THE ARGUMENT.

The Introduction, I.-IV. The character of Catiline, V. Virtues of the

ancient Romans, VI.-IX. Degeneracy of their posterity, X.-XIII.

Catiline's associates and supporters, and the arts by which he

collected them, XIV. His crimes and wretchedness, XV. His tuition of

his accomplices, and resolution to subvert the government, XVI. His

convocation of the conspirators, and their names, XVII. His concern in

a former conspiracy, XVIII., XIX. Speech to the conspirators, XX. His

promises to them, XXI. His supposed ceremony to unite them, XXII. His

designs discovered by Fulvia, XXIII. His alarm on the election of

Cicero to the consulship, and his design in engaging women in his

cause, XXIV. His accomplice, Sempronia, characterized, XXV. His

ambition of the consulship, his plot to assassinate Cicero, and his

disappointment in both, XXVI. His mission of Manlius into Etruria, and

his second convention of the conspirators, XXVII. His second attempt

to kill Cicero; his directions to Manlius well observed, XXVIII. His

machinations induce the Senate to confer extraordinary power on the

consuls, XXIX. His proceedings are opposed by various precautions,

XXX. His effrontery in the Senate, XXXI. He sets out for Etruria,

XXXII. His accomplice, Manlius, sends a deputation to Marcius, XXXIII.

His representations to various respectable characters, XXXIV. His

letter to Catulus, XXXV. His arrival at Manlius's camp; he is declared

an enemy by the Senate; his adherents continue faithful and resolute,

XXXVI. The discontent and disaffection of the populace in Rome,

XXXVII. The old contentions between the patricians and plebeians,

XXXVIII. The effect which a victory of Catiline would have produced,

XXXIX. The Allobroges are solicited to engage in the conspiracy, XL.

They discover it to Cicero, XLI. The incaution of Catiline's

accomplices in Gaul and Italy, XLII. The plans of his adherents at

Rome, XLIII. The Allobroges succeed in obtaining proofs of the

conspirators' guilt, XLIV. The Allobroges and Volturcius are arrested

by the contrivance of Cicero, XLV. The principal conspirators at Rome

are brought before the Senate, XLVI. The evidence against them, and

their consignment to custody, XLVII. The alteration in the minds of

the populace, and the suspicions entertained against Crassus, XLVIII.

The attempts of Catulus and Piso to criminate Caesar, XLIX. The plans

of Lentulus and Cethegus for their rescue, and the deliberations of

the Senate, L. The speech of Caesar on the mode of punishing the

conspirators, LI. The speech of Cato on the same subject, LII. The

condemnation of the prisoners; the causes of Roman greatness, LIII.

Parallel between Caesar and Cato, LIV. The execution of the criminals,

LV. Catiline's warlike preparations in Etruria, LVI. He is compelled

by Metullus and Antonius to hazard an action, LVII. His exhortation to

his men, LVIII. His arrangements, and those of his opponents, for the

battle, LIX. His bravery, defeat, and death, LX., LXI.

* * * * *

I. It becomes all men, who desire to excel other animals,[1] to strive,

to the utmost of their power,[2] not to pass through life in obscurity,

[3] like the beasts of the field,[4] which nature has formed groveling[5]

and subservient to appetite.

All our power is situate in the mind and in the body.[6] Of the mind

we rather employ the government;[7] of the body the service.[8] The

one is common to us with the gods; the other with the brutes. It

appears to me, therefore, more reasonable[9]to pursue glory by means

of the intellect than of bodily strength, and, since the life which we

enjoy is short, to make the remembrance of us as lasting as possible.

For the glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and perishable; that of

intellectual power is illustrious and immortal.[10]

Yet it was long a subject of dispute among mankind, whether military

efforts were more advanced by strength of body, or by force of

intellect. For, in affairs of war, it is necessary to plan before

beginning to act,[11] and, after planning, to act with promptitude

and vigor.[12] Thus, each[13] being insufficient of itself, the one

requires the assistance of the other.[14]

II. In early times, accordingly, kings (for that was the first title

of sovereignty in the world) applied themselves in different ways;[15]

some exercised the mind, others the body. At that period, however,[16]

the life of man was passed without covetousness;[17] every one was

satisfied with his own. But after Cyrus in Asia[18] and the

Lacedaemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subjugate cities and

nations, to deem the lust of dominion a reason for war, and to imagine

the greatest glory to be in the most extensive empire, it was then at

length discovered, by proof and experience,[19] that mental power has

the greatest effect in military operations. And, indeed,[20] if the

intellectual ability[21] of kings and magistrates[22] were exerted to

the same degree in peace as in war, human affairs would be more

orderly and settled, and you would not see governments shifted from

hand to hand,[23] and things universally changed and confused. For

dominion is easily secured by those qualities by which it was at first

obtained. But when sloth has introduced itself in the place of industry,

and covetousness and pride in that of moderation and equity, the fortune

of a state is altered together with its morals; and thus authority is

always transferred from the less to the more deserving.[24]

Even in agriculture,[25] in navigation, and in architecture, whatever

man performs owns the dominion of intellect. Yet many human beings,

resigned to sensuality and indolence, un-instructed and unimproved,

have passed through life like travellers in a strange country[26]; to

whom, certainly, contrary to the intention of nature, the body was a

gratification, and the mind a burden. Of these I hold the life and

death in equal estimation[27]; for silence is maintained concerning

both. But he only, indeed, seems to me to live, and to enjoy life,

who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation from some ennobling

enterprise, or honorable pursuit.

But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out different

paths to different individuals. III. To act well for the Commonwealth

is noble, and even to speak well for it is not without merit[28]. Both

in peace and in war it is possible to obtain celebrity; many who have

acted, and many who have recorded the actions of others, receive their

tribute of praise. And to me, assuredly, though by no means equal

glory attends the narrator and the performer of illustrious deeds, it

yet seems in the highest degree difficult to write the history of

great transactions; first, because deeds must be adequately

represented[29] by words; and next, because most readers consider that

whatever errors you mention with censure, are mentioned through

malevolence and envy; while, when you speak of the great virtue and

glory of eminent men, every one hears with acquiescence[30] only that

which he himself thinks easy to be performed; all beyond his own

conception he regards as fictitious and incredible[31].

I myself, however, when a young man[32], was at first led by

inclination, like most others, to engage in political affairs[33]; but

in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavorable to me; for,

instead of modesty, temperance, and integrity[34], there prevailed

shamelessness, corruption, and rapacity. And although my mind,

inexperienced in dishonest practices, detested these vices, yet, in

the midst of so great corruption, my tender age was insnared and

infected[35] by ambition; and, though I shrunk from the vicious

principles of those around me, yet the same eagerness for honors, the

same obloquy and jealousy[36], which disquieted others, disquieted

myself.

IV. When, therefore, my mind had rest from its numerous troubles and

trials, and I had determined to pass the remainder of my days

unconnected with public life, it was not my intention to waste my

valuable leisure in indolence and inactivity, or, engaging in servile

occupations, to spend my time in agriculture or hunting[37]; but,

returning to those studies[38] from which, at their commencement, a

corrupt ambition had allured me, I determined to write, in detached

portions[39], the transactions of the Roman people, as any occurrence

should seem worthy of mention; an undertaking to which I was the

rather inclined, as my mind was uninfluenced by hope, fear, or

political partisanship. I shall accordingly give a brief account, with

as much truth as I can, of the Conspiracy of Catiline; for I think it

an enterprise eminently deserving of record, from the unusual nature

both of its guilt and of its perils. But before I enter upon my

narrative, I must give a short description of the character of the

man.

V. Lucius Catiline was a man of noble birth[40], and of eminent mental

and personal endowments; but of a vicious and depraved disposition.

His delight, from his youth, had been civil commotions, bloodshed,

robbery, and sedition[41]; and in such scenes he had spent his early

years.[42] His constitution could endure hunger, want of sleep, and

cold, to a degree surpassing belief. His mind was daring, subtle, and

versatile, capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished.[43]

He was covetous of other men's property, and prodigal of his own. He

had abundance of eloquence,[44] though but little wisdom. His

insatiable ambition was always pursuing objects extravagant, romantic,

and unattainable.

Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship,[45] a strong desire of seizing

the government possessed him, nor did he at all care, provided that he

secured power[46] for himself, by what means he might arrive at it.

His violent spirit was daily more and more hurried on by the

diminution of his patrimony, and by his consciousness of guilt; both

which evils he had increased by those practices which I have mentioned

above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance and

selfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly

depraved,[47] furnished him with additional incentives to action.

Since the occasion has thus brought public morals under my notice, the

subject itself seems to call upon me to look back, and briefly to

describe the conduct of our ancestors[48] in peace and war; how they

managed the state, and how powerful they left it; and how, by gradual

alteration, it became, from being the most virtuous, the most vicious

and depraved.

VI. Of the city of Rome, as I understand,[49] the founders and

earliest inhabitants were the Trojans, who, under the conduct of

Aeneas, were wandering about as exiles from their country, without any

settled abode; and with these were joined the Aborigines,[50] a savage

race of men, without laws or government, free, and owning no control.

How easily these two tribes, though of different origin, dissimilar

language, and opposite habits of life, formed a union when they met

within the same walls, is almost incredible.[51] But when their state,

from an accession of population and territory, and an improved

condition of morals, showed itself tolerably flourishing and powerful,

envy, as is generally the case in human affairs, was the consequence

of its prosperity. The neighboring kings and people, accordingly,

began to assail them in war, while a few only of their friends came to

their support; for the rest, struck with alarm, shrunk from sharing

their dangers. But the Romans, active at home and in the field,

prepared with alacrity for their defense.[52] They encouraged one

another, and hurried to meet the enemy. They protected, with their

arms, their liberty, their country, and their homes. And when they had

at length repelled danger by valor, they lent assistance to their

allies and supporters, and procured friendships rather by

bestowing[53] favors than by receiving them.

