NOTES.

[1] I. Desire to excel other animals--_Sese student praestare

caeteris animalibus._ The pronoun, which is usually omitted, is, says

Cortius, not without its force; for it is equivalent to _ut ipsi_:

student _ut ipsi praestent_. In support of his opinion he quotes, with

other passages, Plaut. Asinar. i. 3, 31: Vult placere sese amicae,

i.e. vult _ut ipse amicae placeat_; and Coelius Antipater apud Festum

in "Topper," Ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat aemulari, i.e.

_studeat ut ipse aemuletur._ This explanation is approved by Bernouf.

Cortius might have added Cat. 7: _sese_ quisque hostem _ferire

--properabat._ "Student," Cortius interprets by "cupiunt."

[2] To the utmost of their power--_Summâ ope_, with their utmost

ability. "A Sallustian mode of expression. Cicero would have said

_summâ operâ, summo studio, summâ contentione._ Ennius has '_Summa

nituntur opum vi_.'" Colerus.

[3] In obscurity--_Silentio._ So as to have nothing said of them,

either during their lives or at their death. So in c. 2: _Eorum ego

vitam mortemque juxta aestumo, quoniam de utrâque siletur_. When Ovid

says, _Bene qui latuit, bene vixit,_ and Horace, _Nec vixit malè, qui

vivens moriensque fefellit,_ they merely signify that he has some

comfort in life, who, in ignoble obscurity, escapes trouble and

censure. But men thus undistinguished are, in the estimation of

Sallust, little superior to the brute creation. "Optimus quisque,"

says Muretus, quoting Cicero, "honoris et gloriae studio maximè

ducitur;" the ablest men are most actuated by the desire of honor and

glory, and are more solicitous about the character which they will

bear among posterity. With reason, therefore, does Pallas, in the

Odyssey, address the following exhortation to Telemachus:

"Hast thou not heard how young Orestes, fir'd

With great revenge, immortal praise acquir'd?

O greatly bless'd with ev'ry blooming grace,

With equal steps the paths of glory trace!

Join to that royal youth's your rival name,

And shine eternal in the sphere of fame."

[4] Like the beasts of the field--_Veluti pecora._ Many translators

have rendered _pecora_ "brutes" or "beasts;" _pecus_, however, does

not mean brutes in general, but answers to our English word _cattle_.

[5] Groveling--_Prona._ I have adopted _groveling_ from Mair's

old translation. _Pronus_, stooping _to the earth_, is applied to

_cattle_, in opposition to _erectus_, which is applied to _man_; as

in the following lines of Ovid, Met. i.:

"_Prona_ que cum spectent animalia caetera terram,

Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque tueri

Jussit, et _erectos_ ad sidera tollere vultus."

"--while the mute creation downward bend

Their sight, and to their earthly mother tend,

Man looks aloft, and with erected eyes

Beholds his own hereditary skies." _Dryden._

Which Milton (Par. L. vii. 502) has paraphrased:

"There wanted yet the master-work, the end

Of all yet done; a creature, who not _prone

And 'brute as other creatures_, but endued

With sanctity of reason, might _erect_

_His stature_, and _upright with front serene_

Govern the rest, self-knowing, and from thence

Magnanimous to correspond with heaven."

"Nonne vides hominum ut celsos ad sidera vultus

Sustulerit Deus, et sublimia fluxerit ora,

Cùm pecudes, voluerumque genus, formasque ferarum,

Segnem atque obscoenam passim stravisset in alvum."

"See'st thou not how the Deity has rais'd

The countenance of man erect to heav'n,

Gazing sublime, while prone to earth he bent

Th' inferior tribes, reptiles, and pasturing herds,

And beasts of prey, to appetite enslav'd"

"When Nature," says Cicero, de Legg. i. 9, "had made other animals

abject, and consigned them to the pastures, she made man alone

upright, and raised him to the contemplation of heaven, as of his

birthplace and former abode;" a passage which Dryden seems to have had

in his mind when he translated the lines of Ovid cited above. Let us

add Juvenal, xv, 146.

"Sensum à coelesti demissum traximus arce,

Cujus egent prona et terram spectantia."

"To us is reason giv'n, of heav'nly birth,

Denied to beasts, that prone regard the earth."

[6] All our power is situate in the mind and in the body--_Sed

omnis nostra vis in animo et corpore sita_. All our power is placed,

or consists, in our mind and our body. The particle _sed,_ which is

merely a connective, answering to the Greek _dé_, and which would be

useless in an English translation, I have omitted.

[7] Of the mind we--employ the government--_Animi imperio--utimur_.

"What the Deity is in the universe, the mind is in man; what matter

is to the universe, the body is to us; let the worse, therefore,

serve the better."--Sen. Epist. lxv. _Dux et imperator vitae mortalium

animus est,_ the mind is the guide and ruler of the life of mortals.

--Jug. c. 1. "An animal consists of mind and body, of which the one

is formed by nature to rule, and the other to obey."--Aristot. Polit.

i. 5. Muretus and Graswinckel will supply abundance of similar passages.

[8] Of the mind we rather employ the government; of the body, the

service--_Animi imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur_. The word

_magis_ is not to be regarded as useless. "It signifies," says Cortius,

"that the mind rules, and the body obeys, _in general_, and _with

greater reason_." At certain times the body may _seem to have the

mastery_, as when we are under the irresistible influence of hunger

or thirst.

[9] It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable, etc.--_Quo mihi

rectius videtur_, etc. I have rendered _quo_ by _therefore_. "_Quo_,"

observes Cortius, "is _propter quod_, with the proper force of the

ablative case. So Jug. c. 84: _Quo_ mihi acrius adnitendum est, etc;

c. 2, _Quo_ magis pravitas eorum admiranda est. Some expositors would

force us to believe that these ablatives are inseparably connected

with the comparative degree, as in _quo minus, eo major_, and similar

expressions; whereas common sense shows that they can not be so

connected." Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way to

which Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, _Quanto

magis animus corpori praestat, tanto rectius ingenii opibus gloriam

quaerere_. But most of the commentators and translators rightly follow

Cortius. "_Quo_," says Pappaur, "is for _quocirca_."

[10] _That of_ intellectual power is illustrious and immortal--_Virtus

clara aeternaque habetur_. The only one of our English translators who

has given the right sense of _virtus_ In this passage, is Sir Henry

Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbé Thyvon and M. Beauzée.

"It appears somewhat singular," says Sir Henry, "that none of the

numerous translators of Sallust, whether among ourselves or among

foreign nations--the Abbé Thyvon and M. Beauzée excepted--have thought

of giving to the word _virtus_, in this place, what so obviously is the

meaning intended by the historian; namely, 'genius, ability,

distinguished talents.'" Indeed, the whole tenor of the passage, as well

as the scope of the context, leaves no room to doubt the fact. The main

objects of comparison, throughout the three first sections of this

Proemium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but body

and mind; a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honorable activity.

On this account it is pretty evident, that by _virtus_ Sallust could

never mean the [Greek _aretae_], 'virtue or moral worth,' but that he

had in his eye the well-known interpretation of Varro, who considers it

_ut viri vis_ (De Ling. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which

ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his

fellow-creatures. In order to be convinced of the justice of this

rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the

second section of the Proemium to the Jugurthine War, where the same

train of thought is again pursued, although he gives it somewhat a

different turn in the piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding,

of both these dissertations is to illustrate, in a striking manner, the

pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advantage, or bodily endowments,

and to show that it is by genius alone that we may aspire to a reputation

which shall never die. "_Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae,

adhuc vis corporis, et alia hujusmondi omnia, brevi dilabuntur: at

ingenii egregia facinora, sicut anima, immortalia sunt_".

[11] It is necessary to plan before beginning to act--_Priusquam

incipias, consulto--opus est_. Most translators have rendered

_consulto_ "deliberation," or something equivalent; but it is

_planning_ or _contrivance_ that is signified. Demosthenes, in his

Oration _de Pace_, reproaches the Athenians with acting without any

settled plan: [Greek: _Oi men gar alloi puntes anthropoi pro ton

pragmatonheiothasi chraesthai to Bouleuesthai, umeis oude meta ta

pragmata_.]

[12] To act with promptitude and vigor--_Maturè facto opus est_.

"Maturè facto" seems to include the notions both of promptitude and

vigor, of force as well as speed; for what would be the use of acting

expeditiously, unless expedition be attended with power and effect?

[13] Each--_Utrumque_. The corporeal and mental faculties.

[14] The one requires the assistance of the other--_Alterum

alterius auxilio eget_. "_Eget_," says Cortius, "is the reading of all

the MSS." _Veget_, which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was

the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of _indigens_ occurring in the

same sentence. But _eget_ agrees far better with _consulto et--maturè

facto opus est_, in the preceding sentence.

[15] II. Applied themselves in different ways--_Diversi_. "Modo

et instituto diverso, diversa sequentes." _Cortius_.

[16] At that period, however--_Et jam tum_. "Tunc temporis

_praecisè_, at that time _precisely_, which is the force of the

particle _jam_. as donatus shows. I have therefore written _et jam_

separately. Virg. Aen. vii. 737. Late _jam tum_ ditione premebat

Sarrastes populos." _Cortius_.

[17] Without covetousness--Sine cupiditate_. "As in the famous

golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 28." _Cortius_. See also Ovid. Met.

i. 80, _seq_. But "such times were never," as Cowper says.

[18] But after Cyrus in Asia, etc.--_Postea verò quàm in, Asiâ

Cyrus_, etc. Sallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more

moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the

case. "The Romans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, "though

not learned in antiquity, could not have been ignorant that there were

great conquerors before Cyrus; as Ninus and Sesostris. But as their

reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon

a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and

went no further back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides."

