerably

harassed and hampered the movements of his adversaries.

Receiving intelligence of the approach of a force sent by the Convention

to seize his person, he retired to Lochaber, where a gathering of the

clans soon placed him at the head of a large number of Highlanders, all

enthusiastically devoted to his person and the Royal cause.

Dundee now made a fresh appeal to James, then in Ireland, entreating him

to cross over to Scotland, where his presence would ‘fix the wavering

and intimidate the fearful, and where hosts of shepherds would start up

warriors at the first wave of his banner on the mountains.’

But once more his advice was thrown away. James sent him a small store

of arms and ammunition, together with some feeble promises and faint

words of praise.

Claverhouse had not only the qualities of a great commander, but in his

cooler moments possessed the requisites for a ruler and administrator of

justice.

On one occasion, at Inverness, he found the inhabitants of that town in

arms against a body of neighbouring chiefs, to decide a quarrel

respecting some question of debt. He sat in judgment on the matter,

severely reproved both parties for drawing their daggers on each other,

instead of uniting to support the cause of their royal master; and then,

to the surprise and delight of the litigants, he drew the amount of the

debt from his own purse and paid it on the spot. In an ecstasy of

enthusiasm and gratitude the two adverse parties joined in hearty

fellowship, and enlisted with one accord under his banner. Indeed, his

influence throughout the country was wonderful, and he entered on a

system of communication with all those whom he considered likely to

advance the cause for which he worked so zealously. It is unnecessary to

recount all his efforts to win adherents, but perhaps the most

remarkable of his successes in this particular occurred in the case of a

band of Highland vassals raised by Lord Murray on the estate of his

father, the Earl of Athole.

While Murray was in the act of reviewing them they quitted their ranks,

hastened to a neighbouring brook, filled their bonnets with water, drank

the health of King James, and, with pipes playing, marched off to join

Dundee. William III. now thought it time to take some decided measures,

and he despatched General Mackay (who had distinguished himself in

Holland) with a considerable force into Scotland, while James sent

orders to his General to avoid a battle until the arrival of fresh

reinforcements from Ireland. For these supplies the eager-spirited

soldier had to wait two months in the mountains, keeping, however,

(according to modern parlance,) his hand in during that time by spirited

attacks and retreats. The delay must have been displeasing to the man of

whom it was said that the first messenger of his approach was the sight

of his army, and the first intelligence of his retreat that he was

beyond the enemy’s reach.

No sooner did the raw and ill-provided recruits who formed the promised

reinforcement arrive than Claverhouse prepared for active measures.

Hearing that Mackay was marching on Blair Castle, in Athole, a fortress

of much importance, he resolved to intercept him. Accordingly, when

William’s General arrived on the plain at the mouth of the Pass of

Killiecrankie, he found Dundee on the surrounding hills awaiting his

arrival. He did all he could to incite the enemy to immediate action,

but it suited the Scotch commander to delay for some hours.

As the sun of July the 27th, 1689, sank slowly to rest, the word was

given, and the Highlanders, whose eager spirits had been controlled for

so many hours, dashed down the hillside with even more than their usual

impetuosity. It was but the work of a moment: William’s army was routed

as if by magic. Dundee, who had fought on foot in the onset, now leaped

on his horse and galloped to the mouth of the Pass to intercept the

enemy’s retreat. In his hot haste he outstripped his men, and looking

round, found himself almost alone, and he waved his sword to motion his

men forward, when a musket-ball struck him in the arm-pit. He fell

fainting from his horse, and was carried off the field, but soon

rallied, and inquired how things went.

On receiving the answer, ‘All is well,’ the gallant soldier replied,

‘Then I am well also,’ and instantly expired.

When King William heard of his death, he said, ‘Then the war in Scotland

is over.’

Surely never was countenance more indicative of the inner man than the

comely face with which we are so familiar in the portraits of John

Graham of Claverhouse. The faultless features, the fair complexion, the

profusion of silken hair, and the slight moustache, convey an idea of

refinement and delicacy, we should almost say gentleness. But a glance

at the dark hazel eyes, full of latent fire, and (even plainer reading

to a physiognomist) the determined lines of the exquisitely curved lip,

bring us face to face with the obdurate, and (the true word must be

spoken) cruel man of blood. He was verily ‘an eagle at assault and a

maiden in the bower,’ and there have been few characters that inspired

such extremes of love and hatred.

He was idolised by his soldiers, whose hardships he gladly shared in

times of privation, often sending, to the sick and wounded among his

troops, the dainties which had been provided for himself. Yet so strict

was he as a disciplinarian, that for an officer at least, there seemed

no slighter punishment for any military fault than death; and indeed he

said all other punishment, in his opinion, disgraced a gentleman.

A striking anecdote is told, characteristic of the man himself, and of

his system, and worthy of the days of Sparta: A young gentleman was

observed by the General to fly in his first action. He had compassion on

the boy, and pretended that he himself had sent him to the rear, but

alas! on the next occasion the young soldier was again found wanting in

courage, and Claverhouse, calling him to the front of the army, shot him

with his own pistol, being loath, he said, ‘to let a youth of gentle

blood fall by the hand of a common executioner.’

Biographical catalogue of the portraits at Longleat in the county of Wilts, the seat of the Marquis of Bath · 第 19 / 22 段