They had a government regulated by laws. The denomination of their

government was monarchy. Chosen men, whose bodies might be enfeebled

by years, but whose minds were vigorous in understanding, formed the

council of the state; and these, whether from their age, or from the

similarity of their duty, were called FATHERS.[54] But afterward, when

the monarchical power, which had been originally established for the

protection of liberty, and for the promotion of the public interest,

had degenerated into tyranny and oppression, they changed their plan,

and appointed two magistrates,[55] with power only annual; for they

conceived that, by this method, the human mind would be least likely

to grow overbearing for want of control.

VII. At this period every citizen began to seek distinction, and to

display his talents with greater freedom; for, with princes, the

meritorious are greater objects of suspicion than the undeserving, and

to them the worth of others is a source of alarm. But when liberty was

secured, it is almost incredible[56] how much the state strengthened

itself in a short space of time, so strong a passion for distinction

had pervaded it. Now, for the first time, the youth, as soon as they

were able to bear the toil of war,[57] acquired military skill by

actual service in the camp, and took pleasure rather in splendid arms

and military steeds than in the society of mistresses and convivial

indulgence. To such men no toil was unusual, no place was difficult or

inaccessible, no armed enemy was formidable; their valor had overcome

every thing. But among themselves the grand rivalry was for glory;

each sought to be first to wound an enemy, to scale a wall, and to be

noticed while performing such an exploit. Distinction such as this

they regarded as wealth, honor, and true nobility.[58] They were

covetous of praise, but liberal of money; they desired competent

riches but boundless glory. I could mention, but that the account

would draw me too far from my subject, places in which the Roman

people, with a small body of men, routed vast armies of the enemy; and

cities, which, though fortified by nature, they carried by assault.

VIII. But, assuredly, Fortune rules in all things. She makes every

thing famous or obscure rather from caprice than in conformity with

truth. The exploits of the Athenians, as far as I can judge, were very

great and glorious,[59] something inferior to what fame has represented

them. But because writers of great talent flourished there, the actions

of the Athenians are celebrated over the world as the most splendid

achievements. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is estimated at

the highest point to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in

their writings.

But among the Romans there was never any such abundance of writers;[60]

for, with them, the most able men were the most actively employed. No

one exercised the mind independently of the body: every man of ability

chose to act rather than narrate,[61] and was more desirous that his

own merits should be celebrated by others, than that he himself should

record theirs.

IX. Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated in the city and in the

camp. There was the greatest possible concord, and the least possible

avarice. Justice and probity prevailed among the citizens, not more

from the influence of the laws than from natural inclination. They

displayed animosity, enmity, and resentment only against the enemy.

Citizens contended with citizens in nothing but honor. They were

magnificent in their religious services, frugal in their families,

and steady in their friendships.

By these two virtues, intrepidity in war, and equity in peace, they

maintained themselves and their state. Of their exercise of which

virtues, I consider these as the greatest proofs; that, in war,

punishment was oftener inflicted on those who attacked an enemy

contrary to orders, and who, when commanded to retreat, retired too

slowly from the contest, than on those who had dared to desert their

standards, or, when pressed by the enemy,[62] to abandon their posts;

and that, in peace, they governed more by conferring benefits than by

exciting terror, and, when they received an injury, chose rather to

pardon than to revenge it.

X. But when, by perseverance and integrity, the republic had increased

its power; when mighty princes had been vanquished in war;[63] when

barbarous tribes and populous states had been reduced to subjection;

when Carthage, the rival of Rome's dominion, had been utterly

destroyed, and sea and land lay every where open to her sway, Fortune

then began to exercise her tyranny, and to introduce universal

innovation. To those who had easily endured toils, dangers, and

doubtful and difficult circumstances, ease and wealth, the objects of

desire to others, became a burden and a trouble. At first the love of

money, and then that of power, began to prevail, and these became, as

it were, the sources of every evil. For avarice subverted honesty,

integrity, and other honorable principles, and, in their stead,

inculcated pride, inhumanity, contempt of religion, and general

venality. Ambition prompted many to become deceitful; to keep one

thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue;[64] to

estimate friendships and enmities, not by their worth, but according

to interest; and to carry rather a specious countenance than an honest

heart. These vices at first advanced but slowly, and were sometimes

restrained by correction; but afterward, when their infection had

spread like a pestilence, the state was entirely changed, and the

government, from being the most equitable and praiseworthy, became

rapacious and insupportable.

XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice,[65] that

influenced the minds of men; a vice which approaches nearer to virtue

than the other. For of glory, honor, and power, the worthy is as

desirous as the worthless; but the one pursues them by just methods;

the other, being destitute of honorable qualities, works with fraud

and deceit. But avarice has merely money for its object, which no wise

man has ever immoderately desired. It is a vice which, as if imbued

with deadly poison, enervates whatever is manly in body or mind.[66]

It is always unbounded and insatiable, and is abated neither by

abundance nor by want.

But after Lucius Sylla, having recovered the government[67] by force

of arms, proceeded, after a fair commencement, to a pernicious

termination, all became robbers and plunderers;[68] some set their

affections on houses, others on lands; his victorious troops knew

neither restraint nor moderation, but inflicted on the citizens

disgraceful and inhuman outrages. Their rapacity was increased by the

circumstance that Sylla, in order to secure the attachment of the

forces which he had commanded in Asia,[69] had treated them, contrary

to the practice of our ancestors, with extraordinary indulgence, and

exemption from discipline; and pleasant and luxurious quarters had

easily, during seasons of idleness, enervated the minds of the

soldiery. Then the armies of the Roman people first became habituated

to licentiousness and intemperance, and began to admire statues,

pictures, and sculptured vases; to seize such objects alike in public

edifices and private dwellings;[70] to spoil temples; and to cast off

respect for every thing, sacred and profane. Such troops, accordingly,

when once they obtained the mastery, left nothing to be vanquished.

Success unsettles the principles even of the wise, and scarcely would

those of debauched habits use victory with moderation.

XII. When wealth was once considered an honor, and glory, authority,

and power attended on it, virtue lost her influence, poverty was

thought a disgrace, and a life of innocence was regarded as a life of

ill-nature.[71] From the influence of riches, accordingly, luxury,

avarice, and pride prevailed among the youth; they grew at once

rapacious and prodigal; they undervalued what was their own, and

coveted what was another's; they set at naught modesty and continence;

they lost all distinction between sacred and profane, and threw off

all consideration and self-restraint.

It furnishes much matter for reflection,[72] after viewing our modern

mansions and villas extended to the size of cities, to contemplate the

temples which our ancestors, a most devout race of men, erected to the

gods. But our forefathers adorned the fanes of the deities with devotion,

and their homes with their own glory, and took nothing from those whom

they conquered but the power of doing harm; their descendants, on the

contrary, the basest of mankind,[73] have even wrested from their allies,

with the most flagrant injustice, whatever their brave and victorious

ancestors had left to their vanquished enemies; as if the only use of

power were to inflict injury.

XIII. For why should I mention those displays of extravagance, which

can be believed by none but those who have seen them; as that mountains

have been leveled, and seas covered with edifices,[74] by many private

citizens; men whom I consider to have made a sport of their wealth,[75]

since they were impatient to squander disreputably what they might have

enjoyed with honor.

But the love of irregular gratification, open debauchery, and all

kinds of luxury,[76] had spread abroad with no less force. Men forgot

their sex; women threw off all the restraints of modesty. To gratify

appetite, they sought for every kind of production by land and by sea;

they slept before there was any inclination for sleep; they no longer

waited to feel hunger, thirst, cold,[77] or fatigue, but anticipated

them all by luxurious indulgence. Such propensities drove the youth,

when their patrimonies were exhausted, to criminal practices; for

their minds, impregnated with evil habits, could not easily abstain

from gratifying their passions, and were thus the more inordinately

devoted in every way to rapacity and extravagance.

XIV. In so populous and so corrupt a city, Catiline, as it was very

easy to do, kept about him, like a body-guard, crowds of the

unprincipled and desperate. For all those shameless, libertine, and

profligate characters, who had dissipated their patrimonies by

gaming,[78] luxury, and sensuality; all who had contracted heavy

debts, to purchase immunity for their crimes or offenses; all

assassins[79] or sacrilegious persons from every quarter, convicted or

dreading conviction for their evil deeds; all, besides, whom their

tongue or their hand maintained by perjury or civil bloodshed; all, in

fine, whom wickedness, poverty, or a guilty conscience disquieted,

were the associates and intimate friends of Catiline. And if any one,

as yet of unblemished character, fell into his society, he was

presently rendered, by daily intercourse and temptation, similar and

equal to the rest. But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly

courted; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were

easily insnared by his stratagems. For as the passions of each,

according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to

some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word,

neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his

devoted and trustworthy supporters. There were some, I know, who

thought that the youth, who frequented the house of Catiline, were

guilty of crimes against nature; but this report arose rather from

other causes than from any evidence of the fact[80].

XV. Catiline, in his youth, had been guilty of many criminal

connections, with a virgin of noble birth[81], with a priestess of

Vesta[82], and of many other offenses of this nature, in defiance

alike of law and religion. At last, when he was smitten with a passion

for Aurelia Orestilla[83], in whom no good man, at any time of her

life, commended any thing but her beauty, it is confidently believed

that because she hesitated to marry him, from the dread of having a

grown-up step-son[84], he cleared the house for their nuptials by

putting his son to death. And this crime appears to me to have been

the chief cause of hurrying forward the conspiracy. For his guilty

mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no comfort either

waking or sleeping; so effectually did conscience desolate his

tortured spirit.[85] His complexion, in consequence, was pale, his

eyes haggard, his walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and

distraction was plainly apparent in every feature and look.

XVI. The young men, whom, as I said before, he had enticed to join

him, he initiated, by various methods, in evil practices. From among

them he furnished false witnesses,[86] and forgers of signatures; and

he taught them all to regard, with equal unconcern, honor, property,

and danger. At length, when he had stripped them of all character and

shame, he led them to other and greater enormities. If a motive for

crime did not readily occur, he incited them, nevertheless, to

circumvent and murder inoffensive persons[87] just as if they had

injured him; for, lest their hand or heart should grow torpid for want

of employment, he chose to be gratuitously wicked and cruel.

