We went over the field of another charge half a mile away. There a

French regiment put a stream with a single bridge at their back--

which requires some nerve--and charged a German trench on rising

ground. They took it. Then they tried to take the woods beyond. Before

they were checked twenty-two officers out of a total of thirty fell.

But they did not give up the ground they had won. They burrowed into

the earth in a trench of their own, and when help came they put the

Germans out of the woods.

The men of this regiment were not first line, but the older fellows--

men of the type we stopped to chat with in the village--hastening to

the front when the war began. Their officers were mostly reserves,

too, who left their civil occupations at the call of arms. One of the

eight survivors of the thirty was with us, a stocky little man, hardly

looking the hero or the soldier. I expressed my admiration, and he

answered quietly: “It was for France!” How often I have heard that as

a reason for courage or sacrifice! The brave enemies of France have

learned to respect it, though they had a poor opinion of the French

army before the war began. “That railroad bridge yonder the Germans

left intact when they occupied it because they were certain that

they would need it to supply their troops when they took the Gap of

Mirecourt and surrounded the French army,” I was told. “However, they

had to go in such a hurry that they failed to mine it. They must have

fired five hundred shells afterward to destroy it, in vain.”

It was dusk when we entered the city of Lunéville for the second time.

Whole blocks lay in ruins; others only showed where shells had crashed

into walls. It is hard to estimate just how much damage shell-fire has

done to a town, for you see the effects only where they have struck on

the street sides and not when they strike in the centre of the block.

But Lunéville has certainly suffered as much as Louvain, only we did

not hear about it. Grim, sad Louvain, with its sentries among the

ruins! Happy, triumphant Lunéville, with its _poilus_ instead of German

sentries!

“We are going to meet the mayor,” said the major.

First we went to his office. But that was a mistake. We were invited

to his house, which was a fine, old eighteenth-century building.

If you could transport it to New York some arms-and-ammunition

millionaire would give half a million dollars for it. The hallway was

smoke-blackened and a burnt spot showed where the enemy had tried to

set it on fire before evacuating the town. An ascent of a handsome

old staircase and we were in rooms with gilded mirrors and carved old

mantels, where we were introduced to His Honour, a lively man of forty.

“I have been in Amerique two months. So much English do I speak.

No more!” said the mayor merrily, and introduced us in turn to his

wife, who spoke not even “so much” English, but French as fast and as

piquantly as only a Frenchwoman can. Her only son, who was seventeen,

was going up with the 1916 class of recruits very soon. He was a sturdy

youngster; a type of Young France who will make the France of the

future.

“You hate to see him go?” I asked.

“It is for France!” she answered.

We had cakes and tea and a merrier--at least, a more heartfelt--party

than at any mayor’s reception in time of peace. Everybody talked. For

the French do know how to talk, when they have not turned grim, silent

soldiers. Foreigners say we do. Maybe it is a democratic weakness. I

heard story on story of the German occupation, and how the mayor was

put in jail and held as hostage, and what a German general said to him

when he was brought in as a prisoner to be interrogated in his own

house, which the general occupied as headquarters.

Among the guests was the wife of a French general in her Red Cross

cap. She might see her husband once a week by meeting him on the road

between the city and the front. He could not afford to be any farther

from his post, lest the Germans spring a surprise. The extent of the

information which he gave her was that all went well for France. Father

Joffre plays no favourites in his discipline.

Happy, happy Lorraine in the midst of its ruins! Happy because her

adored tricolour floats over those ruins.

XIV

A ROAD OF WAR I KNOW

Victoria Station--The “tenth man”--Leavetaking--Roar of London--

British habits--Everywhere khaki--System at the French port--

The correspondents’ home--Strict censorship--The one link

with the reading public--Necessity for censorship--Freedom

of the press--“Jig-saw” intelligence experts--The run of

the trenches--Exchange of slang--Organisation of General

Headquarters--A business institution--A colossal dynamo.

