things can be soon settled. It must be before 1409-10, when John Borewell
died.[87] He was in office as Granger, Kitchener, Cellarer, and Gardener
almost till his death, and he had been in partnership with Peter Coumbe,
as manager of the funds provided for Queen Anne's anniversary,[88]
from 1394 to 1399. But who is the Bishop of Lincoln? It is tempting to
think of the princely Henry Beaufort, the most potent holder of the see
at this period; if so, the journey would fall at some time before 1404,
when Beaufort was translated to Winchester, and thus it might even be
got just within the limits of the partnership above-mentioned, for he
was appointed to Lincoln in 1398. But we have evidence pointing to 1407
and 1408 as the time with which the visit to Cologne must be connected,
and bringing Henry Beaufort's help and Abbot Colchester's travels into
further association. It is a tattered paper document[89] which states
that when Colchester was in foreign parts in 1407,[90] the collector
of Romescot for the county of Surrey doubled his demand upon the
chapels of Pyrford and Horsell from 12-1/2_d._ each to 25_d._ each, and
laid them under interdict when payment was refused. But the Bishop of
Winchester issued a special mandate to the collector to desist from the
exaction. Beaufort was therefore not abroad at the time with Colchester,
but was defending his interests at home. But both Colchester and Philip
Repingdon, Bishop of Lincoln, were in Italy in 1408. Colchester was at
Lucca and Pisa in May, supporting the Cardinals who were struggling
with Gregory XII.,[91] and his old friend, Bishop Merke, was with
him. At Siena, on September 18, Gregory created ten new Cardinals,
and one of these was Philip Repingdon.[92] It would be natural that he
and Colchester should then meet, possibly travelling homeward together,
and being in Cologne on October 10.
[Illustration: CORONATION OF HENRY V.]
The matter of the augmented Romescot was brought to an end at Guildford,
says the document, after the Abbot's return to England, July 22,
1412. This must not be interpreted to mean a continuous absence of five
years, 1407-12, for we have seen the Abbot on his homeward way in 1408,
and know that in July, 1411, he presided alone over the General Chapter
of Benedictines at Northampton.[93] His absence in 1412, which is also
substantiated by his bailiffs' payments to a substitute, was due to one
more journey to Rome; for the account of the "Novum Opus" for 1412-3
enters payment, by consent of the Prior and the Seniors, of the large
sum of L33 to the Abbot for the acceleration of certain concerns of
the church in the Roman Court. It is possible that this journey took
place in the autumn; for great events at home, in which the Abbot had
some share, marked the months which followed. Early in 1413[94] Henry
IV. had a seizure while at his devotions in the Abbey, and we should like
to know whether the Abbot was in town and gave his instructions for
the King's removal to the noblest apartment in the abbatial residence,
Jerusalem Chamber, where he died on March 20. It does not appear that
Colchester took any part in the royal obsequies, but there is no doubt
that he assisted at the coronation of Henry V. in the Abbey church on
that snowy Passion Sunday, April 9, 1413. For when the King's chantry
was built, about twenty years after Colchester's death, its famous
sculptures included two Coronation groups--perhaps, the acclamation and
the homage[95]--in each of which the Abbot is represented as standing,
in cope and mitre, on the King's left hand, Thomas Arundel, the Archbishop
of Canterbury, being on the King's right hand. We may also assume that
Colchester was at Westminster to receive Henry, when he attended divine
service in the church on Ascension Day and Whitsunday of that year.[96]
The new King's devotion to the Abbey was beyond question, and his zeal
for the immediate resumption of the New Work in the nave would tend to
keep the Abbot at hand. Operations began on July 7, one thousand marks
a year being granted by the Crown;[97] and Colchester would see things
well in train under the hands of Richard Whitington and Brother Richard
Harwden, before he left the precincts once more.