Depending on such accomplices and adherents, and knowing that the load

of debt was every where great, and that the veterans of Sylla,[88]

having spent their money too liberally, and remembering their spoils

and former victory, were longing for a civil war, Catiline formed the

design of overthrowing the government. There was no army in Italy;

Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world;[89] he himself had

great hopes of obtaining the consulship; the senate was wholly off its

guard;[90] every thing was quiet and tranquil; and all those

circumstances were exceedingly favorable for Catiline.

XVII. Accordingly, about the beginning of June, in the consulship of

Lucius Caesar[91] and Caius Figulus, he at first addressed each of his

accomplices separately, encouraged some, and sounded others, and

informed them, of his own resources, of the unprepared condition of

the state, and of the great prizes to be expected from the conspiracy.

When he had ascertained, to his satisfaction, all that he required, he

summoned all whose necessities were the most urgent, and whose spirits

were the most daring, to a general conference.

At that meeting there were present, of senatorial rank, Publius

Lentulus Sura,[92] Publius Autronius,[93] Lucius Cassius Longinus,[94]

Caius Cethegus,[95] Publius and Servius Sylla[96] the sons of

Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius,[97] Quintus Annius,[98] Marcus

Porcius Laeca,[99] Lucius Bestia,[100] Quintus Curius;[101] and, of

the equestrian order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior,[102] Lucius

Statilius,[103] Publius Gabinius Capito,[104] Caius Cornelius;[105]

with many from the colonies and municipal towns,[106] persons of

consequence in their own localities. There were many others, too,

among the nobility, concerned in the plot, but less openly: men whom

the hope of power, rather than poverty or any other exigence, prompted

to join in the affair. But most of the young men, and especially the

sons of the nobility, favored the schemes of Catiline; they who had

abundant means of living at ease, either splendidly or voluptuously,

preferred uncertainties to certainties, war to peace. There were some,

also, at that time, who believed that Marcus Licinius Crassus[107] was

not unacquainted with the conspiracy; because Cneius Pompey, whom he

hated, was at the head of a large army, and he was willing that the

power of any one whomsoever should raise itself against Pompey's

influence; trusting, at the same time, that if the plot should

succeed, he would easily place himself at the head of the

conspirators.

XVIII. But previously[108] to this period, a small number of persons,

among whom was Catiline, had formed a design against the state: of

which affair I shall here give as accurate account as I am able. Under

the consulship of Lucius Tullus and Marcus Lepidus, Publius Autronius

and Publius Sylla,[109] having been tried for bribery under the laws

against it,[110] had paid the penalty of the offense. Shortly after

Catiline, being brought to trial for extortion,[111] had been

prevented from standing for the consulship, because he had been unable

to declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number of

days.[112] There was at that time, too, a young patrician of the most

daring spirit, needy and discontented, named Cneius Piso,[113] whom

poverty and vicious principles instigated to disturb the government.

Catiline and Autronius,[114] having concerted measures with this Piso,

prepared to assassinate the consuls, Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus,

in the Capitol, on the first of January,[115] when they, having seized

on the fasces, were to send Piso with an army to take possession of the

two Spains.[116] But their design being discovered, they postponed the

assassination to the fifth of February; when they meditated the

destruction, not of the consuls only, but of most of the senate. And had

not Catiline, who was in front of the senate-house, been too hasty to

give the signal to his associates, there would that day have been

perpetrated the most atrocious outrage since the city of Rome was

founded. But as the armed conspirators had not yet assembled in

sufficient numbers, the want of force frustrated the design.

XIX. Some time afterward, Piso was sent as quaestor, with Praetorian

authority, into Hither Spain; Crassus promoting the appointment,

because he knew him to be a bitter enemy to Cneius Pompey. Nor were

the senate, indeed, unwilling[117] to grant him the province; for they

wished so infamous a character to be removed from the seat of

government; and many worthy men, at the same time, thought that there

was some security in him against the power of Pompey, which was then

becoming formidable. But this Piso, on his march toward his province,

was murdered by some Spanish cavalry whom he had in his army. These

barbarians, as some say, had been unable to endure his unjust,

haughty, and cruel orders; but others assert that this body of

cavalry, being old and trusty adherents of Pompey, attacked Piso at

his instigation; since the Spaniards, they observed, had never before

committed such an outrage, but had patiently submitted to many severe

commands. This question we shall leave undecided. Of the first

conspiracy enough has been said.

XX. When Catiline saw those, whom I have just above mentioned,[118]

assembled, though he had often discussed many points with them singly,

yet thinking it would be to his purpose to address and exhort them in

a body, retired with them into a private apartment of his house,

where, when all witnesses were withdrawn, he harangued them to the

following effect:

"If your courage and fidelity had not been sufficiently proved by me,

this favorable opportunity[119] would have occurred to no purpose;

mighty hopes, absolute power, would in vain be within our grasp; nor

should I, depending on irresolution or ficklemindedness, pursue

contingencies instead of certainties. But as I have, on many remarkable

occasions, experienced your bravery and attachment to me, I have

ventured to engage in a most important and glorious enterprise. I am

aware, too, that whatever advantages or evils affect you, the same

affect me; and to have the same desires and the same aversions, is

assuredly a firm bond of friendship.

"What I have been meditating you have already heard separately. But my

ardor for action is daily more and more excited, when I consider what

our future condition of life must be, unless we ourselves assert our

claims to liberty.[120] For since the government has fallen under the

power and jurisdiction of a few, kings and princes[121] have constantly

been their tributaries; nations and states have paid them taxes; but all

the rest of us, however brave and worthy, whether noble or plebeian,

have been regarded as a mere mob, without interest or authority, and

subject to those, to whom, if the state were in a sound condition, we

should be a terror. Hence, all influence, power, honor, and wealth, are

in their hands, or where they dispose of them: to us they have left only

insults,[122] dangers, persecutions, and poverty. To such indignities,

O bravest of men, how long will you submit? Is it not better to die in

a glorious attempt, than, after having been the sport of other men's

insolence, to resign a wretched and degraded existence with ignominy?

"But success (I call gods and men to witness!) is in our own hands.

Our years are fresh, our spirit is unbroken; among our oppressors, on

the contrary, through age and wealth a general debility has been

produced. We have therefore only to make a beginning; the course of

events[123] will accomplish the rest.

"Who in the world, indeed, that has the feelings of a man, can endure

that they should have a superfluity of riches, to squander in building

over seas[124] and leveling mountains, and that means should be wanting

to us even for the necessaries of life; that they should join together

two houses or more, and that we should not have a hearth to call our

own? They, though they purchase pictures, statues, and embossed plate;

[125] though they pull down now buildings and erect others, and lavish

and abuse their wealth in every possible method; yet can not, with the

utmost efforts of caprice, exhaust it. But for us there is poverty at

home, debts abroad; our present circumstances are bad, our prospects

much worse; and what, in a word, have we left, but a miserable existence?

"Will you not, then, awake to action? Behold that liberty, that

liberty for which you have so often wished, with wealth, honor, and

glory, are set before your eyes. All these prizes fortune offers to

the victorious. Let the enterprise itself, then, let the opportunity,

let your poverty, your dangers, and the glorious spoils of war,

animate you far more than my words. Use me either as your leader or

your fellow-soldier; neither my heart nor my hand shall be wanting to

you. These objects I hope to effect, in concert with you, in the

character of consul; unless, indeed, my expectation deceives me, and

you prefer to be slaves rather than masters."

XXI. When these men, surrounded with numberless evils, but without any

resources or hopes of good, had heard this address, though they

thought it much for their advantage to disturb the public tranquillity,

yet most of them called on Catiline to state on what terms they were to

engage in the contest; what benefits they were to expect from taking up

arms; and what support and encouragement they had, and in what quarters.

[126] Catiline then promised them the abolition of their debts;[127] a

proscription of the wealthy citizens;[128] offices, sacerdotal dignities,

plunder, and all other gratifications which war, and the license of

conquerors, can afford. He added that Piso was in Hither Spain, and

Publius Sittius Nucerinus with an army in Mauritania, both of whom were

privy to his plans; that Caius Antonius, whom he hoped to have for a

colleague, was canvassing for the consulship, a man with whom he was

intimate, and who was involved in all manner of embarrassments; and that,

in conjunction with him, he himself, when consul, would commence

operations. He, moreover, assailed all the respectable citizens with

reproaches, commended each of his associates by name, reminded one of

his poverty, another of his ruling passion,[129] several others of their

danger or disgrace, and many of the spoils which they had obtained by

the victory of Sylla. When he saw their spirits sufficiently elevated,

he charged them to attend to his interest at the election of consuls,

and dismissed the assembly.

XXII. There were some, at the time, who said that Catiline, having

ended his speech, and wishing to bind his accomplices in guilt by an

oath, handed round among them, in goblets, the blood of a human body

mixed with wine; and that when all, after an imprecation, had tasted

of it, as is usual in sacred rites, he disclosed his design; and they

asserted[130] that he did this, in order that they might be the more

closely attached to one another, by being mutually conscious of such

an atrocity. But some thought that this report, and many others, were

invented by persons who supposed that the odium against Cicero, which

afterward arose, might be lessened by imputing an enormity of guilt to

the conspirators who had suffered death. The evidence which I have

obtained, in support of this charge, is not at all in proportion to

its magnitude.

XXIII. Among those present at this meeting was Quintus Curius,[131] a

man of no mean family, but immersed in vices and crimes, and whom the

censors had ignominiously expelled from the senate. In this person

there was not less levity than impudence; he could neither keep secret

what he heard, not conceal his own crimes; he was altogether heedless

what he said or what he did. He had long had a criminal intercourse

with Fulvia, a woman of high birth; but growing less acceptable to her,

because, in his reduced circumstances, he had less means of being

liberal, he began, on a sudden, to boast, and to promise her seas and

mountains;[132] threatening her, at times, with the sword, if she were

not submissive to his will; and acting, in his general conduct, with

greater arrogance than ever.[133] Fulvia, having learned the cause of

his extravagant behavior, did not keep such danger to the state a

secret; but, without naming her informant, communicated to several

persons what she had heard and under what circumstances, concerning

Catiline's conspiracy. This intelligence it was that incited the

feelings of the citizens to give the consulship to Marcus Tullius

Cicero.[134] For before this period, most of the nobility were moved

with jealousy, and thought the consulship in some degree sullied, if a

man of no family,[135] however meritorious, obtained it. But when

danger showed itself, envy and pride were laid aside. XXIV.