Ninus, says Justin. i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate

ambition, the _veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem_, that is, to

break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees

in opinion with De Brosses.

[19] Proof and experience--_Periculo atque negotiis_. Gronovius

rightly interprets _periculo_ "experiundo, experimentis," by

experiment or trial. Cortius takes _periculo atque negotiis_ for

_periculosis negotiis_, by hendyadys; but to this figure, as Kritzius

remarks, we ought but sparingly to have recourse. It is better, he

adds, to take the words in their ordinary signification, understanding

by _negotia_ "res graviores." Bernouf judiciously explains _negotiis_

by "ipsa negotiorum tractatione," _i. e._ by the management of affairs,

or by experience in affairs. Dureau Delamalle, the French translator,

has "l'expérience et la pratique." Mair has "trial and experience."

which, I believe, faithfully expresses Sallust's meaning. Rose gives

only "experience" for both words.

[20] And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, etc.--_Quod

si--animi virtus_, etc. "Quod si" can not here be rendered _but if;_

it is rather equivalent to _quapropter si_, and might be expressed by

_wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if_.

[21] Intellectual ability--_Animi virtus_. See the remarks on

_virtus_, above noted.

[22] Magistrates--_Imperatorum_. "Understand all who govern

states, whether in war or in peace." _Bernouf_. Sallust calls the

consuls _imperatores_, c. 6.

[23] Governments shifted from hand to hand--_aliud aliò ferri_.

Evidently alluding to changes in government.

[24] Less to the more deserving--_Ad optimum quemque à minus

bono_. "From the less good to the best."

[25] Even in agriculture, etc.--_Quae homines arant, navigant,

aedificant, virtuti omnia parent_. Literally, _what men plow, sail_,

etc. Sallust's meaning is, that agriculture, navigation, and

architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere bodily

exertion, are as much the result of mental power as the highest of

human pursuits.

[26] Like travelers in a strange country--_Sicuti peregrinantes_.

"Vivere nesciunt; igitur in vita quasi hospites sunt:" they know not

how to use life, and are therefore, as it were, strangers in it.

_Dietsch_. "_Peregrinantes_, qui, qua transeunt, nullum sui vestigium

relinquunt;" they are as travelers who do nothing to leave any trace

of their course. Pappaur.

[27] Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation--_Eorum

ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo_. I count them of the same value dead

as alive, for they are honored in the one state as much as in the other.

"Those who are devoted to the gratification of their appetites," as

Sallust says, "let us regard as inferior animals, not as men; and some,

indeed, not as living, but as dead animals." Seneca, Ep. lx.

[28] III. Not without merit--_Haud absurdum_. I have borrowed

this expression from Rose, to whom Muretus furnished "sua laude non

caret." "The word _absurdus_ is often used by the Latins as an epithet

for sounds disagreeable to the ear; but at length it came to be

applied to any action unbecoming a rational being." _Kunhardt_.

[29] Deeds must be adequately represented, etc.--_Facta dictis

sunt exaequanda_. Most translators have regarded these words as

signifying _that the subject must be equaled by the style_. But it is

not of mere style that Sallust is speaking. "He means that the matter

must be so represented by the words, that honorable actions may not be

too much praised, and that dishonorable actions may not be too much

blamed; and that the reader may at once understand what was done and

how it was done." _Kunhardt_.

[30] Every one hears with acquiescence, etc.--_Quae sibi--aequo

animo accipit_, etc. This is taken from Thucydides, ii. 35. "For

praises spoken of others are only endured so far as each one thinks

that he is himself also capable of doing any of the things he hears;

but that which exceeds their own capacity, men at once envy and

disbelieve." Dale's Translation: Bohn's Classical Library.

[31] Regards as fictitious and incredible--_Veluti ficta, pro

falsis ducit. Ducit pro falsis_, he considers as false or incredible,

_veluti ficta_, as if invented.

[32] When a young man--_Adolescentulus_. "It is generally admitted

that all were called _adolescentes_ by the Romans, who were between

the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth.

The diminutive is used in the same sense, but with a view to contrast

more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation,

prudence, and experience of age. So Caesar is called _adolescentulus_,

in c. 49, at a time when he was in his thirty-third year." _Dietsch_.

And Cicero, referring to the time of his consulship, says, _Defendi

rempublicam adolescens_, Philipp. ii. 46.

[33] To engage in political affairs--_Ad rempublicam_. "In the phrase

of Cornelius Nepos, _honoribus operam dedi_, I sought to obtain some

share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were

comprehended under the term _Respublica_." _Cortius_.

[34] Integrity--_Virtute_. Cortius rightly explains this word as

meaning_justice, equity_, and all other virtues necessary in those who

manage the affairs of a state. Observe that it is here opposed to

_avaritia_, not, as some critics would have it, to _largitio_.

[35] Was ensnared and infected--_Corrupta, tenebatur_. As

_obsessus tenetur_, Jug., c. 24.

[36] The same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and

jealousy, etc.--_Honoris cupido eadem quae caeteros, fama atque

invidia vexabat_. I follow the interpretation of Cortius: "Me vexabat

honoris cupido, et vexabat _propterea_ etiam eadem, quae caeteros,

fama atqua invidia." He adds, from a gloss in the Guelferbytan MS.,

that it is a _zeugma_. "_Fama atque invidia_," says Gronovius, "is

[Greek: _en dia duoin_], for _invidiosa et maligna fama_." Bernouf,

with Zanchius and others, read _fama atque invidia_ in the ablative

case; and the Bipont edition has _eadem qua--fama, etc._; but the

method of Cortius is, to me, by far the most straightforward and

satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, in his note on this

passage, wrote the account of Catiline's conspiracy shortly after his

expulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he

suffered from calumny on the occasion; though he took no trouble, in

the subsequent part of his life, to put such calumny to silence.

[37] IV. Servile occupations--agriculture or hunting--_Agrum

colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum_. By calling

agriculture and hunting _servilia officia_, Sallust intends, as is

remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the

saying of Julian the emperor, _Turpe est sapienti, cum habeat animum,

captare laudes ex corpore_. "Ita ergo," adds the commentator,

"agricultura et venatio servilio officia sunt, quum in solo consistant

corporis usu, animum, vero nec meliorem nec prudentiorem reddant. Quia

labor in se certe est illiberalis, ei praesertim cui facultas sit ad

meliora." Symmachus (1 v. Ep. 66) and some others, whose remarks the

reader may see in Havercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of

hunting and agriculture with more respect, and accuse him of not

remembering, with sufficient veneration, the kings and princes that

have amused themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as

Curius and Cincinnatus. Sallust, however, is sufficiently defended

from censure by the Abbé Thyvon, in a dissertation much longer than

the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to

peruse.

[38] Returning to those studies, etc.--_A quo incepto studio me

ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus_. "The study, namely, of

writing history, to which he signifies that he was attached in c. 3."

_Cortius_.

[39] In detached portions--_Carptim_. "Plin. Ep. viii., 47:

Respondebis non posse perinde _carptim_, ut _contexta_ placere: et vi.

22: Egit _carptim_ et [Greek: _kata kephulaia_]," _Dietsch_.

[40] V. Of noble birth--_Nobili genere natus_. His three names

were Lucius _Sergius_ Catilina, he being of the family of the Sergii,

for whose antiquity Virgil is responsible, Aen. v. 121: _Sergestusque,

domus tenet a quo Sergia nomen_. And Juvenal says, Sat. viii. 321:

_Quid, Catilino, tuis natalibus atque Cethegi Inveniet quisquam

sublimius?_ His great grandfather, L. Sergius Silus, had eminently

distinguished himself by his services in the second Punic war. See

Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 29. "Catiline was born A.U.C. 647, A.C. 107."

_Dietsch_. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. xxv.) says that he was the last

of the Sergii.

[41] _Sedition--Discordia civilis_.

[42] And in such scenes he had spent his early years--_Ibique

juventutem suam exercuit_. "It is to be observed that the Roman

writers often used an adverb, where we, of modern times, should

express ourselves more specifically by using a noun." _Dietsch_ on c.

3, _ibique multa mihi advorsa fuere_. _Juventus_ properly signified

the time between thirty and forty-five years of age; _adolescentia_

that between fifteen and thirty. But this distinction was not always

accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part in supporting

Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and

mandates. "Quis erat hujus (Syllae) imperii minister? Quis nisi

Catilina jam in omne facinus manus exercens?" Sen. de Ira, iii. 18.

[43] Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished

--_Cujuslibet, rei simulator ac dissimulator_. "Dissimulation is

the negative, when a man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not

that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a man industriously

and expressly feigns and pretends to be that he is not." Bacon,

Essay vi.

[44] Abundance of eloquence--_Satis eloquentiae_. Cortius reads

_loquentiae_ "_Loquentia_ is a certain facility of speech not

necessarily attended with sound sense; called by the Greeks [Greek:

_lalia_]." _Bernouf_. "Julius Candidus used excellently to observe

that _eloquentia_ was one thing, and _loquentia_ another; for

eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called _loquentia_, or

fluency of speech, is the talent of many, and especially of the most

impudent." Plin. Ep. v. 20. But _eloquentiae_ is the reading of most

of the MSS., and _loquentiae_, if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly

informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who

said that Sallust _must_ have written so, as _eloquentiae_ could not

agree with _sapientiae parum_. This opinion of Probus, the grammarian,

who said that Sallust _must_ have written so, as _eloquentiae_ could

not agree with _sapientiae parum_. This opinion of Probus, however,

may be questioned. May not Sallust have written _eloquentiae_, with

the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence

to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate

his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be

said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into

Catiline's mouth (c. 20, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as

_eloquentia_, than _loquentia_. On the whole, and especially from the

concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read _eloquentiae_, with the more

recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz and Dietsch.

