BATTLE CLOUDS GATHER AGAIN
Though Serbia had been the first to be attacked by the Central Powers
when the world war began, the end of the first year's fighting was to
find her still unconquered, though she had passed through ordeals
quite as severe as those suffered by Belgium.
Let us review, briefly, the events of the first year:
Hardly had hostilities been declared by Austria-Hungary, on July 28,
1914, when the armies of the Dual Empire began gathering along the
Serbian frontiers; then, within a few days, they hurled themselves
into Serbia, hoping to overwhelm her by the sheer weight of their
numbers. Not only did the soldiers of the little Balkan nation
withstand the onslaught of the imperial troops, but within the week
they had swept them back, driving them across the frontiers.
So astounded was the Austrian General Staff, so dumfounded was it by
this unexpected disaster, that it required some weeks to realize what
had happened, and to prepare for a second and mightier attempt to
overcome the resistance of the Serbians.
On came the Austrians again, only to suffer a second defeat. Then they
made their third and mightiest effort, and this time every available
resource of the empire was strained to the utmost; every soldier not
absolutely needed elsewhere was utilized. And this time, indeed, the
Austrian forces did penetrate some distance within Serbian territory,
and for over a fortnight the Serbian capital was theirs. But their
initial success only made their final defeat the more complete. For
the third time the Serbian soldiers beat them back, and from that
date, December 14, 1914, Serbia remained undisturbed by foreign
invasion for almost a year.
Shortly after the beginning of the New Year, came an enemy for whom
the Serbians were not so well prepared: a typhus epidemic, which took
almost as many victims as had the fighting. Realizing their
helplessness, the Serbians uttered an appeal for help, and almost
every nation, not an enemy, including the United States, responded
generously with money, and by sending Red Cross corps to nurse the
plague victims. By the summer of 1915, the epidemic had spent itself,
after decimating the army and the civil population.
Meanwhile a danger threatened the Serbians which overshadowed even
that from the Austrians; namely the danger that other Balkan nations,
and especially Bulgaria, might join the Teutonic Powers. Serbia had
already shown that she could take care of the Austrians alone, but
with Bulgaria attacking her flank, even the most optimistic realized
that the fight against such odds probably would be hopeless.
Turkey, even while Serbia was hurling back the Austrians for the
second time, in November, 1914, was the first to declare herself in
favor of the Teutons by attacking the Russians. Then began the game of
diplomacy to win over the Christian states to the Allies. All had
declared themselves neutral, even Greece, though she was bound by a
treaty to assist Serbia against foreign attack. But it was generally
realized that each was only watching for the first signs of weakness
on either side before deciding which to support. To give weight to her
diplomacy Great Britain began her military operations on Gallipoli, on
the understanding with Greece, of which Venizelos was then premier,
that Greek troops should assist. But Venizelos was forced to resign by
the Greek King and the governing clique, and Greece continued to
maintain her neutrality.
Rumania, in spite of her leanings toward the Allies, remained firm in
her neutrality. Bulgaria was more explicit; she made it understood
that she would join that side which could most effectually guarantee
her possession of the territory in Macedonia which she considered she
had won in the First Balkan War and which was given over to Serbia and
Greece after the Second Balkan War by the Treaty of Bucharest.
Throughout the year the negotiations continued whereby the Allies
attempted to persuade Greece and Serbia to agree to Bulgaria's terms,
but Greece continued obdurate in her determination to hold all she
had, and Serbia yielded only in part, and very reluctantly. In August,
1915, beginning the second year of the war, these negotiations were
still in progress. As it was still unknown publicly that Bulgaria had
already signed a secret alliance with Germany, the situation was
considered favorable to the Allies, especially as on August 22, 1915,
it was announced that Venizelos was again to become prime minister of
Greece.
The first indication that King Ferdinand and his cabinet had come to a
decision was in the agitation that appeared in Bulgaria itself among
the leaders of the opposition parties, protesting against the
Germanophile policy of the Government. On September 18, 1915, a
deputation of these leaders had an interview with the king, in which
they made their protest; the report was that a stormy scene occurred,
in which several members of the deputation used language to the effect
that should the king go against the popular feeling, which was in
favor of the Entente, it would cost him his throne. They also demanded
that the National Assembly be convened.