Accordingly, when the comitia were held, Marcus Tullius and Caius

Antonius were declared consuls; an event which gave the first shock to

the conspirators. The ardor of Catiline, however, was not at all

diminished; he formed every day new schemes; he deposited arms, in

convenient places, throughout Italy; he sent sums of money borrowed on

his own credit, or that of his friends, to a certain Manlius,[136] at

Faesulae,[137] who was subsequently the first to engage in hostilities.

At this period, too, he is said to have attached to his cause great

numbers of men of all classes, and some women, who had, in their earlier

days, supported an expensive life by the price of their beauty, but who,

when age had lessened their gains but not their extravagance, had

contracted heavy debts. By the influence of these females, Catiline

hoped to gain over the slaves in Rome, to get the city set on fire, and

either to secure the support of their husbands or take away their lives.

XXV. In the number of those ladies was Sempronia,[138] a woman who had

committed many crimes with the spirit of a man. In birth and beauty,

in her husband and her children, she was extremely fortunate; she was

skilled in Greek and Roman literature; she could sing, play, and

dance,[139] with greater elegance than became a woman of virtue, and

possessed many other accomplishments that tend to excite the passions.

But nothing was ever less valued by her than honor or chastity.

Whether she was more prodigal of her money or her reputation, it would

have been difficult to decide. Her desires were so ardent that she

oftener made advances to the other sex than waited for solicitation.

She had frequently, before this period, forfeited her word, forsworn

debts, been privy to murder, and hurried into the utmost excesses by

her extravagance and poverty. But her abilities were by no means

despicable;[140] she could compose verses, jest, and join in

conversation either modest, tender, or licentious. In a word, she was

distinguished[141] by much refinement of wit, and much grace of

expression.

XXVI. Catiline, having made these arrangements, still canvassed for

the consulship for the following year; hoping that, if he should be

elected, he would easily manage Antonius according to his pleasure.

Nor did he, in the mean time remain inactive, but devised schemes, in

every possible way, against Cicero, who, however, did not want skill

or policy to guard, against them. For, at the very beginning of his

consulship, he had, by making many promises through Fulvia, prevailed

on Quintus Curius, whom I have already mentioned, to give him secret

information of Catiline's proceedings. He had also persuaded his

colleague, Antonius, by an arrangement respecting their provinces,[142]

to entertain no sentiment of disaffection toward the state; and he kept

around him, though without ostentation, a guard of his friends and

dependents.

When the day of the comitia came, and neither Catiline's efforts for

the consulship, nor the plots which he had laid for the consuls in the

Campus Martius,[143] were attended with success, he determined to

proceed to war, and resort to the utmost extremities, since what he

had attempted secretly had ended in confusion and disgrace.[144]

XXVII. He accordingly dispatched Caius Manlius to Faesulae, and the

adjacent parts of Etruria; one Septimius, of Carinum,[145] into the

Picenian territory; Caius Julius into Apulia; and others to various

places, wherever he thought each would be most serviceable.[146] He

himself, in the mean time, was making many simultaneous efforts at

Rome; he laid plots for the consul; he arranged schemes for burning

the city; he occupied suitable posts with armed men; he went constantly

armed himself, and ordered his followers to do the same; he exhorted

them to be always on their guard and prepared for action; he was active

and vigilant by day and by night, and was exhausted neither by

sleeplessness nor by toil. At last, however, when none of his

numerous projects succeeded,[147] he again, with the aid of Marcus

Porcius Laeca, convoked the leaders of the conspiracy in the dead of

night, when, after many complaints of their apathy, he informed them

that he had sent forward Manlius to that body of men whom he had

prepared to take up arms; and others of the confederates into other

eligible places, to make a commencement of hostilities; and that he

himself was eager to set out to the army, if he could but first cut

off Cicero, who was the chief obstruction to his measures.

XXVIII. While, therefore, the rest were in alarm and hesitation, Caius

Cornelius, a Roman knight, who offered his services, and Lucius

Vargunteius, a senator, in company with him, agreed to go with an

armed force, on that very night, and with but little delay,[148] to

the house of Cicero, under pretense of paying their respects to him,

and to kill him unawares, and unprepared for defense, in his own

residence. But Curius, when he heard of the imminent danger that

threatened the consul, immediately gave him notice, by the agency of

Fulvia, of the treachery which was contemplated. The assassins, in

consequence, were refused admission, and found that they had

undertaken such an attempt only to be disappointed.

In the mean time, Manlius was in Etruria, stirring up the populace,

who, both from poverty, and from resentment for their injuries (for,

under the tyranny of Sylla, they had lost their lands and other

property) were eager for a revolution. He also attached to himself all

sorts of marauders, who were numerous in those parts, and some of

Sylla's colonists, whose dissipation and extravagance had exhausted

their enormous plunder.

XXIX. When these proceedings were reported to Cicero, he, being

alarmed at the twofold danger, since he could no longer secure the

city against treachery by his private efforts, nor could gain

satisfactory intelligence of the magnitude or intentions of the army

of Manlius, laid the matter, which was already a subject of discussion

among the people, before the senate. The senate, accordingly, as is

usual in any perilous emergency, decreed that THE CONSULS SHOULD MAKE

IT THEIR CARE THAT THE COMMONWEALTH SHOULD RECEIVE NO INJURY. This is

the greatest power which, according to the practice at Rome, is

granted[149] by the senate to the magistrate, and which authorizes him

to raise troops; to make war; to assume unlimited control over the

allies and the citizens; to take the chief command and jurisdiction at

home and in the field; rights which, without an order of the people,

the consul is not permitted to exercise.

XXX. A few days afterward, Lucius Saenius, a senator, read to the

senate a letter, which, he said, he had received from Faesulae, and in

which, it was stated that Caius Manlius, with a large force, had taken

the field by the 27th of October.[150] Others at the same time, as is

not uncommon in such a crisis, spread reports of omens and prodigies;

others of meetings being held, of arms being transported, and of

insurrections of the slaves at Capua and in Apulia. In consequence of

these rumors, Quintus Marcius Rex[151] was dispatched, by a decree of

the senate, to Faesulae, and Quintus Metellus Creticus[152] into

Apulia and the parts adjacent; both which officers, with the title of

commanders,[153] were waiting near the city, having been prevented

from entering in triumph, by the malice of a cabal, whose custom it

was to ask a price for every thing, whether honorable or infamous. The

praetors, too, Quintus Pompeius Rufus, and Quintus Metellus Celer, were

sent off, the one to Capua, the other to Picenum, and power was given

them to levy a force proportioned to the exigency and the danger. The

senate also decreed, that if any one should give information of the

conspiracy which had been formed against the state, his reward should

be, if a slave, his freedom and a hundred sestertia; if a freeman, a

complete pardon and two hundred sestertia[154]. They further appointed

that the schools of gladiators[155] should be distributed in Capua and

other municipal towns, according to the capacity of each; and that, at

Rome, watches should be posted throughout the city, of which the

inferior magistrates[156] should have the charge.

XXXI. By such proceedings as these the citizens were struck with

alarm, and the appearance of the city was changed. In place of that

extreme gayety and dissipation,[157] to which long tranquillity[158]

had given rise, a sudden gloom spread over all classes; they became

anxious and agitated; they felt secure neither in any place, nor with

any person; they were not at war, yet enjoyed no peace; each measured

the public danger by his own fear. The women, also, to whom, from the

extent of the empire, the dread of war was new, gave way to lamentation,

raised supplicating hands to heaven, mourned over their infants, made

constant inquiries, trembled at every thing, and, forgetting their pride

and their pleasures, felt nothing but alarm for themselves and their

country.

Yet the unrelenting spirit of Catiline persisted in the same purposes,

notwithstanding the precautions that were adopted against him, and

though he himself was accused by Lucius Paullus under the Plautian

law.[159] At last, with a view to dissemble, and under pretense of

clearing his character, as if he had been provoked by some attack, he

went into the senate-house. It was then that Marcus Tullius, the

consul, whether alarmed at his presence, or fired with indignation

against him, delivered that splendid speech, so beneficial to the

republic, which he afterward wrote and published.[160]

When Cicero sat down, Catiline, being prepared to pretend ignorance of

the whole matter, entreated, with downcast looks and suppliant voice,

that "the Conscript Fathers would not too hastily believe any thing

against him;" saying "that he was sprung from such a family, and had

so ordered his life from his youth, as to have every happiness in

prospect; and that they were not to suppose that he, a patrician,

whose services to the Roman people, as well as those of his ancestors,

had been so numerous, should want to ruin the state, when Marcus

Tullius, a mere adopted citizen of Rome,[161] was eager to preserve

it." When he was proceeding to add other invectives, they all raised

an outcry against him, and called him an enemy and a traitor.[162]

Being thus exasperated, "Since I am encompassed by enemies," he

exclaimed,[163] "and driven to desperation, I will extinguish the

flame kindled around me in a general ruin."

XXXII He then hurried from the senate to his own house; and then,

after much reflection with himself, thinking that, as his plots

against the consul had been unsuccessful, and as he knew the city to

be secured from fire by the watch, his best course would be to augment

his army, and make provision for the war before the legions could be

raised, he set out in the dead of night, and with a few attendants, to

the camp of Manlius. But he left in charge to Lentulus and Cethegus,

and others of whose prompt determination he was assured, to strengthen

the interests of their party in every possible way, to forward the

plots against the consul, and to make arrangements for a massacre, for

firing the city, and for other destructive operations of war;

promising that he himself would shortly advance on the city with a

large army.