Other armies go to war across the land, but the British go across the

sea. They take the Channel ferry in order to reach the front. Theirs

is the home road of war to me; the road of my affections, where men

speak my mother tongue. It begins on the platform at Victoria Station,

with the khaki of officers and men returning from leave, relieved by

the warmer colours of women who have come to say good-bye to those

they love. In five hours from the time of starting one may be across

that ribbon of salt water, which means much in isolation and little in

distance, and in the trenches.

That veteran regular--let us separate him from the crowd,--is a

type I have often seen, a type that has become as familiar as one’s

neighbours in one’s own town. We will call him the tenth man. That is,

of every ten men who went to the front a year ago in his battalion,

nine are gone. All of the hardships and all of the terrors of war he

has witnessed: men dropped neatly by a bullet; men mangled by shells.

His khaki is spotless, thanks to his wife, who has dressed in her best

for the occasion. Terrible as war itself, but new, that hat of hers,

which probably represented a good deal of looking into windows and

pricing; and her gown of the cheapest material, drooping from her round

shoulders, is the product of the poor dressmaking skill of hands which

show only too well who does all the housework at home. The children,

a boy of four and a girl of seven, are in their best, too, with faces

scrubbed till they shine.

You will see like scenes in stations at home when the father has found

work in a distant city and is going on ahead to get established before

the family follow him. Such incidents are common in civil life; they

became common at Victoria Station. What is common has no significance,

editors say.

When the time came to go through the gate, the veteran picked the boy

up in his arms and pressed him very close and the little girl looked on

wonderingly, while the mother was not going to make it any harder for

the father by tears. “Good-bye, Tom!” she said. So his name was Tom,

this tenth man.

I spoke with him. His battalion was full with recruits. It had been

kept full. But, considering the law of chance, what about the surviving

one out of an original ten?

“Yes, I’ve had my luck with me,” he said. “Probably my turn will come.

Maybe I’ll never see the wife and kids again.”

The morning roar of London had begun. That station was a small spot

in the city. There were not enough officers and men taking the train

to make up a day’s casualty list; for ours was only a small party

returning from leave. The transports, unseen, carried the multitudes.

Wherever one had gone in England he had seen soldiers and wherever he

went in France he was to see still more soldiers. England had become

an armed camp; and England plodded on, “muddled” on, preparing, ever

preparing, to forge in time of war the thunderbolt for war which was

undreamed of in time of peace when other nations were forging their

thunderbolts.

Still the recruiting posters called for more soldiers and the

casualty lists appeared day after day with the regularity of want

advertisements. Imagine eight million men under arms in the United

States and you have the equivalent to what England did by the volunteer

system. The more there were the more pessimistic became the British

press. Pessimism brought in recruits. Bad news made England take

another deep breath of energising determination. It was the last battle

which was decisive. She had always won that. She would win it again.

They talk of war aboard the Pullman, after officers have waved their

hands out of the windows to their wives, quite as if they were going

to Scotland for a week-end instead of back to the firing-line. British

phlegm that is called. No, British habit, I should say, the race-bred,

individualistic quality of never parading emotions in public, the

instinct of keeping things which are one’s own to one’s self.

Personally, I like this way. In one form or another, as the hedges fly

by the train windows, the subject is always war. War creeps into golf,

or shooting, or investments, or politics. Only one suggestion quite

frees the mind from the omnipresent theme: Will the Channel be smooth?

The Germans have nothing to do with that. It is purely a matter of

weather. Bad sailors are more worried about the crossing than about

the shell-fire they are going to face.

With bad sailors or good sailors, the significant thing which had

become a commonplace was that the Channel was a safely-guarded British

sea lane. In all my crossings I was never delayed. For England had

one thunderbolt ready forged when the war began. The only submarines,

or destroyers, or dirigibles that one saw were hers. Antennæ these

of the great fleet waiting with the threat of stored lightning ready

to be flashed from gun-mouths; a threat as efficacious as action, in

nowise mysterious or subtle, but definite as steel and powder, speaking

the will of a people in their chosen field of power, felt over all

the seas of the world, coast of Maine and the Carolinas no less than

Labrador. Thousands of transports had come and gone, carrying hundreds

of thousands of soldiers and food for men and guns to India; and on the

highroad to India, to Australia, to San Francisco, shipping went its

way undisturbed by anything that dives or flies.