[45] Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship--_Post dominationem

Lucii Syllae_. "The meaning is not the same as if it were _finitâ

dominatione_ but is the same as _ab eo tempore quo dominari caeperat_.

In French, therefore, _post_ should be rendered by _depuis_, not, as

it is commonly translated, _après_." _Bernouf_. As _dictator_ was the

title that Sylla assumed, I have translated _dominatio_, "dictatorship".

Rose, Gordon, and others, render it "usurpation".

[46] Power--_Regnum_. Chief authority, rule, dominion.

[47] Rendered thoroughly depraved--_Vexabant_. "Corrumpere et

pessundare studebant." _Bernouf_. _Quos vexabant_, be it observed,

refers to _mores_, as Gerlach and Kritz interpret, not to _cives_

understood in _civitatis_, which is the evidently erroneous method of

Cortius.

[48] Conduct of our ancestors--_Instituta majorum_. The principles

adopted by our ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and

to the management of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident

from the following account.

[49] VI. As I understand--_Sicuti ego accepi_. "By these words he

plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome.

The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.; Justin, lib. xliii.; and Dionys.

Halicar., lib.i.; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans."

_Bernouf_.

[50] Aborigines--_Aborigines_. The original inhabitants of Italy;

the same as _indigenae_, or the [Greek: _Autochthones_].

[51]: Almost incredible--_Incredibile memoratu_. "Non credi potest,

si memoratur; superat omnem fidem." _Pappaur_. Yet that which

actually happened, can not be absolutely incredible; and I have,

therefore, inserted _almost_.

[52] Prepared with alacrity for there defense--_Festinare, parare_.

"Made haste, prepared." "_Intenti ut festinanter pararent_ ea, quae

defensioni aut bello usui essent." _Pappaur_.

[53] Procured friendships rather by bestowing, etc;--_Magisque

dandis, quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant_. Thucyd. ii.,

40: [Greek: _Ou paschontes eu, alla drontes, ktometha tous philous_]

[54] FATHERS--PATRES. "(Romulus) appointed that the direction of

the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their

authority, were called _Fathers_; from their age, _Senatus_." Florus,

i. 1. _Senatus_ from _senex_. "_Patres_ ab honore--appellati."

_Livy_.

[55] Two magistrates--_Binos imperatores_. The two consuls. They

were more properly called _imperatores_ at first, when the law, which

settled their power, said "_Regio imperio_ duo sunto" (Cic. de Legg.

iii. 4), than afterward, when the people and tribunes had made

encroachments on their authority.

[56] VII. Almost incredible--_Incredibile memoratu_. See above, c. 6.

[57] Able to bear the toils of war--_Laboris ac belli patiens_.

As by _laboris_ the labor of war is evidently intended, I have thought

it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius'.

Havercamp and others have "simul _ac belli_ patiens erat, in castris

_per laborem usu_ militiam discebat;" but _per laborem usu_ is

assuredly not the hand of Sallust.

[58] Honor and true nobility--_Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem_.

[59] VIII. Very great and glorious--_Satis amplae magnificaeque_.

In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he

alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides,

Xenophen, and perhaps Herodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine,

to the representations of the poets.

[60] There was never any such abundance of writers--_Nunquam ea

copia fuit_. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks _copia_ equivalent to

_multitudo_. Others render it _advantage_, or something similar;

which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c.28:

_Latrones_--_quorum_--magna copia _erat_.

[61] Chose to act rather than narrate--"For," as Cicero says,

"neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor

among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and

restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in

eloquence wont to arise." _Graswinckelius_.

[62] IX. Pressed by the enemy--_Pulsi_. In the words _pulsi loco

cedere ausi erant_, _loco_ is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with

cedere_, not, as Kritzius puts it, with _pulsi_. "To retreat," adds

Dietsch, "is disgraceful only to those _qui ab hostibus se pelli

patiantur_, who suffer themselves to be _repulsed by the enemy_."

[63] X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war--Perses,

Antiochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.

[64] To keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready

on the tongue--_Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum,

[Greek: Echthros gar moi keinos homos Aidao pulaesin.

Os ch' eteron men keuthei eni phresin, allo de Bazei.]

Who dares think one thing, and another tell,

My heart detests him as the gates of hell.

_Pope_.

[65] XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice,

etc.--_Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum

exercebat_. Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage,

an assertion at variance with what he had said before (c.10), _Igitur

primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido, crevit_, and it will be hard to

prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed,

endeavors to reconcile the passages by giving them the following

"meaning", which, he says, "seems perfectly evident": "Although

avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after both

had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the

stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an

inordinate height". To me, however, it "seems perfectly evident" that

the Latin can be made to yield no such "meaning". "How these passages

agree," says Rupertus, "I do not understand: unless we suppose that

Sallust, by the word _primo_, does not always signify order".

[66] Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind--_Corpus

virilemque animum effaeminat_. That avarice weakens the mind, is

generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body? The most

satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus

Gellius (iii. 1), that those who are intent on getting riches devote

themselves to sedentary pursuits, as those of usurers and

money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employments as

strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by

Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which

perhaps is the true one; namely, that Sallust, by _body and mind_,

intended merely to signify _the whole man_.

[67] Having recovered the government--_Receptâ republicâ_. Having

wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party.

[68] All became robbers and plunderers--_Rapere omnes, trahere_.

He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's

party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by

supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterward, "neque modum neque

modestiam _victores_ habere."

[69] which he had commanded in Asia--_Quem in Asiâ dustaverat_. I

have here deserted Cortius, who gives _in Asiam_, "into Asia," but this,

as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb

_ductaverat_.

[70] in public edifices and private dwellings--_Privatim ac

publice_. I have translated this according to the notion of Burnouf.

Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider _privatim_ as signifying

_each on his own account_, and _publice_, _in the name of the

Republic_.

[71] XII. A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature

--_Innocentia pro malivolentiâ duci caepit_. "Whoever continued honest

and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their

enemy; for a good man among the bad can never be regarded as of their

party." _Bernouf_.

[72] It furnishes much matter for reflection--_Operae pretium est_.

[73] Basest of mankind--_Ignavissumi mortales_. It is opposed to

_fortissumi viri_, which follows, "Qui nec fortiter nec bene quidquam

fecere." _Cortius_.

[74] XIII. Seas covered with edifices--_Maria constructa esse_.

Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt,

_Jactis in altum molibus_, etc. Hor. Od., iii. 1.

--The haughty lord, who lays

His deep foundations in the seas,

And scorns earth's narrow bound;

The fish affrighted feel their waves

Contracted by his numerous slaves,

Even in the vast profound. _Francis_.

[75] To have made a sport of their wealth--_Quibus mihi videntur

ledibrio fuisse divitiae_. "They spent their riches on objects which,

in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible."

_Cortius_.

[76] Luxury--_Cultûs_. "Deliciarum in victu_, luxuries of the table;

for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant."

_Cortius_.

[77] Cold--_Frigus_. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is

wanting in one MS.; and the English reader may possibly wish that it

were away altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone,

sometimes underground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot

weather; and he cites Pliny, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of _crytoporticus_,

a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were

underground, and which, even in summer was cold nearly to freezing.

He also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. Ad Spartian.

Adrian., c. x., p. 87.

[78] XIV. Gaming--_Manu_. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the

recent editors, agree to interpret _manu_ by _gaming_.

[79] Assassins--_Parricidae_. "Not only he who had killed his father

was called a _parricide_, but he who had killed any man; as is

evident from a law of Numa Pompilius: If any one unlawfully and

knowingly bring a free man to death, let him be _a parricide_."

_Festus_ sub voce _Parrici_.

[80] Than from any evidence of the fact--_Quam quod cuiquam id

compertum foret_.

[81] XV. With a virgin of noble birth--_Cum virgine nobili_. Who

this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect

to her family. If what is found in a fragment of Cicero be true,

Catiline had an illicit connection with some female, and afterward

married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection: _Ex eodem

stupro et uxorem et filiam invenisti_; Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration

xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which words Asconius Pedianus makes this

comment: "Dicitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quae ci

postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse uxorem, cum filia ejus

esset. Haec Lucceius quoque Catilinae objecit in orationibus, quas in

eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni." Plutarch, too

(Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of having

corrupted his own daughter.

[82] With a priestess of Vesta--_Cum sacerdote Vestae_. This

priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's

wife, whom Sallust, after she was divorced by Cicero, married. Clodius

accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought

innocent, or because the interest of Catulus and others, who exerted

themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi. 3;

the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the preceding note; and Asconius's

commentary on it.

[83] Aurelia Orestilla--See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter,

as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor,

A.U.C. 677.

[84] A grown-up step-son--_Privignum adulta aetate_. A son of

Catiline's by a former marriage.

[85] Desolate his tortured spirit--_Mentem exciteam vastabat_.

"Conscience desolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper

power and tranquillity, and introduces into it perpetual disquietude."

_Cortius_. Many editions have _vexabat_.

[86] XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc. _Testis signatoresque

falsos commodare_. "If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was

ready to supply him from among his troop."_Bernouf_.