During the course of these proceedings at Rome, Caius Manlius

dispatched some of his followers as deputies to Quintus Marcius Rex,

with directions to address him[164] to the following effect:

XXXIII. "We call gods and men to witness, general, that we have taken

up arms neither to injure our country, nor to occasion peril to any

one, but to defend our own persons from harm; who, wretched and in

want, have been deprived most of us, of our homes, and all of us of

our character and property, by the oppression and cruelty of usurers;

nor has any one of us been allowed, according to the usage of our

ancestors, to have the benefit of the law,[165] or, when our property

was lost to keep our persons free. Such has been the inhumanity of the

usurers and of the praetor.[166]

Often have your forefathers, taking compassion on the commonalty at

Rome, relieved their distress by decrees;[167] and very lately, within

our own memory, silver, by reason of the pressure of debt, and with

the consent of all respectable citizens, was paid with brass.[168]

Often too, we must own, have the commonalty themselves, driven by

desire of power, or by the arrogance of their rulers, seceded[169]

under arms from the patricians. But at power or wealth, for the sake

of which wars, and all kinds of strife, arise among mankind, we do not

aim; we desire only our liberty, which no honorable man relinquishes

but with life. We therefore conjure you and the senate to befriend

your unhappy fellow-citizens; to restore us the protection of the law,

which the injustice of the praetor has taken from us; and not to lay

on us the necessity of considering how we may perish, so as best to

avenge our blood."

XXXIV. To this address Quintus Marcius replied, that, "if they wished

to make any petition to the senate, they must lay down their arms, and

proceed as suppliants to Rome;" adding, that "such had always been the

kindness[170] and humanity of the Roman senate and people, that none

had ever asked help of them in vain."

Catiline, on his march, sent letters to most men of consular dignity,

and to all the most respectable citizens, stating that "as he was

beset by false accusations, and unable to resist the combination of

his enemies, he was submitting to the will of fortune, and going into

exile at Marseilles; not that he was guilty of the great wickedness

laid to his charge, but that the state might be undisturbed, and that

no insurrection might arise from his defense of himself."

Quintus Catulus, however, read in the senate a letter of a very

different character, which, he said, was delivered to him in the

name of Catiline, and of which the following is a copy.

[171]XXXV. "Lucius Catiline to Quintus Catulus, wishing health. Your

eminent integrity, known to me by experience,[172] gives a pleasing

confidence, in the midst of great perils, to my present recommendation.

[173] I have determined, therefore, to make no formal defense[174] with

regard to my new course of conduct; yet I was resolved, though conscious

of no guilt,[175] to offer you some explanation,[176] which, on my word

of honor,[177] you may receive as true.[178] Provoked by injuries and

indignities, since, being robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion,

[179] I did not obtain the post of honor due to me,[180] I have

undertaken, according to my custom, the public cause of the distressed.

Not but that I could have paid, out of my own property, the debts

contracted on my own security;[181] while the generosity of Orestilla,

out of her own fortune and her daughter's, would discharge those

incurred on the security of others. But because I saw unworthy men

ennobled with honors, and myself proscribed[182] on groundless suspicion,

I have for this very reason, adopted a course,[183] amply justifiable

in my present circumstances, for preserving what honor is left to me.

When I was proceeding to write more, intelligence was brought that

violence is preparing against me. I now commend and intrust Orestilla

to your protection;[184] intreating you, by your love for your own

children, to defend her from injury.[185] Farewell."

XXXVI. Catiline himself, having stayed a few days with Caius Flaminius

Flamma in the neighborhood of Arretium,[186] while he was supplying

the adjacent parts, already excited to insurrection, with arms,

marched with his fasces, and other ensigns of authority, to join

Manlius in his camp.

When this was known at Rome, the senate declared Catiline and Manlius

enemies to the state, and fixed a day as to the rest of their force,

before which they might lay down their arms with impunity, except such

as had been convicted of capital offenses. They also decreed that the

consuls should hold a levy; that Antonius, with an army, should hasten

in pursuit of Catiline; and that Cicero should protect the city.

At this period the empire of Rome appears to me to have been in an

extremely deplorable condition;[187] for though every nation, from the

rising to the setting of the sun, lay in subjection to her arms, and

though peace and prosperity, which mankind think the greatest

blessings, were hers in abundance, there yet were found, among her

citizens, men who were bent with obstinate determination, to plunge

themselves and their country into ruin; for, notwithstanding the two

decrees of the senate,[188] not one individual, out of so vast a

number, was induced by the offer of reward to give information of the

conspiracy; nor was there a single deserter from the camp of Catiline.

So strong a spirit of disaffection had, like a pestilence, pervaded

the minds of most of the citizens.

XXXVII. Nor was this disaffected spirit confined to those who were

actually concerned in the conspiracy; for the whole of the common

people, from a desire of change, favored the projects of Catiline.

This they seemed to do in accordance with their general character;

for, in every state, they that are poor envy those of a better class,

and endeavor to exalt the factious;[189] they dislike the established

condition of things, and long for something new; they are discontented

with their own circumstances, and desire a general alteration; they

can support themselves amid tumult and sedition, without anxiety,

since poverty does not easily suffer loss.[190]

As for the populace of the city, they had become disaffected[191] from

various causes. In the first place,[192] such as every where took the

lead in crime and profligacy, with others who had squandered their

fortunes in dissipation, and, in a word, all whom vice and villainy

had driven from their homes, had flocked to Rome as a general

receptacle of impurity. In the next place, many, who thought of the

success of Sylla, when they had seen some raised from common soldiers

into senators, and others so enriched as to live in regal luxury and

pomp, hoped, each for himself, similar results from victory, if they

should once take up arms. In addition to this, the youth, who, in the

country, had earned a scanty livelihood by manual labor, tempted by

public and private largesses, had preferred idleness in the city to

unwelcome toil in the field. To these, and all others of similar

character, public disorders would furnish subsistence. It is not at

all surprising, therefore, that men in distress, of dissolute

principles and extravagant expectations, should have consulted the

interest of the state no further than as it was subservient to their

own. Besides, those whose parents, by the victory of Sylla, had been

proscribed, whose property had been confiscated, and whose civil

rights had been curtailed,[193] looked forward to the event of a war

with precisely the same feelings.

All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate,

were desirous rather that the state should be embroiled, than that

they themselves should be out of power. This was an evil, which, after

many years, had returned upon the community to the extent to which it

now prevailed.[194]

XXXVIII. For after the powers of the tribunes, in the consulate of

Cneius Pompey and Marcus Crassus, had been fully restored,[195]

certain young men, of an ardent age and temper, having obtained that

high office,[196] began to stir up the populace by inveighing against

the senate, and proceeded, in course of time, by means of largesses

and promises, to inflame them more and more; by which methods they

became popular and powerful. On the other hand, the most of the

nobility opposed their proceedings to the utmost; under pretense,

indeed, of supporting the senate, but in reality for their own

aggrandizement. For, to state the truth in few words, whatever

parties, during that period, disturbed the republic under plausible

pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others, to

make the authority of the senate as great as possible, all, though

affecting concern for the public good, contended every one for his own

interest. In such contests there was neither moderation nor limit;

each party made a merciless use of its successes.

XXXIX. After Pompey, however, was sent to the maritime and Mithridatic

wars, the power of the people was diminished, and the influence of the

few increased. These few kept all public offices, the administration

of the provinces, and every thing else, in their own hands; they

themselves lived free from harm,[197] in flourishing circumstances,

and without apprehension; overawing others, at the same time, with

threats of impeachment,[198] so that when in office, they might be

less inclined to inflame the people. But as soon as a prospect of

change, in this dubious state of affairs, had presented itself, the

old spirit of contention awakened their passions; and had Catiline, in

his first battle, come off victorious, or left the struggle undecided,

great distress and calamity must certainly have fallen upon the state,

nor would those, who might at last have gained the ascendency, have

been allowed to enjoy it long, for some superior power would have

wrested dominion and liberty from them when weary and exhausted.

There were some, however, unconnected with the conspiracy, who set out

to join Catiline at an early period of his proceedings. Among these

was Aulus Fulvius, the son of a senator, whom, being arrested on his

journey, his father ordered to be put to death.[199] In Rome, at the

same time, Lentulus, in pursuance of Catiline's directions, was

endeavoring to gain over, by his own agency or that of others, all

whom he thought adapted, either by principles or circumstances, to

promote an insurrection; and not citizens only, but every description

of men who could be of any service in war.

XL. He accordingly commissioned one Publius Umbrenus to apply to

certain deputies of the Allobroges,[200] and to lead them, if he

could, to a participation in the war; supposing that as they were

nationally and individually involved in debt, and as the Gauls were

naturally warlike, they might easily be drawn into such an enterprise.

Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to most of the chief men

there, and personally acquainted with them; and consequently, without

loss of time, as soon as he noticed the deputies in the Forum, he

asked them, after making a few inquiries about the state of their

country, and affecting to commiserate its fallen condition, "what

termination they expected to such calamities?" When he found that they

complained of the rapacity of the magistrates, inveighed against the

senate for not affording them relief, and looked to death as the only

remedy for their sufferings, "Yet I," said he, "if you will but act as

men, will show you a method by which you may escape these pressing

difficulties." When he had said this, the Allobroges, animated with

the highest hopes, besought Umbrenus to take compassion on them;

saying that there was nothing so disagreeable or difficult, which they

would not most gladly perform, if it would but free their country from

debt. He then conducted them to the house of Decimus Brutus, which was

close to the Forum, and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuitable to

his purpose, as Brutus was then absent from Rome.[201] In order, too,

to give greater weight to his representations, he sent for Gabinius,

and, in his presence, explained the objects of the conspiracy, and

mentioned the names of the confederates, as well as those of many

other persons, of every sort, who were guiltless of it, for the

purpose of inspiring the embassadors with greater confidence. At

length, when they had promised their assistance, he let them depart.