The king's reply was to order a general order of mobilization of the
Bulgarian army. At the same time a note was issued to all foreign
representatives in which the Government stated explicitly that
Bulgaria had no intention of entering the war; that she had called her
men to the colors only to maintain an "armed neutrality," as Holland
and Switzerland were doing. In spite of these assurances, Greece also
began mobilizing. On September 20, 1915, there appeared a significant
statement in the German official report of military operations, to the
effect that German artillery, stationed on the Danube opposite
Semendria, had opened fire on a Serbian position. Never before had
there been mention of German guns so far south. Altogether, the
situation in the Balkans was now becoming acute.
On September 28, 1915, Sir Edward Grey made a statement in the British
Parliament which made the world realize that a crisis in the Balkans
was imminent. He announced that efforts were still being made to
arrange an agreement between Bulgaria and Serbia and Greece regarding
Macedonia, "but," he added significantly, "if Bulgaria assumes an
aggressive attitude on the side of our enemies, we will support our
friends in the Balkans with all our power, in concert with our Allies
and without reserve or qualification."
This was followed up by another statement on October 1, 1915, to the
effect that German and Austrian officers were arriving in the
Bulgarian capital, creating a situation of "the utmost gravity."
Within forty-eight hours, Russia issued an ultimatum to Bulgaria
demanding that the German and Austrian officers in Sofia be removed
within twenty-four hours, otherwise Russia would sever all diplomatic
relations with King Ferdinand's Government. To this Bulgaria made no
immediate reply, with the result that the Russian Minister left Sofia
the next day. Premier Radoslavov, however, on the same day, published
an official statement that there were no German or Austrian officers
in Sofia and that Bulgaria had no intention of breaking her
neutrality. Meanwhile came reports through Greece stating that
Bulgarian troops were being massed up against the Serbian frontier. As
subsequent events soon proved, Bulgaria was determined to hide her
real purpose to the last moment; not until she actually made her first
attack did she cease denying her hostile intentions.
That Bulgaria was acting in cooperation with the Teutonic allies was
obvious, for already the Serbians had observed that great forces were
being mobilized across the rivers, along her northern and northwestern
frontiers, along the banks of the Danube, the Save, and the Drina.
What did not develop so soon was the fact that this new invasion was
to be under the leadership of the German General von Mackensen, and
that the invaders were to consist in large part of German regiments.
During the summer Mackensen had been engaged in directing a strong
Austro-German offensive against the Russians, with conspicuous
success. For weeks after he had left this front and was busy
organizing a similar offensive against the Serbians, the German
official dispatches continued to associate his name with actions on
the Russian front that the preparations in the south might continue
secret as long as possible.
Not long after the first Austro-German guns began hurling their shells
across the Danube, against the Serbian position at Semendria, the
Serbians learned of the disposition and the resources of the enemy.
The troops under Mackensen were divided into two armies, each in close
contact with the other. One of these wings was under the command of a
German, General von Gallwitz, who had distinguished himself against
the Russians a short time previously. The men under him were entirely
Germans. The other army was under the command of an Austrian, General
von Koevess von Koevesshaza. His men were both German and Austrian, the
latter predominating.
The army under Gallwitz extended from Orsova, near the Rumanian
frontier, along the Danube westward to a point opposite Semendria.
Here his right flank joined Koevess's line, which extended up past
Belgrade, along the Save and part way up the Drina. The rest of the
frontier up the Drina was covered by a smaller Austrian army.
Altogether, the Austro-German armies comprised at least 300,000 men.
The Austrians were picked troops, for it was only natural that the
general staff wished to retrieve, in some measure, the humiliation of
the previous year. The Germans, numbering fully half of the total
force, were also hardened veterans, who had seen plenty of fighting on
the Russian front or in France or Flanders.
Mackensen's overwhelming success in driving the Russians out of
Galicia had been mainly due to his artillery, that arm of the military
service in which the Germans excelled all their enemies. And here,
too, the artillery was to play an important part, for fully 2,000
cannon, nearly all of mid-caliber and heavy caliber, had been brought
down against the Serbians. During the first three invasions the
Austrians had thrown their infantry up against the Serbian lines. Now
German tactics were to be tried: the Serbian trenches and other
defensive positions were to be pulverized with powerful explosives,
then rushed with infantry.