[87] Inoffensive persons, etc.--_Insontes, sicuti sontes._ Most

translators have rendered these words "innocent" and "guilty," terms

which suggest nothing satisfactory to the English reader. The

_insontes_ are those who had given Catiline no cause of offens; the

_sontes_ those who had in some way incurred his displeasure, or become

objects of his rapacity.

[88] Veterans of Sylla, etc.--Elsewhere called the colonists of

Sylla; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for

their services, but who, having lived extravagantly, had fallen into

such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve

them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in

Cat.

[89] Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world--_In extremis

terris_. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mithridates and

Tigranes, in Pontus and Armenia.

[90] The senate was wholly off its guard--_Senatus nihil sane intentus_.

The senate was _regardless_, and unsuspicious of any danger.

[91] XVII. Lucius Caesar--He was a relation of Julius Caesar; and his

sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark

Antony, the triumvir.

[92] Publius Lentulus Sura--He was of the same family with Sylla,

that of the Cornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his

conduct had been afterward so profligate, that the censors expelled

him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had

obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at

the time of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had

squandered the public money in his quaestorship, and was called to

account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defense,

but said, "I present you the calf of my leg (_sura_);" alluding to a

custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of

strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of

Cicero, c.17.

[93] Publius Autronius--He had been a companion of Cicero in his

boyhood, and his colleague in the quaestorship. He was banished in the

year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, Laeca, Vargunteius,

Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. _De

Brosses_.

[94] Lucius Cassius Longinus.--He had been a competitor with Cicero

for the consulship. Ascon. Ped., in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His

corpulence was such that Cassius's fat (_Cassii adeps_) became

proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Catil., iii. 7.

[95] Caius Cethegus--He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the

civil wars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius,

and afterward that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii.7) and

Sallust describe him as fiery and rash.

[96] Publius and Servius Sylla--These were nephews of Sylla the

dictator. Publius, though present on this occasion, seems not to have

joined in the plot, since, when he was afterward accused of having

been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic.

Orat. pro P. Sylla. He was afterward with Caesar in the battle of

Pharsalia. Caes. de B.C., iii. 89.

[97] Lucius Vargunteius--"Of him or his family little is known.

He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by

Hortensius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2." _Bernouf_.

[98] Quintus Annius--He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same

Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it

to Marius. Plutarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44.

[99] Marcus Porcius Laeca--He was one of the same _gens_ with the

Catones, but of a different family.

[100] Lucius Bestia--Of the Calpurnian _gens_. He escaped death

on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was afterward aedile, and

candidate for the praetorship, but was driven into exile for bribery.

Being recalled by Caesar, he became candidate for the consulship, but

was unsuccessful. _De Brosses_.

[101] Quintus Curius--He was a descendant of M. Curius Dentatus, the

opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate,

that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had

been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public

honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of

Caesar, whom he had named as one of the conspirators. Sueton. Caes. 17;

Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.

[102] M. Fulvius Nobilior--"He was not put to death, but exiled,

A.U.C. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16." _Bernouf_.

[103] Lucius Statilius--of him nothing more is known than is told by

Sallust.

[104] Publius Gabinius Capito--Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him

Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii.

[105] Caius Cornelius--There were two branches of the _gens Cornelia_,

one patrician, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator.

[106] Municipal towns--_Municipiis_. "The _municipia_ were towns

of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens,

but which were allowed to govern themselves by their own laws, and to

choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell, xvi. 13; Beaufort, Rep.

Rom., vol. v." _Bernouf_.

[107] Marcus Licinius Crassus--The same who, with Pompey and Caesar,

formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his

expedition against the Parthians. He had, before the time of the

conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul.

[108] XVIII. But previously, etc.--Sallust here makes a digression,

to give an account of a conspiracy that was formed three years before

that of Catiline.

[109] Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla--The same who are mentioned

in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, and some editions

have the words _designati consules_, immediately following their names.

[110] Having been tried for bribery under the laws against it

--_Legibus ambitus interrogati_. _Bribery at their election_, is the

meaning of the word _ambitus_, for _ambire_, as Cortius observes, is

_circumeundo favorem et suffragia quaerere_. De Brosses translates the

passage thus: "Autrone et Sylla, convaincus d'avoir obtenu le consulat

par corruption des suffrages, avaient été punis selon la rigueur de la

loi". There were several very severe Roman laws against bribery.

Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from the consulship.

[111] For extortion--_Pecuniarum repetundarum_. Catiline had been

praetor in Africa, and, at the expiration of his office, was accused

of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. He

escaped by bribing the prosecutor and judges.

[112] To declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number

of days--_Prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos

dies profiteri_ (se candidatum, says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4)

_nequiverit_. A person could not be a candidate for the consulship,

unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain

number of days before the time of holding the _comitia centuriata_.

That number of days was _trinundinum spatium_, that is, the time

occupied by three market-days, _tres nundinae_, with seven days

intervening between the first and second, and between the second and

third; or _seventeen days_. The _nundinae_ (from _novem_ and _dies_)

were held, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day; whence

Cortius and others considered _trinundinum spatium_ to be twenty-seven,

or even thirty days; but this way of reckoning was not that of the

Romans, who made the last day of _the first ennead_ to be also the first

day _of the second_. Concerning the _nundinae_ see Macrob., Sat. i. 16.

"Muller and Longius most erroneously supposed the _trinundinum_ to be

about thirty days; for that it embraced only seventeen days has been

fully shown by Ernesti. Clav. Cic., sub voce; by Scheller in Lex. Ampl.,

p. 11, 669; by Nitschius Antiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623: and by Drachenborch

(cited by Gerlach) ad Liv. iii. 35." _Kritzius_.

[113] Cneius Piso--Of the Calpurnian gens. Suetonius (Vit. Caes., c. 9)

mentions three authors who related that Crassus and Caesar were both

concerned in this plot; and that, if it had succeeded, Crassus was to

have assumed the dictatorship, and made Caesar his master of the horse.

The conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or

irresolution of Crassus.

[114] Catiline and Autronius--After these two names, in Havercamp's

and many other editions, follow the words _circiter nonas Decembres_,

_i.e._, about the fifth of December.

[115] On the first of January--_Kalendis Januariis_. On this day the

consuls were accustomed to enter on their office. The consuls whom

they were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus, were those who had been

chosen in the place of Antronius and Sylla.

[116] The two Spains--Hither and Thither Spain. _Hispania Citerior_

and _Ulterior_, as they were called by the Romans.

[117] XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.--See Dio Cass.

xxxvi. 27.

[118] XX. Just above mentioned--In c. 17.

[119] Favorable opportunity--_Opportuna res_. See the latter part

of c. 16.

[120] Assert our claims to liberty--_Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in

libertatem_.Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below,

"En illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas," etc.

[121] Kings and princes--_Reges tetrarchae_. _Tetrarchs_ were

properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the

country; but at length, the signification of the word being extended,

it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of

supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the

Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67: "Deiotarus, at that time

_tetrarch_ of almost all Gallograecia, a supremacy which the other

_tetrarchs_ would not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by

custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the

senate," etc. _Dietsch._ "Hesychius has, [Greek: _Tetrarchas,

basileis_]. See Isidor., ix. 8; Alex. ab. Alex., ii. 17." _Colerus_.

"Cicero, Phil. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque. And Lucan

has (vii. 46) Tetrarchae regesque tenent, magnique tyranni." _Wasse._

Horace also says,

--Modo reges atque tetrarchas,

Omnia magna loquens.

I have, with Rose, rendered the word _princes_, as being the most

eligible term.

[122] Insults--_Repulsas_. Repulses in standing for office.

[123] The course of events, etc.--_Caetera res expediet_.--"Of. Cic.

Ep. Div. xiii. 26: _explicare et expedire negotia_." Gerlach.

[124] Building over seas--See c. 13.

[125] Embossed plate--_Toreumata_. The same as _vasa coelata_,

sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from

[Greek: _toreuein_], _sculpere_; see Bentley ad Hor. A. P., 441.

"Perbona toreumata, in his pecula duo," etc. Cic. in Verr. iv. 18.

[126] XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and in what

quarters.--_Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent; i.e._ quid opis aut

So c. 27, _init._ Quem ubique opportunum credebat, _i.e._, says

Cortius, "quem, et ubi _illum_, opportunum credebat".

[127] Abolition of their debts--_Tabulas novas._ Debts were

registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was

effaced, and the tablets were ready to be used _as new._ See Ernesti's

Clav. in Cio._sub voce_.

[128] Proscription of the wealthy citizens--_Proscriptionem

locupletium._ The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who

posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he

doomed to death, offering rewards to such as should bring him their

heads. Their money and estates he divided among his adherents, and

Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar plunder.

[129] Another of his ruling passion--_Admonebat--alium cupiditatis

suae_. Rose renders this passage, "Some he put in mind of their

poverty, others of their amours." De Brosses renders it, "Il

remontre à l'un sa pauvreté, à l'autre son ambition." _Ruling

passion_, however, seems to be the proper sense of _cupiditatis_;

as it is said, in c. 14, "As the passions of each, according to his

years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought

horses and dogs for others", etc.

[130] XXII. They asserted--_Dictitare_. In referring this word to

the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius,

and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline.

This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv 1,

and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says

that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the

occasion.

[131] XXIII. Quintus Curius--the same that is mentioned in c. 17.

[132] To promise her seas and mountains--_Maria montesque polliceri_.

A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18: _Modò non montes auri

pollicens_. Perc., iii. 65: _Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittere

emontes._

[133] With greater arrogance than ever--_Ferocius quam solitus erat._

[134] To Marcus Tullius Cicero--Cicero was now in his forty-third

year, and had filled the office of quaestor, aedile, and praetor.