XLI. Yet the Allobroges were long in suspense what course they should

adopt. On the one hand, there was debt, an inclination for war, and

great advantages to be expected from victory;[202] on the other,

superior resources, safe plans, and certain rewards[203] instead of

uncertain expectations. As they were balancing these considerations,

the good fortune of the state at length prevailed. They accordingly

disclosed the whole affair, just as they had learned it, to Quintus

Fabius Sanga,[204] to whose patronage their state was very greatly

indebted. Cicero, being apprized of the matter by Sanga, directed the

deputies to pretend a strong desire for the success of the plot, to

seek interviews with the rest of the conspirators, to make them fair

promises, and to endeavor to lay them open to conviction as much as

possible.

XLII. Much about the same time there were commotions[205] in Hither

and Further Gaul, in the Picenian and Bruttian territories, and in

Apulia. For those, whom Catiline had previously sent to those parts,

had begun, without consideration, and seemingly with madness, to

attempt every thing at once; and, by nocturnal meetings, by removing

armor and weapons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing

every thing, had created more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus

Metellus Celer, the praetor, having brought several to trial,[206]

under the decree of the senate, had thrown them into prison, as had

also Caius Muraena in Further Gaul,[207] who governed that province in

quality of legate.

XLIII. But at Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with the other leaders

of the conspiracy, having secured what they thought a large force, had

arranged, that as soon as Catiline should reach the neighborhood of

Faesulae, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the people, having called an

assembly, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero, and lay the

odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul;[208] and

that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on

the following night, proceed to execute their respective parts.

These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Statilius and

Gabinius, with a large force, were to set on fire twelve places of the

city, convenient for their purpose,[209] at the same time; in order

that, during the consequent tumult,[210] an easier access might be

obtained to the consul, and to the others whose destruction was

intended; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him

personally with violence; others were to single out other victims;

while the sons of certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to

kill their fathers; and, when all were in consternation at the

massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to join Catiline.

While they were thus forming and settling their plans, Cethegus was

incessantly complaining of the want of spirit in his associates;

observing, that they wasted excellent opportunities through hesitation

and delay;[211] that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of

deliberation, but of action; and that he himself, if a few would

support him, would storm the senate-house while the others remained

inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he

thought that success depended on rapidity of execution.

XLIV. The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, procured

interviews, by means of Gabinius, with the other conspirators; and

from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, they demanded an

oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who

otherwise would hardly join in so important an affair. To this the

others consented without suspicion; but Cassius promised them soon to

visit their country,[212] and, indeed, left the city a little before

the deputies.

In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm

their agreement with Catiline, by giving and receiving pledges of

faith, Lentulus sent with them one Titus Volturcius, a native of

Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which

the following is a copy:

"Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have sent to you.

Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and

remember that you are a man.[213] Consider what your views demand, and

seek aid from all, even the lowest." In addition, he gave him this

verbal message: "Since he was declared an enemy by the senate, for

what reason should he reject the assistance of slaves? That, in the

city, every thing which he had directed was arranged; and that he

should not delay to make nearer approaches to it."

XLV. Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being appointed

for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, being by them made

acquainted with every thing, directed the praetors,[214] Lucius

Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the

Allobroges, by laying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge;[215] he

gave them a full explanation of the object with which they were

sent,[216] and left them to manage the rest as occasion might require.

Being military men, they placed a force, as had been directed, without

disturbance, and secretly invested the bridge; when the deputies, with

Volturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each side

of the bridge,[217] the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter,

surrendered themselves immediately to the praetors. Volturcius, at

first, encouraging his companions, defended himself against numbers

with his sword; but afterward, being unsupported by the Allobroges, he

began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save his

life, and at last, terrified and despairing of safety, he surrendered

himself to the praetors as unconditionally as to foreign enemies.

XLVI. The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was

immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety,

and great joy, affected him at the same moment. He rejoiced that, by

the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger; but

he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence

were detected in treason so atrocious. He saw that their punishment

would be a weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of

the Commonwealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered

Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and one Quintus Coeparius of

Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to

be summoned before him. The others came without delay; but Coeparius,

having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of

the conspiracy, had fled from the city. The consul himself conducted

Lentulus, as he was praetor, holding him by the hand, and ordered the

others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here

he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body,

introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered

Valerius Flaccus, the praetor, to bring the box with the letters[218]

which he had taken from the deputies.

XLVII. Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, concerning

his letter,[219] and lastly, what object he had had in view,[220] and

from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevaricate,[221]

and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy; but at length, when he was

told to speak on the security of the public faith,[222] he disclosed

every circumstance as it had really occurred, stating that he had been

admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Coeparius;

that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from

Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius,

and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made a

similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance,

not only with the letter to Catiline, but with remarks which he was in

the habit of making, "that the sovereignty of Rome, by the Sibylline

books, was predestined to three Cornelii; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled

already;[223] and that he himself was the third, whose fate it would be

to govern the city; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the

Capitol was burned; a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had

often said would be stained with the blood of civil war."

The letter then being read, the senate, when all had previously

acknowledged their seals,[224] decreed that Lentulus, being deprived

of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private

custody.[225] Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius

Lentulus Spinther, who was then aedile; Cethegus, to Quintus

Cornificius; Statilius, to Caius Caesar; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus;

and Coeparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to

Cneius Terentius, a senator.

XLVIII. The common people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire

of change in the government, been too much inclined to war, having, on

the discovery of the plot, altered their sentiments, began to execrate

the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies; and, as if

rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other

effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss; but the

burning of the city they thought inhuman, outrageous, and fatal,

especially to themselves, whose whole property consisted in their

daily necessaries and the clothes which they wore.

On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before

the senate, who was said to have been arrested as he was setting out

to join Catiline. This person, having offered to give information of

the conspiracy, if the public faith were pledged to him,[226] and

being directed by the consul to state what he knew, gave the senate

nearly the same account as Volturcius had given, concerning the

intended conflagration, the massacre of respectable citizens, and the

approach of the enemy, adding that "he was sent by Marcus Crassus to

assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, and

others of the conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should

hasten, with so much the more expedition to the city, in order to

revive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape of those

in custody".[227] When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of noble birth,

of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some, thinking the

statement incredible, others, though they supposed it true, yet,

judging that at such a crisis a man of such power[228] was rather to

be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personal reasons,

being; under obligation to Crassus), exclaimed that he was "a false

witness," and demanded that the matter should be put to the vote.

Cicero, accordingly, taking their opinions, a full senate decreed

"that the testimony of Tarquinius appeared false; that he himself

should be kept in prison; and that no further liberty of speaking[229]

should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whose

instigation he had fabricated so shameful a calumny."

There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was

contrived by Publius Autronius, in order that the interest of Crassus,

if he were accused, might, from participation in the danger, more

readily screen the rest. Others said that Tarquinius was suborned by

Cicero, that Crassus might not disturb the state, by taking upon him,

as was his custom,[230] the defense of the criminals. That this attack

on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself

assert.

XLIX. Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation,

nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon

Cicero to have Caius Caesar falsely accused, either by means of the

Allobroges, or any other evidence. Both of these men were at bitter

enmity with Caesar; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was

on[231] his trial for extortion, on a charge of having illegally put

to death a Transpadane Gaul; Catulus, as having hated him ever since

he stood for the pontificate, because, at an advanced age, and after

filling the highest offices, he had been defeated by Caesar, who was

then comparatively a youth.[232] The opportunity, too, seemed

favorable for such an accusation; for Caesar, by extraordinary

generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public,[233]

had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the

consul to such injustice, they themselves, by going from one person to

another, and spreading fictions of their own, which they pretended to

have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, excited such violent

odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationed as

an armed guard round the Temple of Concord, being prompted, either by

the greatness of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to

testify more openly their zeal for the republic, threatened Caesar

with their swords as he went out of the senate-house.

L. While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while

rewards were being voted, an approbation of their evidence, to the

Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen, and some

of the other dependents of Lentulus, were urging the artisans and

slaves, in various directions throughout the city,[234] to attempt his

rescue; some, too, applied to the ringleaders of the mob, who were

always ready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time,

was soliciting, through his agents, his slaves[235] and freedmen, men

trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed

body, and force a way into his place of confinement.

The consul, when he heard that these things were in agitation, having

distributed armed bodies of men, as the circumstances and occasion

demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know "what

they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to

custody." A full senate, however, had but a short time before[236]

declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus

Junius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion,

moved[237] that capital punishment should be inflicted, not only on

those who were in confinement, but also on Lucius Cassius, Publius

Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be

apprehended; but afterward, being influenced by the speech of Caius

Caesar, he said that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius

Nero,[238] who had proposed that the guards should be increased, and

that the senate should deliberate further on the matter. Caesar, when

it came to his turn, being asked his opinion by the consul, spoke to

the following effect:

LI. "It becomes all men,[239] Conscript Fathers, who deliberate on

dubious matters, to be influenced neither by hatred, affection, anger,

nor pity. The mind, when such feelings obstruct its view, can not

easily see what is right; nor has any human being consulted, at the

same moment, his passion and his interest. When the mind is freely

exerted, its reasoning is sound; but passion, if it gain possession of

it, becomes its tyrant, and reason is powerless.

I could easily mention, Conscript Fathers, numerous examples of kings

and nations, who, swayed by resentment or compassion, have adopted

injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these

instances in which our ancestors, in opposition, to the impulse of

passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy.

In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the

great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the

Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us; yet, when the war was

ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was taken into consideration,

our forefathers left them unmolested lest any should say that war was

made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of

punishing their faithlessness. Throughout the Punic war, too, though

the Carthaginians, both during peace and in suspension of arms, were

guilty of many acts of injustice, yet our ancestors never took

occasion to retaliate, but considered rather what was worthy of

themselves, than what might be justly inflicted on their enemies.

Similar caution, Conscript Fathers, is to be observed by yourselves,

that the guilt of Lentulus, and the other conspirators, may not have

greater weight with you than your own dignity, and that you may not

regard your indignation more than your character. If, indeed, a

punishment adequate to their crimes be discovered, I consent to

extraordinary measures;[240] but if the enormity of their crime

exceeds whatever can be devised,[241] I think that we should inflict

only such penalties as the laws have provided.