The same white hospital ships lying in that French harbour; the same

line of grey, dusty-looking ambulances parked on the quay! Everybody in

that one-time sleepy, week-end tourist resort seems to be in uniform;

to have something to do with war. All surroundings become those of war

long before you reach the front. That knot of civilians, waiting their

turn for another examination of the same kind as that on the other

side of the Channel, have shown good reasons for going to Paris to the

French consul in London, or they might not proceed even this far on

the road of war. They seem outcasts--a humble lot in the variegated

costumes of the civil world--outcasts from the disciplined world

in its pattern garb of khaki. Their excuse for not being in the game

is that they are too old or that they are women. For now the war has

sucked into its vortex all who are strong enough to fight.

A traveller might be a spy; hence all this red tape for the many to

catch the one in its mesh. Even this red tape seems now to have become

normal. War is normal. It would seem strange to cross the Channel in a

time of peace; the harbour would not look like itself with civilians

not having to show their passports, and without the white hospital

ships, and the white-bearded landing-officer at the foot of the

gangway, and the board held up with lists of names of officers who have

telegrams waiting for them.

For the civilians a yellow card of disembarkation and for the military

a white card. The officers and soldiers walk off at once and the

queue of civilians waits. One civilian with a white card, who belongs

to no regiment, who is not even a chaplain or a nurse, puzzles the

landing-officer for a moment. But there is something to go with it--

a correspondent’s licence and a letter from a general who looks after

such things. They show that you “belong”; and if you don’t belong on

the road of war you will not get far. As well try to walk past the

doorman and take a seat in the United States Senate chamber during a

session.

Most precious that magical piece of paper. I happen to be the only

American with one, unless he is in the fighting line--which is one

sure way to get to the front. The price of all the opera boxes at the

Metropolitan will not buy it; and it is the passport to the welcoming

smile from an army chauffeur whom I almost regard as my own. But its

real value appears at the outskirts of the city. There the dead line is

drawn; there the sheep are finally separated from the goats by a French

sentry guarding the winding passageway between some carts, which have

been in the same place in the road for months.

The car spins over the broad, hard French road, in a land where for

many miles you see no signs of war, until it turns into the grounds

of a small château opposite a village church. The proprietor of a

dry-goods store in a neighbouring city spends his summers here; but

this summer he is in town, because the press wanted a place to live

and he was good enough to rent us his country place. So this is home,

where the five British and one American correspondents live and mess.

The expense of our cars costs us treble all the rest of our expenses.

They take us where we want to go. We go where we please, but we may not

write what we please. We see something like a thousand times more than

we can tell. The conditions are such as to make a news reporter throw

up his hands and faint. But if he had his unbridled way, one day he

might feel the responsibility for the loss of some hundreds of British

soldiers’ lives.

“It may be all right for war correspondents, but it is a devil of a

poor place for a newspaper man,” as one editor said. Yet it is the only

place where you can really know anything about the war.

We become a part of the machinery of the great organisation that

encloses us in its regular processes. No one in his heart envies the

press officer, who holds the blue pencil over us. He has to “take it

both going and coming.” He labours on our behalf and sometimes we

labour with him. The staff are willing enough to let us watch the army

at work, but they do not care whether or not we write about their war;

he wants us both to see it and to write about it. He tells us some big

piece of news, and then says: “That is for yourselves; you may not

write it.”

People do not want to read about the correspondents, of course. They

want to read what the correspondents have to tell about the war; but

the conditions of our work are interesting because we are the link

between the army and the reading public. All that it learns from actual

observation of what the army is doing comes through us.

We may not give the names of regiments and brigades until weeks after

a fight, because that will tell the enemy what troops were engaged; we

may not give the names of officers, for that is glorifying one when

possibly another did his duty equally well. It is the anonymity of the

struggle that makes it all seem distant and unreal--till the telegram

comes from the War Office to say that the one among the millions

who is dear to you is dead or wounded. Otherwise, it is a torment

of unidentified elements behind a curtain, which is parted for an

announcement of a gain or a loss, or to give out a list of the fallen.