[135] A man of no family--_Novus homo._ A term applied to such as

could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy,

that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or chief aedile.

[136] XXIV. Manlius--He had been an officer in the army of Sylla,

and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at

the head of a colony of veterans settled about Faesulae: but he had

squandered his property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio

Cassius, and Appian.

[137] Faesulae--A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines,

At evening from the top of Fesole,

Or in Valdarno to descry new lands, etc.

Par. L. i. 28.

[138] XXV. Sempronia--Of the same _gens_ as the two Gracchi. She

was the wife of Decimus Brutus.

[139] Sing, play, and dance--_Psallere, saltare._ As _psallo_

signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing to it

while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the

translation.

[140] By no means despicable--_Haud absurdum._ Compare, _Bene dicere

haud absurdum est,_ c. 8.

[141] She was distinguished, etc.--_Multae facetiae, multusque lepos

inerat._ Both _facetiae_ and _lepos_ mean "agreeableness, humor,

pleasantry," but _lepos_ here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic.

Orat. i. 7: _Magnus in jocando lepos._

[142] XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces--_Pactione

provinciae_. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most

translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, who was a scholar, translated

_pactione provinciae_, "by promising a province to his colleague."

Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which

Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and

Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest

of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself,

for the inferior province of Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.

[143] Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius

--_Insidiae quas consuli in campo fecerat_. I have here departed from

the text of Cortius, who reads _consulibus_, thinking that Catiline, in

his rage, might have extended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But

_consuli_, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored

by what is said at the beginning of the chapter, _insidias parabat

Ciceroni_, by what follows in the next chapter, _consuli insidias tendere_,

and by the words, _sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate

Antonio usurum_; for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use

his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form

plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the

phrase, _les pieges où il comptait faire périr le consul_. The words _in

campo_, which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that

Cortius should have retained. "_Consuli_," says Gerlach, "appears the

more eligible, not only on account of _consuli insidias tendere_, c. 27,

but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make

everything favorable for Catiline." Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur,

Allen, and all the modern editors, read _Consuli_. See also the end of

c. 27: _Si prius Ciceronem oppressisset_.] [note 144: Had ended in

confusion and disgrace--_Aspera faedaque evenerant_. I have borrowed

from Murphy.

[145] XXVII. Of Camerinum--Camertem. "That is, a native of Camerinum,

a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun _Camers_,

as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, _in agro Camerti_." Cortius.

[146] Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable--_Ubi

quemque opportunum credebat. "Proprie reddas: quam, _et ubi_ illum,

_opportunum credebat_," Cortius. See c. 23.

[147] When none of his numerous projects succeeded--_Ubi multa

agilanti nihil procedit_.

[148] XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay--_Ea

nocte, paulo post_. They resolved on going soon after the meeting

broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the

morning, which was the usual time for waiting on great men. _Ingentem

foribus domus alla superbis_ Mane _salutantûm totis vomit aedibus

undam_. Virg. Georg., ii. 461.

[149] XXIX. This is the greatest power which--is granted, etc.

--_Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima

permittitur_. Cortius, _mirâ judicii peversitate_, as Kritzius

observes, makes _ea_ the ablative case, understanding "decretione,"

"formula," or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.

[150] XXX. By the 27th of October--_Ante diem VI. Kalendas

Novembres_. He means that they were in arms on or before that day.

[151] Quintus Marcius Rex--He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and

was expecting a triumph for his successes.

[152] Quintus Metellus Creticus--He had obtained the surname of

Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.

[153] Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc.

--_hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant; impediti ne triumpharent

calumniâ paucorum quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos

erat_. "Imperator" was a title given by the army, and confirmed by the

senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certain number of the

enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title

as an addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him)

a triumph, for which he was obliged to wait _ad urbem_, near the city,

since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any

military command. These _imperatores_ had been debarred from their

expected honor by a party who would sell _any thing honorable_, as a

triumph, or _any thing dishonorable_, as a license to violate the laws.

[154] A hundred sestertia--two hundred sestertia--A hundred sestertia

were about 807£. 5s. 10d. of our money.

[155] Schools of gladiators--_Gladiatoriae familiae_. Any number of

gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (_lanista_), was called

_familia_. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be

strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See

Graswinckelius, Rupertus, and Gerlach.

[156] The inferior magistrates--The aediles, tribunes, quaestors,

and all others below the consuls, censors, and praetors. Aul. Cell.,

xiii. 15.

[157] XXXI. Dissipation--Lascivia. "Devotion to public amusements

and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v.

Tum caput atque humeros planis redimire coronis.

Floribus et foliis, lascivia laeta monebat.

_"Then sportive gayety prompted them to deck their heads and shoulders

with garlands of flowers and leaves." Bernouf_.

[158] Long tranquillity--_Diuturna quies_. "Since the victory of

Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about

twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord

and disturbance" _Bernouf_.

[159] The Plautian law--_Lege Plautia_. "This law was that of M.

Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against

such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the

life of any individual." _Cyprianus Popma_. See Dr. Smith's Dict. of

Gr. and Rom. Antiquities, sub Vis.

[160] Which he afterward wrote and published--_Quam postea scriptam

edidit_. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against

Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered

"splendid," is _luculentam_; that is, says Gerlach, "luminibus

verborum et sententiarum ornatam," distinguished by much brilliancy of

words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius,

who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent

merely to _lucid_, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow

on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise.

_Luculentus_, however, seems certainly to mean something more than

_lucidus_.

[161] A mere adopted citizen of Rome--_Inquilinus civis urbis Romae_.

"Inquilinus" means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another.

Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a

citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in

repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, [Greek:

_Ingkouilinon, phi raemati kalousi tous enoikountas en allotriais

oikiais_.]

[162] Traitor--_Parricidam_. See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer

of his country is justly called a parricide; for our country is the

common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." _Wasse_.

[163] Since I am encompassed, by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.--"It

was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made

by Catiline. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the

comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of

October. See Cic. pro Muraeno, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on

the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as

well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him."

_Bernouf_. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to

Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero,

says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the

senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to

listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of

Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration

against Catiline, says that Catiline _could not endure his voice_,

but, when he was ordered to go into exile, "paruit, quievit," _obeyed

and submitted in silence_. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, "That

most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the

senate, was dumb."

[164] XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.--_Cum mandatis

hujuscemodi_. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an

epistle, but a verbal message.

[165] XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law--_Lege uti_. The law

here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to

the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in

prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his

person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the

occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one

of the strongest bonds of credit.

[166] The praetor--The _praetor urbanus_, or city praetor, who

decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.

[167] Relieved their distress by decrees--_Decretis suis inopiae

opitulati sunt_. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for

diminishing the rate of interest.

[168] Silver--was paid with brass--_Agentum aere solutum est_.

Thus a _sestertius_, which was of silver, and was worth four _asses_,

was paid with one _as_, which was of brass; or _the fourth part only

of the debt was paid_. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius

Paterculus, ii. 23; who says, _quadrantem solvi_, that _a quarter_ of

their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus,

when he became consul on the death of Marius.

[169] Often--have the commonalty--seceded, etc.--"This happened

three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2.

To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of

Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on

account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." _Bernouf_.

[170] XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.--_Ea,

mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum, semper

fuisse._ "That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I

have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.

[171] XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different

editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: _Egregiatua fides, re cognita,

grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae

tribuit._ Cortius corrected it as follows: _Egregia tua fides, re

cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae

tribuit._ Cortius's reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and

most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text.

That Cortius's is the better; few will deny; for it can hardly be

supposed that Sallust used _mihi, meis_, and _meae_ in such close

succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp's

text, by asserting, from the phrase _earum exemplam infra scriptum,_

that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is,

therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion is

sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe:

"Rupertus," says he, "quod in promptu erat, Catilinae culpam tribuit,

qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam

apta et composita suprà, c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum

litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum

Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum

magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis haec quidem excusatio." Yet it

is not to be denied that _grata mihi_ is the reading of all the

manuscripts.

[172] Known--by experience.--_Re cognita._ "Cognita" be it observed,

_tironum gratia,_ is the nominative case. "Catiline had experienced

the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it

was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is

related by Orosius." _Bernouf._

[173] Recommendation--_Commendationi._ His recommendation of his

affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.

[174] Formal defense--_Defensionem._ Opposed to _satisfactionem_,

which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation.

"_Defensio_, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made

against an adversary, or before judges; _satisfactio_ was rather an

excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private

communication." _Cortius._

[175] Though conscious of no guilt--_Ex nullâ conscientiâ de culpâ_.

This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to "Propter

conscientam denullâ culpâ," or "inasmuch as I am conscious of no

fault." "_De culpâ_, he adds, is the same as _culpae_; so in the ii.

Epist. to Caesar, c. 1: Neque _de futuro_ quisquam satix callidus;

and c. 9: _de illis_ potissimum jactura fit."

[176] To make no formal defense--to offer you some explanation

--_Defensionem--parare; satisfactionem--proponere_. "Parare," says

Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and

premeditation; _proponere_ to such a statement as it was easy to make

at once".

[177] On my word of honor--_Me dius fidius_, sc. juvet. So may the

god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith?

_Dius_, say some, is the same as _Deus_ (Plautus has _Deus_ fidius,

Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (_sub dio_

being equivalent to _sub Jove_); so that _Dius fidius_ (_fidius_ being

an adjective from _fides_) will be the [Greek: _Zeus pistios_] of the

Greeks. "_Me dius fidius_" will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me!"