Most of those, who have given their opinions before me, have

deplored, in studied and impressive language,[242] the sad fate that

threatens the republic; they have recounted the barbarities of war,

and the afflictions that would fall on the vanquished; they have told

us that maidens would be dishonored, and youths abused; that children

would be torn from the embraces of their parents; that matrons would

be subjected to the pleasure of the conquerors; that temples and

dwelling-houses would be plundered; that massacres and fires would

follow; and that every place would be filled with arms, corpses,

blood, and lamentation. But to what end, in the name of the eternal

gods! was such eloquence directed? Was it intended to render you

indignant at the conspiracy? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom

so frightful and monstrous a reality has not provoked! Far from it:

for to no man does evil, directed against himself, appear a light

matter; many, on the contrary, have felt it more seriously than was

right.

But to different persons, Conscript Fathers, different degrees of

license are allowed. If those who pass a life sunk in obscurity,

commit any error, through excessive anger, few become aware of it, for

their fame is as limited as their fortune; but of those who live

invested with extensive power, and in an exalted station, the whole

world knows the proceedings. Thus in the highest position there is the

least liberty of action; and it becomes us to indulge neither

partiality nor aversion, but least of all animosity; for what in

others is called resentment, is in the powerful termed violence and

cruelty.

I am indeed of opinion, Conscript Fathers, that the utmost degree of

torture is inadequate to punish their crime; but the generality of

mankind dwell on that which happens last, and, in the case of

malefactors, forget their guilt, and talk only of their punishment,

should that punishment have been inordinately severe. I feel assured,

too, that Decimus Silanus, a man of spirit and resolution, made the

suggestions which he offered, from zeal for the state, and that he had

no view, in so important a matter, to favor or to enmity; such I know

to be his character, and such his discretion.[243] Yet his proposal

appears to me, I will not say cruel (for what can be cruel that is

directed against such characters?), but foreign to our policy. For

assuredly, Silanus, either your fears, or their treason, must have

induced you, a consul elect, to propose this new kind of punishment.

Of fear it is unnecessary to speak, when by the prompt activity of

that distinguished man our consul, such numerous forces are under

arms; and as to the punishment, we may say, what is indeed the truth,

that in trouble and distress, death is a relief from suffering, and

not a torment;[244] that it puts an end to all human woes; and that,

beyond it, there is no place either for sorrow or joy.

But why, in the name of the immortal gods, did you not add to your

proposal, Silanus, that, before they were put to death, they should be

punished with the scourge? Was it because the Porcian law[245] forbids

it? But other laws[246] forbid condemned citizens to be deprived of

life, and allow them to go into exile. Or was it because scourging is

a severer penalty than death? Yet what can be too severe, or too

harsh, toward men convicted of such an offense? But if scourging be a

milder punishment than death, how is it consistent to observe the law

as to the smaller point, when you disregard it as to the greater?

But who it may be asked, will blame any severity that shall be

decreed against these parricides[247] of their country? I answer that

time, the course of events,[248] and fortune, whose caprice governs

nations, may blame it. Whatever shall fall on the traitors, will fall

on them justly; but it is for you, Conscript Fathers, to consider well

what you resolve to inflict on others. All precedents productive of

evil effects,[249] have had their origin from what was good; but when

a government passes into the hands of the ignorant or unprincipled,

any new example of severity,[250] inflicted on deserving and suitable

objects, is extended to those that are improper and undeserving of it.

The Lacedaemonians, when they had conquered the Athenians,[251]

appointed thirty men to govern their state. These thirty began their

administration by putting to death, even without a trial, all who were

notoriously wicked, or publicly detestable; acts at which the people

rejoiced, and extolled their justice. But afterward, when their

lawless power gradually increased, they proceeded, at their pleasure,

to kill the good and the bad indiscriminately, and to strike terror

into all; and thus the state, overpowered and enslaved, paid a heavy

penalty for its imprudent exultation.

Within our own memory, too, when the victorious Sylla ordered

Damasippus,[252] and others of similar character, who had risen by

distressing their country, to be put to death, who did not commend the

proceeding? All exclaimed that wicked and factious men, who had

troubled the state with their seditious practices, had justly

forfeited their lives. Yet this proceeding was the commencement of

great bloodshed. For whenever anyone coveted the mansion or villa, or

even the plate or apparel of another, he exerted his influence to have

him numbered among the proscribed. Thus they, to whom the death of

Damasippus had been a subject of joy, were soon after dragged to death

themselves; nor was there any cessation of slaughter, until Sylla had

glutted all his partisans with riches.

Such excesses, indeed, I do not fear from Marcus Tullius, or in these

times. But in a large state there arise many men of various

dispositions. At some other period, and under another consul, who,

like the present, may have an army at his command, some false

accusation may be credited as true; and when, with our example for a

precedent, the consul shall have drawn the sword on the authority of

the senate, who shall stay its progress, or moderate its fury?

Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were never deficient in conduct or

courage; nor did pride prevent them from imitating the customs of

other nations, if they appeared deserving of regard. Their armor, and

weapons of war, they borrowed from the Samnites; their ensigns of

authority,[253] for the most part, from the Etrurians; and, in short,

whatever appeared eligible to them, whether among allies or among

enemies, they adopted at home with the greatest readiness, being more

inclined to emulate merit than to be jealous of it. But at the same

time, adopting a practice from Greece, they punished their citizens

with the scourge, and inflicted capital punishment on such as were

condemned. When the republic, however, became powerful, and faction

grew strong from the vast number of citizens, men began to involve the

innocent in condemnation, and other like abuses were practiced; and it

was then that the Porcian and other laws were provided, by which

condemned citizens were allowed to go into exile. This lenity of our

ancestors, Conscript Fathers, I regard as a very strong reason why we

should not adopt any new measures of severity. For assuredly there was

greater merit and wisdom in those, who raised so mighty an empire from

humble means, than in us, who can scarcely preserve what they so

honorably acquired. Am I of opinion, then, you will ask, that the

conspirators should be set free, and that the army of Catiline should

thus be increased? Far from it; my recommendation is, that their

property be confiscated, and that they themselves be kept in custody

in such of the municipal towns as are best able to bear the

expense;[254] that no one hereafter bring their case before the

senate, or speak on it to the people; and that the senate now give

their opinion, that he who shall act contrary to this, will act

against the republic and the general safety."

LII. When Caesar had ended his speech, the rest briefly expressed

their assent,[255] some to one speaker, and some to another, in

support of their different proposals; but Marcius Porcius Cato, being

asked his opinion, made a speech to the following purport:

"My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different,[256] when I

contemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I revolve in my

mind the sentiments of some who have spoken before me. Those speakers,

as it seems to me, have considered only how to punish the traitors who

have raised war against their country, their parents, their altars,

and their homes;[257] but the state of affairs warns us rather to

secure ourselves against them, than to take counsel as to what

sentence we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish after

they have been committed; but as to this, unless you prevent its

commission, you will, when it has once taken effect, in vain appeal to

justice.[258] When the city is taken, no power is left to the

vanquished. But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you,

who have always valued your mansions and villas, your statues and

pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your country; if you

wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever kind they are, to

which you are attached; if you wish to secure quiet for the enjoyment

of your pleasures, arouse yourselves, and act in defense of your

country. We are not now debating on the revenues, or on injuries done

to our allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake.

Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length in this

assembly; often have I complained of the luxury and avarice of our

citizens, and, by that very means, have incurred the displeasure of

many. I, who never excused to myself, or to my own conscience, the

commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the misconduct,[259]

or indulge the licentiousness, of others. But though you little

regarded my remonstrances, yet the republic remained secure; its own

strength[260] was proof against your remissness. The question, however,

at present under discussion, is not whether we live in a good or a bad

state of morals; nor how great, or how splendid, the empire of the

Roman people is; but whether these things around us, of whatever value

they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the

hands of the enemy.

In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion?

For some time past, it is true, we have lost the real name of things;

[261] for to lavish the property of others is called generosity, and

audacity in wickedness is called heroism; and hence the state is reduced

to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misname things, be liberal,

since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies; let them

be merciful to the robbers of the treasury; but let them not lavish our

blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, bring destruction on all

the guiltless.

Caius Caesar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language,

[262] before this assembly, on the subject of life and death; considering

as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead; that the bad, going a

different way from the good, inhabit places gloomy, desolate, dreary, and

full of horror. He accordingly proposed _that the property of the

conspirators should be confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in

the municipal towns_; fearing, it seems, that, if they remain at Rome,

they may be rescued either by their accomplices in the conspiracy, or by

a hired mob; as if, forsooth, the mischievous and profligate were to be

found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if

desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is

less power to resist them. His proposal, therefore, if he fears any

danger from them, is absurd; but if, amid such universal terror, he

alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me to fear for you and

myself.

Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Lentulus and

the other prisoners, you at the same time determine that of the army

of Catiline, and of all the conspirators. The more spirit you display

in your decision, the more will their confidence be diminished; but if

they shall perceive you in the smallest degree irresolute, they will

advance upon you with fury.

Do not suppose that our ancestors, from so small a commencement,

raised the republic to greatness merely by force of arms. If such had

been the case, we should enjoy it in a most excellent condition;[263]

for of allies and citizens,[264] as well as arms and horses, we have a

much greater abundance than they had. But there were other things

which made them great, but which among us have no existence; such as

industry at home, equitable government abroad, and minds impartial in

council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of

such virtues, we have luxury and avarice; public distress, and private

superfluity; we extol wealth, and yield to indolence; no distinction

is made between good men and bad; and ambition usurps the honors due

to virtue. Nor is this wonderful; since you study each his individual

interest, and since at home you are slaves to pleasure, and here to

money or favor; and hence it happens that an attack is made on the

defenseless state.