The world wants to read that Peter Smith led the King’s Own Particular

Fusiliers in a charge. It may not know Peter Smith, but his name and

that of his regiment make the information seem definite. The statement

that a well-known millionaire yesterday gave a million dollars to

charity, or that a man in a checked suit swam from the Battery to Coney

Island, is not convincing; nor is the fact that one private unnamed

held back the Germans with bombs in the traverse of a trench for hours

until help came. We at the front, however, do know the names; we meet

the officers and men. Ours is the intimacy which we may not interpret

except in general terms.

Every article, every despatch, every letter, passes through the

censor’s hand. But we are never told what to write. The liberty of the

press is too old an institution in England for that. Always we may

learn why an excision is made. The purpose is to keep information from

the enemy. It is not like fighting Boers or Filipinos, this war of

walls of men who can turn the smallest bit of information to advantage.

Intelligence officers speak of their work as piecing together the parts

of a jig-saw puzzle. What seems a most innocent fact by itself may

furnish the bit which gives the figure in the picture its face. It does

not follow because you are an officer that you know what may and what

may not be of service to the enemy.

A former British officer who had become a well-known military critic,

in an account of a visit to the front mentioned having seen a battle

from a certain church tower. Publication of the account was followed by

a tornado of shell-fire that killed and wounded many British soldiers.

Only a staff specialist, trained in intelligence work and in constant

touch with the intelligence department, can be a safe censor. At the

same time, he is the best friend of the correspondent. He knows what

is harmless and what may not be allowed. He wants the press to have as

much as possible. For the more the public knows about its soldiers,

the better the _morale_ of the people, which reflects itself in the

_morale_ of the army.

The published casualty lists giving the names of officers and men and

their battalions is a means of causing casualties. From a prisoner

taken the enemy learns what battalions were present at a given fight;

he adds up the numbers reported killed and wounded and ascertains what

the fight cost the enemy and, in turn, the effect of the fire from his

side. But the British public demanded to see the casualty lists and the

British press were allowed to gratify the desire. They appeared in the

newspapers, of course, days after the nearest relative of the dead or

wounded man had received official notification from the War Office.

Officers’ letters from the front, so freely published earlier in

the war, amazed experienced correspondents by their unconscious

indiscretions. The line officer who had been in a fight told all that

he saw. Twenty officers doing the same along a stretch of front and the

jig-saw experts, plus what information they had from spies, were in

clover. Editors said: “But these men are officers. They ought to know

when they are imparting military secrets.”

Alas, they do not know! It is not to be expected that they should.

Their business is to fight; the business of other experts is to

safeguard information. For a long time the British army kept

correspondents from the front on the principle that the business of

a correspondent must be to tell what ought not to be told. Yet they

were to learn that the accredited correspondent, an expert at his

profession, working in harmony with the experts of the staff, let no

military secrets pass.

At our mess we get the Berlin dailies promptly. Soon after the Germans

are reading the war correspondence from their own front we are reading

it, and laughing at jokes in their comic papers and at cartoons which

exhibit John Bull as a stricken old ogre and Britannia who Rules the

Waves with the corners of her mouth drawn down to the bottom of her

chin, as she sees the havoc that von Tirpitz is making with submarines

which do not stop us from receiving our German jokes regularly across

the Channel.

Doubtless the German messes get their _Punch_ and the London

illustrated weeklies regularly. In the time that it took the English

daily with the account of the action seen from the church tower to

reach Berlin and the news to be wired to the front, the German guns

made use of the information. Neutral little Holland is the telltale of

both sides; the ally and the enemy of all intelligence corps. Scores

of experts in jig-saw puzzles on both sides seize every scrap of

information and piece them together. Each time that one gets a bit from

a newspaper he is for a sharper press censorship on his side and a more

liberal one on the other.