This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and

Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce _Medius fidius_) make _fidius_

equivalent to _filius_, because the ancients, according to Festus,

often used D for L, and _dius fidius_ will then be the same as [Greek:

_Dios_] or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and _medius fidius_ will be the

same as _mehercules_ or _mehercule_. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed.

Sprengel) mentions a certain Aelius who was of this opinion. Against

this derivation there is the quantity of _fidius_, of which the first

syllable is short: _Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem_, Ov. Fast.

vi. 213. But if we consider _dius_ the same as _deus_, we may as well

consider _dius fidius_ to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and

may thus make _medius fidius_ identical with _mehercules_, as it

probably is. "Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that _medius fidius_ is a

form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub _Fidius_. This

point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10,

and Ovid, _loc. cit._) Dius Fidius to be the same with the Sabine

Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.

[178] You may receive as true--_Veram licet cognoscas_. Some

editions, before that of Cortius, have _quae--licet vera mecum

recognoscas_; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Aen.

iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have

_veram licet cognoscas_.

[179] Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion--_Fructu laboris

industriaeque meae privatus_. "The honors which he sought he

elegantly calls the _fruit_ of his labor, because the one is obtained

by the other." _Cortius_.

[180] Post of honor due to me--_Statum dignitatis_. The consulship.

[181] On my own security--_Meis nominibus_. "He uses the plural,"

says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one

person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to

explain this point. For _alienis nominibus_, which follows, being in

the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity

with Bernouf's comment.

[182] Proscribed--_Alienatum_. "Repulsed from all hope of the

consulship." _Bernouf_.

[183] Adopted a course--_Spes--secutus sum_. "_Spem sequi_ is a

phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action,

or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what

appears advantageous, is signified." _Cortius_.

[184] Protection--_Fidei_.

[185] Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend

her from injury--_Eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus_.

"Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the

sake of] your own children."

[186] XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium--_In agro Arretino_.

Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have _Reatino_; "but," says

Cortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered

extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles,

and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that

he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read _Arretino_."

Arretium (now _Arezzo_) lay in his road to Faesulae; Reate was many

miles out of it.

[187] In an extremely deplorable condition--_Multo maxime miserabile_.

_Multe_ is added to superlatives, like _longe_. So c. 52, _multo

pulcherrimam_ eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.

[188] Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate--_Duobus senati

decretis._ I have translated it "_the_ two decrees," with Rose.

One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30; the

other was that spoken of in c. 36., allowing the followers of Catiline

to lay down their arms before a certain day.

[189] XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious--_Malos extollunt_.

They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.

[190] Poverty does not easily suffer loss--_Egestas facile habetur

sine damna_ He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron.

Sat., c. 119: _Inops audacia tuta est_.

[191] Had become disaffected--Praeceps abierat. Had grown demoralized,

sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state.

So Sallust says of Sempronia, _praeceps abierat_, c. 25.

[192] In the first place--Primum omnium. "These words refer, not to

_item_ and _postremo in the same sentence, but to _deinde_ at the

commencement of the next." _Bernouf_.

[193] Civil rights had been curtailed--_Jus libertatis imminutum

erat_. "Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of

proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law

unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for

more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience

to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which

were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he

himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." _Bernouf_. See

Vell. Patere., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a

fragment of Cicero's speech, _De Proscriptorum Liberis_, is preserved.

This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J.

Caes. 41; Plutarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.

[194] This was an evil--to the extent to which it now prevailed--_Id

adeò malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat_. "_Adeò_, says

Cortius, "_in particula elegantissima_" Allen makes it equivalent to

_eò usque_.

[195] XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes--had been fully restored

--_Tribunicia potestas restituta_. Before the time of Sylla,

the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished

and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of

holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly

addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals.

But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these

privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus,

A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.

[196] Having obtained that high office--_Summam potestatem nacti_.

Cortius thinks these words spurious.

[197] XXXIX. Free from harm--_Innoxii_. In a passive sense.

[198] Overawing others--with threats of impeachment--_Caeteros

judiciis terrere_. "Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis."

_Bernouf_.

[199] His father ordered to be put to death--_Parens necari jussit_.

"His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his

own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same

period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The

father observed on the occasion, that, "he had begotten him, not for

Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline".

Val. Max., v.8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over

the lives of their children.

[200] XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges--_Legatos Allobrogum_.

Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome

_two deputies_ from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression

on the part of the Roman governors.

[201] As Brutus was then absent from Borne--_Nam tum Brutus ab

Româ, aberat_. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is

evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. "What sort of

woman _Sempronia_ was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that

she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as

being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and

since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was

then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit

connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his

affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his

mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." _Beauzée_. I have,

however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of

Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia

was one, says that Catiline _credebat posse--viros earum vel adjungere

sibi, vel interficere_. The truth, on such a point, is of little

importance.

[202] XLI. To be expected from victory--_In spe victoriae_.

[203] Certain rewards--_Certa praemia_. "Offered by the senate to

those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30."

_Kuhnhardt_.

[204] Quintus Fabius Sanga--"A descendent of that Fabius who, for

having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus." _Bernouf_.

Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals.

[205] XLII. There were commotions--_Motus erat_. "_Motus_ is also

used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for _seditiones_ and

_tumultus_. No change is therefore to be made in the text." _Gerlach_.

"Motus bellicos intelligit, _tumultus_; ut Flor., iii. 13." _Cortius_.

[206] Having brought several to trial--_Complures--caussâ cognitâ.

"Caussum cognoscere_ is the legal phrase for examining as to the

authors and causes of any crime." _Dietsch_.

[207] Caius Muraena in Further Gaul--_In Ulteriore Galliâ C. Muraena_.

All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have _in citeriore

Galliâ_. "But C. Muraena," says the critic, "commanded in Gallia

Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraena,

c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse or memory in Sallust,

would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered _citeriore_

into _ulteriore_." The praise of having first discovered the error,

however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend

of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded.

[208] XLIII. The excellent consul--_Optimo consuli_. With the

exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech,

_luculentam_ atque _utilem reipublicae_, c. 31, this is the only

epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his

narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is

apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii.

21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him

by Brutus: "Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he

calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could

speak more coldly of me?"

[209] Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose--_

Duodecim--opportuna loca_. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a

hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.

[210] In order that, during the consequent tumult--_Quò tumultu_.

"It is best," says Dietsch, "to take _quo_ as the _particula finalis_

(to the end that), and _tumultu_ as the ablative of the instrument".

[211] Delay--_Dies prolatando_. By putting off from day to day.

[212] XLIV. Soon to visit their country--_Semet eò brevi venturum_.

"It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (_ad cives_);

and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." _Dietsch_.

[213] Remember that you are a man--_Memineris te virum_. Remember

that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this

letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, _Cura ut

vir sis_.

[214] XLV. The praetors--_Praetoribus_ urbanis, the praetors of the city.

[215] The Milvian Bridge--_Ponte Mulvio_. Now _Ponte Molle_.

[216] Of the object with which they were sent--_Rem--cujus gratiâ

mittebantur_.

[217] From each side of the bridge--_Utrinque_. "Utrinque," observes

Cortius, "glossae MSS. exponunt _ex utrâque parte pontis," and there

is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however,

before myself, has availed himself of it.

[218] XLVI. The box with the letters--_Scrinium cum literis. Litterae_

may be rendered either _letter_ or _letters_. There is no mention made

previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44.

But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only

one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in

the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written

document, was probably in the box.

[219] XLVII. His letter--_Litteris._ His own letter to Catiline, c. 44.

So _praeter litteras_ a little below.

[220] What object he had had in view, etc.--_Quid, aut quâ de causâ,

consilli habuisset_. What design he had entertained, and from what

motive _he had entertained it_.

[221] To prevaricate.--_Fingere alia._ "To pretend other things

than what had reference to the conspiracy." _Bernouf._

[222] On the security of the public faith--_Fide publicá._

"Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the

senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life

should be spared, if he would but speak the truth." _Bernouf._

[223] That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already--_Cinnam atque Syllam

antea._ "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna

had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction

with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of

bloodshed and desolation.

[224] Their seals--_Signa sua_. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux."

Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot

of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the

letter it was necessary to cut the string: "_nos linum incidimus_."

Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Panc. 4, and Adam's _Roman

Antiquities_. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his

ancestors; see Cicero, _loc. cit._

[225] In private custody--_In liberis custodiis._ Literally, in

"free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the

arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called _free_

because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch

calls it [Greek: _adeomon phylakin_] as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See

Tacit. Ann. vi. 8. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and

consideration.

[226] XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him--_Si fides

publica data, esset_. See c. 47.

[227] And to facilitate the escape of those in custody--_Et illi

facilius è periculo eriperentur_.

[228] A man of such power--_Tanta vis hominis_. So great power of

the man.

[229] Liberty of speaking--_Potestatem_. "Potestatem loquendi."

_Cyprianus Popma_. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the

pledge which the senate had given him, _on condition that he spoke the

truth_, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence,

and was sent to prison.

[230] As was his custom--_More suo_. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus,

relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused

to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of

their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus

gained great popularity among the common people.

[231] XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on,

etc.--_Piso oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam

Transpadani supplicium injustum_. Such is the reading and punctuation

of Cortius. Some editions insert _pecuniarum_ before _repetundarum_,

and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in

conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the

most judicious that has been offered. _Oppugnatus_, says he, is

equivalent to _gravitur vexatus_, or violently assailed; and Piso was

thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the

Gaul; the words _in judicio repetundarum_ merely mark the time when

Caesar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he

was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words

_in judicio_ are wanting in one MS., would emit them, and make

_oppugnatus_ govern _pecuniarum repetundarum_, as if it were

_accusatus_; a change which would certainly not improve the passage.