But on these subjects I shall say no more. Certain citizens, of the

highest rank, have conspired to ruin their country; they are engaging

the Gauls, the bitterest foes of the Roman name, to join in a war

against us; the leader of the enemy is ready to make a descent upon

us; and do you hesitate; even in such circumstances, how to treat

armed incendiaries arrested within your walls? I advise you to have

mercy upon them;[265] they are young men who have been led astray by

ambition; send them away, even with arms in their hands. But such

mercy, and such clemency, if they turn those arms against you, will

end in misery to yourselves. The case is, assuredly, dangerous, but

you do not fear it; yes, you fear it greatly, but you hesitate how to

act, through weakness and want of spirit, waiting one for another, and

trusting to the immortal gods, who have so often preserved your

country in the greatest dangers. But the protection of the gods is not

obtained by vows and effeminate supplications; it is by vigilance,

activity, and prudent measures, that general welfare is secured. When

you are once resigned to sloth and indolence, it is in vain that you

implore the gods; for they are then indignant and threaten vengeance.

In the days of our forefathers, Titus Manlius Torquatus, during a war

with the Gauls, ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had

fought with an enemy contrary to orders. That noble youth suffered for

excess of bravery; and do you hesitate what sentence to pass on the

most inhuman of traitors? Perhaps their former life is at variance

with their present crime. Spare, then, the dignity of Lentulus, if he

has ever spared his own honor or character, or had any regard for gods

or for men. Pardon the youth of Cethegus, unless this be the second

time that he has made war upon his country.[266] As to Gabinius,

Slatilius, Coeparius, why should I make any remark upon them? Had they

ever possessed the smallest share of discretion, they would never have

engaged in such a plot against their country.

In conclusion, Conscript Fathers, if there were time to amend an

error, I might easily suffer you, since you disregard words, to be

corrected by experience of consequences. But we are beset by dangers on

all sides; Catiline, with his army, is ready to devour us;[267] while

there are other enemies within the walls, and in the heart of the

city; nor can any measures be taken, or any plans arranged, without

their knowledge. The more necessary is it, therefore, to act with

promptitude. What I advise, then, is this: that since the state, by a

treasonable combination of abandoned citizens, has been brought into

the greatest peril; and since the conspirators have been convicted on

the evidence of Titus Volturcius, and the deputies of the Allobroges,

and on their own confession, of having concerted massacres,

conflagrations, and other horrible and cruel outrages, against their

fellow-citizens and their country, punishment be inflicted, according

to the usage of our ancestors, on the prisoners who have confessed

their guilt, as on men convicted of capital crimes."

LIII. When Cato had resumed his seat, all the senators of consular

dignity, and a great part of the rest,[268] applauded his opinion, and

extolled his firmness of mind to the skies. With mutual reproaches,

they accused one another of timidity, while Cato was regarded as the

greatest and noblest of men; and a decree of the senate was made as he

had advised.

After reading and hearing of the many glorious achievements which the

Roman people had performed at home and in the field, by sea as well as

by land, I happened to be led to consider what had been the great

foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knew that the Romans had

frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast armies of the

enemy; I was aware that they had carried on wars[269] with limited

forces against powerful sovereigns; that they had often sustained,

too, the violence of adverse fortune; yet that, while the Greeks

excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them in military

glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the eminent virtue

of a few citizens had been the cause of all these successes; and hence

it had happened that poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over

a multitude. And even in later times, when the state had become

corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic still supported

itself, by its own strength, under the misconduct of its generals and

magistrates; when, as if the parent stock were exhausted,[270] there

was certainly not produced at Rome, for many years, a single citizen

of eminent ability. Within my recollection, however, there arose two

men of remarkable powers, though of very different character, Marcus

Cato and Caius Caesar, whom, since the subject has brought them before

me, it is not my intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the

best of my ability, the disposition and manners of each.

LIV. Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality;

their greatness of mind similar, as was also their reputation, though

attained by different means.[271] Caesar grew eminent by generosity

and munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Caesar was

esteemed for his humanity and benevolence; austereness had given

dignity to Cato. Caesar acquired renown by giving, relieving, and

pardoning; Cato by bestowing nothing. In Caesar, there was a refuge

for the unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Caesar, his

easiness of temper was admired; in Cato, his firmness. Caesar, in

fine, had applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent

upon the interest of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he

refused nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for

himself he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war

in which his talents might be displayed. But Cato's ambition was that

of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not

contend in splendor with the rich, or in faction with the seditious,

but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicity,[272]

with the temperate[273] in abstinence; he was more desirous to be,

than to appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity,

the more it pursued him.

LV. When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of

Cato, the counsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was

coming on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval,

ordered the triumvirs[274] to make such preparations as the execution

of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary

guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and the same office was

performed for the rest by the praetors. There is a place in the

prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon,[275] and which, after a

slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet under ground.

Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected

with stone arches;[276] but its appearance is disgusting and horrible,

by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been

let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been

given,[277] strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of

the illustrious family of the Cornelii, and who filled the office of

consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct.

On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Coeparius, punishment was

inflicted in a similar manner.

LVI. During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire

force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius

had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts

as far as his number would allow;[278] and afterward, as any

volunteers, or recruits from his confederates,[279] arrived in his

camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus

filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of

men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his

whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of

soldiers; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts,

spears, or sharpened stakes.

As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over

the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at

another in that of Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting,

yet hoped himself shortly to find one,[280] if his accomplices at Rome

should succeed in their objects. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers

[281] had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as

depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic

[282] to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.

LVII. When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy

had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest

whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope

of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell

away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by

forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to

escape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul.

But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that

time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the

difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which

we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from

some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at

the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent

would be, in his hurried march into Gaul[283]. Nor was Antonius far

distant, as he was pursuing, though with, a large army, yet through

plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.[284]

Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by

hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful,

and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it

best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved

upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having,

therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following

manner:

LVIII. "I am well aware, soldiers, that words can not inspire courage;

and that a spiritless army can not be rendered active,[285] or a timid

army valiant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in

the heart of a man, whether from nature or from habit, so much will be

shown by him in the field; and on him whom neither glory nor danger

can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain; for the terror in his

breast stops his ears.

I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions,

and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course

which I have adopted. You all know, soldiers, how severe a penalty the

inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us;

and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable

to march into Gaul.

In what situation our affairs now are, you all understand as well as

myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, and the

other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn,

and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly

we may desire to remain, in our present position. Whithersoever we

would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you,

therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and to remember,

when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands depend[286]

riches, honor, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of

your country. If we conquer, all will be safe; we shall have

provisions in abundance; and the colonies and corporate towns will

open their gates to us. But if we lose the victory through want of

courage, these same places[287] will turn against us; for neither

place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not protected.

Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our

adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our

liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns

them,[288] the power of a small party. Attack them, therefore, with so

much the greater confidence, and call to mind your achievements of

old.

We might,[289] with the utmost ignominy, have passed the rest of our

days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, might have

waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to

men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your

present course. If you wish to quit it, you must exert all your

resolution, for none but conquerors have exchanged war for peace. To

hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy

the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle,

those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is

equivalent to a rampart. When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I

consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me.

Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing

of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To prevent the numbers

of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is

sufficient. But should Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not

to lose your lives unavenged; take care not to be taken and butchered

like cattle, rather than fighting like men, to leave to your enemies a

bloody and mournful victory."

LIX. When he had thus spoken, he ordered, after a short delay, the

signal for battle to be sounded, and led down his troops, in regular

order, to the level ground. Having then sent away the horses of all

the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by making their

danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to

their numbers and the nature of the ground. As a plain stretched

between the mountains on the left, with a rugged rock on the right, he

placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the rest of his force, in

close order, in the rear.[290] From among these he removed all the

ablest centurions,[291] the veterans,[293] and the stoutest of the

common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost

ranks.[293] He ordered Caius Manlius to take the command on the right,

and a certain officer of Faesulae[294] on the left; while he himself,

with his freedmen[295] and the colonists,[296] took his station by the

eagle,[297] which Caius Marius was said to have had in his army in the

Cimbrian war.

On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame,[298] was unable to

be present in the engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus

Petreius, his lieutenant-general. Petreius, ranged the cohorts of

veterans, which he had raised to meet the present insurrection,[299]

in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding

round among his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged

them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed

marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples,

and their homes.[300] Being a military man, and having served with

great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, praefect,

lieutenant, or praetor, he knew most of the soldiers and their

honorable actions, and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused

the spirits of the men.

LX. When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the

trumpet, and ordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the

enemy followed his example; and when they approached so near that the

action could be commenced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with

a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge.[301] They threw

aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans,

calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closest

combat. The enemy made an obstinate resistance; and both sides

contended with the utmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was

exerting himself with his light troops in the front, sustaining such

as were pressed, substituting fresh men for the wounded, attending to

every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and

performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skillful

general.

When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking

him with such impetuosity, he led his praetorian cohort against the

centre of the enemy, among whom, being thus thrown into confusion, and

offering but partial resistance,[302] he made great slaughter, and

ordered, at the same time, an assault on both flanks. Manlius and the

Faesulan, sword in hand, were among the first[303] that fell; and

Catiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few

supporters, remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the

thickest of the enemy, where he was slain, fighting to the last.

LXI. When the battle was over, it was plainly seen what boldness, and

what energy of spirit, had prevailed throughout the army of Catiline;

for, almost every where, every soldier, after yielding up his breath,

covered with his corpse the spot which he had occupied when alive. A

few, indeed, whom the praetorian cohort had dispersed, had fallen

somewhat differently, but all with wounds in front. Catiline himself

was found, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies of the

enemy; he was not quite breathless, and still expressed in his

countenance the fierceness of spirit which he had shown during his

life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor in flight, was any

free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives

no more than those of the enemy.

Nor did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless

victory; for all their bravest men were either killed in the battle,

or left the field severely wounded.

Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the

slain, some, in turning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a

friend, others an acquaintance, others a relative; some, too,

recognized their enemies. Thus, gladness and sorrow, grief and joy,

were variously felt throughout the whole army.