We six correspondents have our insignia, as must every one who is free

to move along the lines. By a glance you may tell everybody’s branch

and rank in that complicated and disciplined world, where no man acts

for himself, but always on some one else’s orders.

“Don’t you know who they are? They are the correspondents,” I heard a

soldier say. “D. Chron., that’s the _Daily Chronicle_; M. Post, that’s

the _Morning Post_; D. Mail, that’s the _Daily Mail_. There’s one with

U. S. A. What paper is that?”

“It ain’t a paper,” said another. “It’s the States--he’s a Yank!” The

War Office put it on the American cousin’s arm, and wherever it goes it

seems welcome. It may puzzle the gunners when the American says, “That

was a peach of a shot, right across the pan!” or the infantry when he

says, “It cuts no ice!” and there is no ice visible in Flanders; he

speaks about typhoid to the medical corps which calls it enteric;

and “fly-swatting” is a new word to the sanitarians, who are none the

less busily engaged in that noble art. Lessons for the British in

the “American language” while you wait! In return, the American is

learning what a “stout-hearted thruster” and other phrases mean in the

Simon-pure English.

The correspondents are the spoiled spectators of the army’s work; the

itinerants of the road of war. Nobody sees so much as we, because we

have nothing to do but to see. An officer looking at the towers of

Ypres cathedral, a mile away from the trench where he was, said: “No,

I’ve never been in Ypres. Our regiment has not been stationed in that

part of the line.”

We have sampled all the trenches; we have studied the ruins of Ypres

with an archæologist’s eye; we know the names of the estaminets of

the villages, from “The Good Farmer” to “The Harvester’s Rest” and

“The Good Cousin,” not to mention “The Omnibus Stop” on the Cassell

Hill. Madame who keeps the hotel in the G. H. Q. town knows me so well

that we wave hands to each other as I pass the door; and the clerks

in a certain shop have learned that the American likes his fruit raw,

instead of stewed in the English fashion, and plenty of it, especially

if it comes from the South out of season, as it does from Florida or

California to pampered human beings at home, who, if they could see as

much of this war as I have seen, would appreciate what a fortunate lot

they are to have not a ribbon of salt water but a broad sea full of it,

and the British navy, too, between them and the thing on the other side

of the zone of death.

G. H. Q. means General Headquarters, and B. E. F., which shows

the way for your letters from England, means British Expeditionary

Force. The high leading, the brains, of the army are theoretically at

G. H. Q. That word theoretically is used advisedly in view of opinion

at other points. An officer sent from G. H. Q. to command a brigade

had not been long out before he began to talk about those confounded

one-thing-and-another fellows at G. H. Q. When he was at G. H. Q., he

used to talk about those confounded one-thing-and-another fellows who

commanded corps, divisions, and brigades at the front. The philosophers

of G. H. Q. smiled and the philosophers of the army smiled--it was

the old story of the staff and the line; of the main office and the

branches. But the line did the most smiling to see the new brigadier

getting a taste of his own medicine.

G. H. Q. directs the whole; here every department of all that vast

concern which supplies the hundreds of thousands of men and prepares

for the other hundreds of thousands is focussed. The symbol of its

authority is a red band around the cap, which means that you are a

staff officer. No war at G. H. Q., only the driving force of war. It

seems as far removed from the front as the New York office of a string

of manufacturing plants.

If one follows a red-banded cap into a door he sees other officers and

clerks and typewriters, and a sign which says that a department chief

has his desk in the drawing-room of a private house--where he has had

it for months. Go to one mess and you will hear talk about garbage

pails and how to kill flies; to another, about hospitals and clearing

stations for the wounded; to another, about barbed wire, sandbags,

spades, timber, and galvanised iron--the engineers; to another,

about guns, shells, rifles, bullets, mortars, bombs, bayonets, and

high explosives--the ordnance; to another, about jam, bread, bacon,

uniforms, iron rations, socks, underclothes, canned goods, fresh beef,

and motor trucks--the Army Service Corps; to another, about attacks,

counter-attacks, and salients, and about what the others are doing and

will have to do--the operations.

My Year of the Great War · 第 13 / 30 段