The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see

Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.

[232] Comparatively a youth--_Adolescentalo_. Caesar was then in

the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age.

See the note on this word, c. 3.

[233] By magnificent exhibitions in public--_Publicè maximis muneribus_.

Shows of gladiators.

[234] L. In various directions throughout the city--_Variis itineribus

--in vicis_. Going hither and thither through the streets.

[235] Slaves--_Familiam_. "Servos suos, qui proprie _familia_,"

Cortius. _Familia_ is a number of _famuli_.

[236] A full senate, however, had but a short time before,

etc.--The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their

country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should

be passed on them.

[237] On this occasion--moved--_Tunc--decreverat_. The _tunc_

(or, as most editors have it, _tum_) must be referred to the second

meeting or the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal

concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first

meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the

pluperfect tense, _decreverat_. I have translated it as the perfect.

We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Caesar's speech,

which was to follow, and signifies that all this business _had been

done_ before Caesar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the

pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Caesar's speech, but to the

decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less

satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the

pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for

instance, _concusserat_, at the beginning of c. 24.

[238] That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero--_Pedibus

in sententian Tib. Neronis--iturum_. Any question submitted to the

senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained

either by _numeratio_, a counting of the votes, or by _discessio_,

when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding

magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were

of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet.

Tib. 31; Adam's Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. _Senatus_.

[239] LI. It becomes all men, etc.--The beginning of this speech,

attributed to Caesar, is imitated from Demosthenes, [Greek: _Peri ton

hen Chersonaeso pragmaton: Edei men, o andres Athaenaioi, tous

legontas apantas en umin maete pros echthran poieisthai logon maedena,

maete pros charin_]. "It should be incumbent on all who speak before

you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to

enmity or to favor."

[240] I consent to extraordinary measures--_Novum consilium adprobo_.

"That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors,

by which Roman citizens were protected from death." _Bernouf_.

[241] Whatever can be devised--_Omnium ingenia_.

[242] Studied and impressive language--_Compositè atque magnificè.

Compositè_, in language nicely put together; elegantly. _Magnificè_,

in striking or imposing terms. _Compositè_ is applied to the speech

of Caesar, by Cato, in the following chapter.

[243] Such I know to be his character, such his discretion--_Eos

mores, eam modestiam viri cognovi_. I have translated _modestiam,

discretion_, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. Beauzée

renders it _prudence_, and adds a note upon it, which may be worth

transcription. "I translate _modestia_," says he, "by _prudence_, and

think myself authorized to do so. _Sic definitur a Stoicis_, says

Cicero (De Off. i. 40), _ut modestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quae

agentur, aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum_; and shortly afterward,

_Sic fit ut modestia scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum

temporum_. And what is understood in French by prudence? It is,

according to the Dictionary of the Academy, 'a virtue by which we

discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.' This is

almost a translation of the words of Cicero".

[244] That--death is a relief from suffering, not a torment, etc.

--This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Caesar's, and

afterward. We may very well suppose Caesar to have been a sincere

convert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which

follows; as also Cicero, in his fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4.

See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero's Tusculan

Questions.

[245] The Porcian Law--_Lex Porcia_. A law proposed by P. Porcius

Loeca, one of the tribunes, A.U.O. 454, which enacted that no one

should bind, scourge or kill a Roman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic.

pro. Rabir., 3, 4: Verr., v 63; de Rep., ii, 31.

[246] Other laws--_Aliae leges_. So Caesar says below, "Tum lex

Porcia aliaeque paratae, quibus legibus auxilium damnatis permissum;"

what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them, however, was the

Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained that

sentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without

the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So "O lex Porcia

legesque Semproniae!" Cic. in. Verr., v. 63.

[247] Parricides--See c. 14, 32.

[248] The course of events--_Dies_. "Id est, temporis momentum

(_der veränderte Zeitpunkt_)." _Dietsch_. Things change, and that

which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. _Tempus_ and

_dies_ are sometimes joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only

time in general, but particular periods, as _from day to day_, were

intended.

[249] All precedents productive of evil effects--_Omnia mala exempla_.

Examples of severe punishments are meant.

[250] Any new example of severity, etc.--_Novum illud exemplum ab

dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transferetur_. Gerlach,

Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving to this passage the

sense which is given in the translation. _Digni_ and _idonei_ are

here used in a bad sense, for _digni et idonei qui poena afficiantur_,

deserving and fit objects for punishment.

[251] When they had conquered the Athenians--At the conclusion of

the Peloponnesian war.

[252] Damasippus--"He, in the consulship of Caius Marius, the younger,

and Cneius Carbo, was city praetor, and put to death some of the most

eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Vell.

Paterc. ii. 26." _Bernouf_.

[253] Ensigns of authority--_Insignia magistratum_. "The fasces and

axes of the twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule

chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius

Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nine years' war,

by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of

submitting to him as their sovereign, presented him with the

_insignia_ of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. V.; Florus, i. 5,"

_Kuhnhardt_.

[254] Best able to bear the expense--_Maxime opibus valent_. Are

possessed of most resources.

[255] LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent, etc.--_Caeteri

verbo, alius alii, varie assentiebantur. Verbo assentiebantur_

signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a word or two,

as _assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, aut Caesari_, the

three who had already spoken. _Varie_, "in support of their different

proposals."

[256] My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different,

etc.--_Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C._, etc. The commencement of

Cato's speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third

Olynthiac of Demosthenes: [Greek: _Ouchi tauta paristatai moi

ginoskein, o andres Athaenaioi, otan te eis ta pragmata apoblepso kai

otan pros tous logous ous akouo tous men gar logous peri tou

timoraesasthai Philippon oro gignomenous, ta de pragmata eis touto

proaekonta oste opos mae peisometha autoi proteron kakos skepsasthai

deon_.] "I am by no means affected in the same manner. Athenians, when

I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers

who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should

punish Philip; but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us

to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened."

_Leland_.

[257] Their altars and their homes--_Aris atque focis suis._

"When _arae_ and _foci_ are joined, beware of supposing that they are

to be distinguished as referring the one (_arae) to the public

temples, and the other (_foci_) to private dwellings. Both are to be

understood of private houses, in which the _ara_ belonged to the _Dii

Penates_, and was placed in the _impluvium_ in the inner part of the

house; the _focus_ was dedicated to the _lares_, and was in the hall."

Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. _Ara_. Of the commentators on Sallust,

Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion

of Ernesti; Langins and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common

opinion that _arae_ are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a

complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg _de Diis

Romanorum Penatibus_, Halae, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not

seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, "Non

est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis," _arae_ must be

considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and

national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. _Ara_.

[258] In vain appeal to justice--_Frusta judicia implores. Judicia_,

trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties.

[259] Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.--_Haud facile

alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam_. "Could not easily forgive the

licentiousness of another its evil deeds."

[260] Yet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc.

--_Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat_. This is

Cortius's reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch,

insert _erat_ after _firma_. Whether _opulentia_ is the nominative or

ablative, is disputed. "_Opulentia_," says Allen, "casum sextum

intellige, et repete _respublica_ (ad _tolerabat_)." "_Opulentia_,"

says Kritzius, "melius nominativo capiendum videtur; nam quae

sequuntur verba novam enunciationem efficiunt." I have preferred to

take it as a nominative.

[261] We have lost the real names of things, etc.--Imitated from

Thucydides, iii. 32: [Greek: _Kai taen eiothuian axiosin ton onomaton

es ta erga antaellaxan tae dikaiosei. Tolma men gar alogistos, andria

philetairos enomisthae, mellasis te promaethaes, deilia euprepaes to

de sophron. Tou anandrou proschaema, kai to pros apan syneton, epi pan

argon_.] "The ordinary meaning of words was changed by them as they

thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was

true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation,

as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being

useful for nothing." _Dale's_ translation; Bohn's Classical Library.

[262] Elegant language--_Compositè_. See above, c. 51.

[263] In a most excellent condition--_Multo pulcherrumam._ See c. 36.

[264] For of allies and citizens, etc.--Imitated from Demosthenes,

Philipp. III.4.

[265] I advise you to have mercy upon them--_Misereamini censeo,

i.e._, censeo _ut_ misereanum, spoken ironically. Most translators

have taken the words in the sense of "You would take pity on them, I

suppose," or something similar.

[266] Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon

his country--"Cethegus first made war on his country in conjunction

with Marius." _Bernouf_. Whether Sallust alludes to this, or intimates

(as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is

doubtful.

[267] Is ready to devour us--_Faucibus urget_. Cortius, Kritzius,

Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen, and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting

this as a metaphorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open

jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation

by Val. Max., v. 3: "Faucibus apprehensam rempublicam;" Cic. pro.

Cluent., 31: "Quum faucibus premetur;" and Plaut. Casin. v. 3,4,

"Manifesto faucibus teneor." Some, editors have read _in faucibus_,

and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of

Etruria, where Catiline was with his army.

[268] LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great

part of the rest--_Consulares omnes, itemque senatus magna pars_. "As

the consulars were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust

to have said _reliqui senatús_ but _itemque_ is equivalent to _et

praeter eos_." _Dietsch_.

[269] That they had carried on wars--_Bella gesta_. That wars had

been carried on _by them_.