Though they had been undisturbed for so long, the Serbians were by no
means in doubt as to what was yet to come. They had realized that
eventually the enemy would return more determined and more powerful
than ever. Therefore, they had spent the nine months since the last
defeat of the Austrians in extensive preparations. Line after line of
trenches had been built back into the interior of the country, and all
the possible crossings on the rivers had been heavily fortified.
Moreover, they had drained the civilian population of every male
person strong enough to carry a gun.
At this time, when the fourth invasion began threatening, their army
mustered fully 310,000 men, slightly more than the Austro-German. In
regard to small arms and ammunition they were also at least equal to
the enemy, for vast consignments of military stores had been sent into
the country by the Allies. Only in heavy artillery were they inferior,
but then this was also true of all the armies facing the Germans
throughout Europe.
Therefore, had the Serbians been called upon to defend themselves only
against General von Mackensen's armies, it is highly probable that
they would have been able to give the same answer as they had the year
previous. So probable, in fact, that Mackensen would hardly dared to
have attacked them with only 300,000 men. To be sure, their enemy was
no longer made up of raw recruits and there was now the heavy
artillery as well as a commander of great ability to face, but the
preparations they had made in defensive works, as well as the
mountainous nature of their country, more than made up for these
advantages possessed by their opponents. It was the Bulgarians who
would turn the scale.
Because of the greed for territory of their governing clique, the
Serbians now faced dangers which even their rugged qualities could not
contend against long. For now, while they were steeling themselves to
meet the impact of the blow from the Austro-Germans from the north,
the Bulgarian army, fully as strong as themselves, was gathering on
their right flank. In spite of the diplomatic protests of Ferdinand
and Radoslavov, the Serbians were not deceived.
The danger from the Bulgarian army meant more to the Serbians than the
mere doubling in number of their enemy's forces. It was the position
of the Bulgarians which made the situation especially precarious,
impossible.
A glance at the map will show that the main line of railroad, running
down from Belgrade to Saloniki by way of Nish, passes within a few
miles of the Bulgarian frontier, just opposite Sofia. Indeed, from
Klisura on the frontier the distant whistle of the locomotives and the
rattle of the trains across stretches of trestle work can be heard
plainly on still days. From Klisura on the frontier to the railroad is
all down hill. Farther south, at Kustendil, the danger was even
greater, though the distance from frontier to railroad somewhat more,
for at Kustendil was the terminus of a short railroad from the
Bulgarian capital. From this point on the frontier toward the railroad
at Kumanova the terrain was all in favor of the Bulgarians, for
Kustendil is at the top of a chain of mountains and the railroad runs
along the bottom of a valley, the famous Morava Valley.
This railroad, from Upper Serbia down to Saloniki, was the only line
of communication and transportation between the main Serbian armies
and the Allies. Cut this, and they would wither like a flower
separated from its stem.
So keenly did the Serbians realize their danger that they asked
permission of the Allies to attack Bulgaria before the Bulgarian army
was completely mobilized. They hoped thereby to disable Bulgaria with
one sharp blow while she was not yet prepared, then turn their whole
attention toward the enemy in the north. But to this plan the Allies
would not consent, still hoping that Ferdinand would reconsider his
resolution.
[Illustration: General Map of Balkan (Serbian) Operations.]
Just before the fourth invasion actually began, the Serbians held
their frontier along the Danube and the Save with three armies,
consisting of nearly eight divisions, or half of all their available
men. On the west the First Serbian Army, of three divisions, commanded
by General Mishitch, occupied the angle formed by the Save and the
Drina, with its headquarters at Shabatz, the scene of such bloody
fighting a year before. To the eastward came a force of a division and
a half under command of General Zivkovitch, known as the Army for the
Defense of Belgrade, which indicates its position. Between Belgrade
and the Rumanian frontier lay the Third Serbian Army, of three
divisions, with General Jourishitch at its head, protecting the mouth
of the Morava Valley.
Facing the Austrians over in the west, in the vicinity of Vichegrad,
was the army of Ushitze, of less than two divisions, under General
Goykovitch.
These were the forces, about two-thirds of the total Serbian army,
which faced the Austro-Germans. But another 100,000 had also to be
deployed along the Bulgarian frontier to protect the railroad as best
they could. Thus it was that wherever she faced her enemies, Serbia,
was hopelessly outnumbered.