[270] As if the parent stock were exhausted--_Sicuti effoeta

parentum_. This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to

explain thus: "Ac sicuti _effoeta parens_, inter parentes, _sese

habere solet_, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese

habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit." "_Est_,"

he adds, "or _solet esse_, or _sese habere solet_, may very well be

understood from the _fuit_ which follows." But all this only serves to

show what a critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he

is determined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, have _parentum_, except

one, which has _parente_. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost

between _effoeta_ and _parentum_, and proposes to read _sicuti effoetá

aetate parentum, with the sense, _as if the age of the parents were

too much exhausted to produce strong children_. Kritzius, from a

suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads

_effoetae parentum_ (the effoetae agreeing with Romae which follows),

considering the sense to be the same as as _effoetae parentis_--as

_divina dearum_ for _divina dea_, etc. Gerlach retains the rending of

Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that

the _explicatio_ may seem _durior_, and that it is doubtful whether we

ought not to have recourse to the _effoeta parente_ of the old critics.

Assuredly if we retain _parentum_, _effoetae_ is the only reading that

we can well put with it. We may compare with it _loca nuda gignentium_,

(Jug. c. 79), i.e. "places bare of objects producing any thing."

Gronovius know not what to do with the passage, called it _locus

intellectus nemini_, and at last decided on understanding _virtute_

with _effoetae parentum_, which, _pace tarti viri_, and although Allen

has followed him, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the

majority of manuscripts in giving _parentum_ makes the scholar

unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it

satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch,

to regard it a _scriptura non ferenda_, and to acquiesce, with

Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading

_effoetâ parente_.

[271] LIV. Though attained by different means--_Sed alia alii_.

"Alii alia _gloria_," for _altera alteri_. So Livy, i. 21: _Duo

reges_, alius alia via.

[272] Simplicity--_Pudore_. The word here seems to mean the absence

of display and ostentation.

[273] With the temperate--_Cum innocente_. "That is _cum integro

et abstinente_. For _innocentia_ is used for _abstinentia_, and

opposed to _avaritia_. See Cic. pro Lego Manil., c. 13." _Burnouf_.

[274] LV. The triumvirs--_Triumviros_. The _triumviri capitales_,

who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the

condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4. 7.

[275] The Tullian dungeon--_Tullianum_. "Tullianum" is an adjective,

with which _robur_ must be understood, as it was originally

constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce

_Robum_ or _Robur_: his words are _arcis robustis includebatur_, of

which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by

Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of

it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is now transformed into a

subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called

_San Pietro in Carcere_. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See

Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the _Family Library_. See

also Wasse's note on this passage.

[276] A vaulted roof connected with stone arches--_Camera lapideis

fornicibus vincta_. "That _camera_ was a roof curved in the form of

a _testudo_, is generally admitted; see Vitruv. vii. 3; Varr.,

R. R. iii. 7, init." _Dietsch_. The roof is now arched in the usual

way.

[277] Certain men, to whom orders had been given--_Quibus praeceptum

erat_. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch,

have _vindices rerum capitalium, quibus_, etc. Cortius ejected the

first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words

be genuine, we must consider these _vindices_ to have been the

deputies, or lictors, of the "triumvirs" mentioned above.

[278] LVI. As far as his numbers would allow--_Pro numero militum_.

He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and

divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into

each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion

consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then

be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this;

they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand;

in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred.

See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv.

[279] From his confederates--_Ex sociis_. "Understand, not only

the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to

have set out to join Catiline, though not at that time exactly

implicated in the plot." _Kritzius_. It is necessary to notice this,

because Cortius erroneously supposes "sociis" to mean the _allies of

Rome_. Dahl, Longius, Müller, Burnouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all

interpret in the same manner as Kritzius.

[280] Hoped himself shortly to find one--_Sperabat propediem sese

habiturum_. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius,

Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words _magnas copias_ before _sese_.

Cortius struck them out, observing that _copiae_ occurred too often in

this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript,

however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the

phrase suits much better with what follows, _si Romae socii incepta

patravissent_, if they are retained.

[281] Slaves--of whom vast numbers, etc.--_Servitia--cujus magnae

copiae_. "_Cujus_," says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, cd. Krehl),

"is referred _ad rem_, that is _cujus rei servitiorum_." _Servorum_ or

_hominum genus_, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as

the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most

nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii. 92; [Greek: _Kai dorieis,

hae maetropolis ton Lakedaimonion_].

[282] Impolitic--_Alienum suis rationibus_. Foreign to his views;

inconsistent with his policy.

[283] LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul--_In Galliam properanti_.

These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless

gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont

and Burnouf, who wholly omitted them.

[284] As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through

plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances; the enemy in

retreat--_Utpote qui magna exercitu, locis aequioribus, expeditus, in

fuga sequeretur_. It would be tedious to notice all that has been

written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of

Cortius, had _expeditos, in fugam_, some joining _expeditos_ with

_locis aequioribus_, and some with _in fugam_. _Expeditos in fugam_

was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who

said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin

writer. Cortius, seeing that the _expedition_, of which Sallust is

speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered

_expeditos_, though found in all the manuscripts, into _expeditus_;

and _in fugam_, at the same time, into _in fuga_; and in both these

emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors,

Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated _magno exercitu_,

"_though_ with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and some

others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but

may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were

Metellus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave

behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be

the more _expeditus_, unincumbered. With _sequeretur_ we must

understand _hostes_. The Bipont, Burnouf's, which often follows it,

and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain

_expeditos in fugam_.

[285] LVIII. That a spiritless army can not be rendered active,

etc.--_Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum

oratione imperatoris fieri_. I have departed a little from the literal

reading, for the sake of ease.

[286] That on your own right hands depend, etc.--_In dextris

portare_. "That you carry in your right hands."

[287] Those same places--_Eadem illa_. "Coloniae atque municipia

portas claudent." _Burnouf_.

[288] They contend for what but little concerns them--_Illis

supervacaneum est pugnare_. It is but of little concern to the great

body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the

advantages of their efforts.

[289] We might, etc.--_Licuit nobis_. The editions vary between

_nobis_ and _robis_; but most, with Cortius, have _nobis_.

[290] LIX. In the rear--_In subsidio_. Most translators have

rendered this, "as a body of reserve;" but such can not well be the

signification. It seems only to mean the part behind the front:

Catiline places the eight cohorts _in front_, and the rest of his

force _in subsidio_, to support the front. _Subsidia_, according to

Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v. _Subsidium_), was a term

applied to the Triarii, because they _subsidebant_, or sunk down on

one knee, until it was their turn to act. See Sheller's Lex. v.

_Subsidium_. "Novissimi ordines ita dicuntur." _Gerlach_. _In

subsidiis_, which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify _in lines

in the rear_; as in Jug. 49, _triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit,

i.e. with three lines behind the front_. "Subsidium ea pars aciei

vocabatur quae reliquis submitti posset; Caes. B. G., ii. 25."

_Dietsch_.

[291] All the ablest centurions--_Centuriones omnes lectos_.

"_Lectos_ you may consider to be the same as _eximios, praestantes_,

centurionum praestantissimum quemque." _Kritzius_. Cortius and others

take it for a participle, _chosen_.

[292] Veterans--_Evocatos_. Some would make this also a participle,

because, say they, it can not signify _evocati_, or _called-out

veterans_, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman

army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of

Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the

regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might

consequently be called _evocati_, just as if they had been in one;

and, also that _evocatus_ as a participle would be useless; for if

Catiline removed (_subducit_) the centurions, it is unnecessary to

add that he called them out, "_Evocati_ erant, qui expletis stipendiis

non poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut

in gratiam ejus, militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiae

peritissimi. Dio., xiv. p. 276. [Greek: _Ek touton de ton anoron kai

to ton Haeouokaton hae Ouokaton systaema (ous Anaklaetous an tis

Ellaenisas, hoti pepaumenoi taes strateias, ep' autein authis

aneklaethmsan, ouomaseien) enomisthae_.] Intelligit itaque ejusmodi

homines veteranos, etsi non proprie erant tales evocati, sed sponte

castra Catilinae essent secuti." _Cortius_.

[293] Into the foremost ranks--_In primam aciem_. Whether Sallust

means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first

line of the _subsidia_, is not clear.

[294] A certain officer of Faesulae--_Faesulanum quemdam_. "He is

thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14)

mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at

Faesulae, and who was to have been executed, if he had been

apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian

deputies." _Dietsch_. Plutarch calls this officer Furius.

[295] His freedmen--_Libertis_. "His own freedmen, whom he probably

had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his

adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find

from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armor bearer."

_Dietsch_.

[296] The colonists--_Colonis_. "Veterans of Sylla, who had been

settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced

to join Catiline." _Gerlach_. See c. 28.

[297] By the eagle--_Propter aquilam_. See Cic. in Cat., i. 9.

[298] Being lame--_Pedibus aeger_. It has been common among

translators to render _pedibus aeger_ afflicted with the gout, though

a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout. As the lameness

of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was only

pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the

gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that

the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius,

interpreted the words, _ultroneam passus est podogram_, "he was

affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassius says that he preferred

engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with

Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would

designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory.

[299] To meet the present insurrection--_Tumulti causa_. Any sudden

war or insurrection in Italy or Gaul was called _tumultus_. See

Cic. Philipp. v. 12.

[300] Their temples and their homes--_Aris atque focis suis_. See

c. 52.

[301] LX. In a furious charge--_Infestis siqnis_.

[302] Offering but partial resistance--_Alios alibi resistentes_.

Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in

another.

[303] Among the first, etc.--_In primis pugnantes cadunt_. Cortius

very properly refers _in primis_ to _cadunt_.