Possibly he had a rest from travel in the year 1413-4; at least we have
nothing more serious to notice than his Receiver's payment of 8_d._ for
boat hire "when my lord dined with the Archbishop at Lambhyth." But
the autumn of 1414 saw him once more setting out for foreign parts;
for Henry chose him as one of the English delegates to the great
Council of Constance.[98] People spoke of the greatness of his train
as he journeyed. Dr. Wylie remarks that he "was looked upon by the
foreigners as a prince."[99] Perhaps he himself thought sometimes of the
very different circumstances in which he and his man Gerard had crossed
the Channel in fear and trembling, seven and thirty years earlier. He
had been already engaged, as collector of the triennial contribution of
1/2_d._ in the mark imposed on English Benedictine houses, in paying out
loans for their journey to the Abbot of St. Edmundsbury and the Prior of
Worcester, who were the delegates from the Order to the same Council,
and in sending fees to the various counsel who were retained by the
Order at Constance. We have his triennial accounts as collector for 1417
and 1420,[100] which show that the business of the Council hung about
him for the rest of his days; even in the latter, made up long after
Constance had seen the last of its visitors, he was still reckoning the
cost of a monk of Worcester's journey to Constance and back.
How long he remained at Constance, and what part he took in the tortuous
proceedings, we do not know. The spring and summer of 1415 were anxious
times in England, and Henry V. would be glad to have so shrewd an adviser
within reach. The Abbot was now about seventy-seven years of age, and the
lust of travel must have long since ceased. The King's writ went forth
in May for the "Array and Munitioning of the Clergy" by July 16,[101]
and the head of our House would be concerned to see that Westminster did
its duty, _per alios_ if not _per se_. Our Treasurers' roll for 1414-5
shows how Abbot and Convent performed their several parts:--
"For one new chariot with six horses in the same, over and above
one [chariot] provided by the lord Abbot, and with a complete set
of harness for the said chariot and for the horses pertaining
thereto--the whole being bought and given to our lord the King
on the occasion of his expedition to France, together with the
wages of a valet, a groom, and a page for the said chariot,
and cloth bought for their livery, besides the maintenance of
the men and the horses aforesaid for three weeks, pending the
King's departure for France this year. xxxiii. li. xii. d."
If we may take it that the Abbot's expenditure on his chariot was of the
same extent, we have a total outlay of L66, or about L1000 of our money.
Colchester's generally good health began to fail in 1416, and his
apothecary was called in to apply various remedies at a fee of 16_s._
8_d._[102] At home he could still find interest in watching the progress
of the New Work, for the north aisle of the nave was being proceeded
with and the pillars of the triforium above it were being put in their
place.[103] If Henry's gifts for the purpose failed to reach Henry's
expectations and the Convent's, that is only another way of saying that
Colchester's aged thoughts were often occupied with the expedition to
France and the scenes that he knew so familiarly. He may have taken part
in the rejoicings over the victory of Agincourt; he certainly received
a special message about the capture of Rouen in 1418.[104]
He died in 1420 at a good old age, probably fourscore and two, and in
the 34th year of his Abbacy. The exact day is not recorded. We know that
there was much mortality in the Convent during 1419-20. When the Wardens
of Queen Alianore's Manors made up their accounts to Michaelmas (they did
so generally about November), they wrote at the end a sorrowful list of
twelve names with a note that "all these died this year together with the
lord Abbot and Brother Thomas Peuerel." Thus in strictness we might put
his death before September 29. But the rolls were by no means precise in
the matter, and often included those who died at any time before the day
on which the accounts were balanced. Moreover, we have the royal licence
to the Convent to elect a successor,[105] which is dated November 12,
1420. We may therefore suppose that Colchester died late in October or
early in November. He was buried in the Chapel of St. John Baptist,
where his much battered free-stone image lies on an altar-tomb. His
initials still remain, but the heraldry has long since perished, and
his mitre and gloves have lost the jewels that once adorned them. It
adds insult to this injury that his countenance should be described as
"stern and ill-favoured."[106]
But the character behind the countenance is not difficult to sum up.
In his own day he was reckoned to be a man of shrewd judgment and wide
experience; we have noted the far-travelled uses that were made of him
by the Convent and by the Crown, and we can conclude that his judgment
increased in shrewdness as his experience extended in width. Indeed,
he retained this quality to the last. We have seen that there is still
extant an account of his official disbursements in behalf of the General
Chapter of the Benedictines at Northampton for the last year of his life,
1420.[107] It includes payments made, for special services rendered,
to two Westminster monks, who had been bidden to attend the conference.
They were Richard Harwden and Edmund Kirton, and each was appointed Abbot
of Westminster in his turn. It is not every man of eighty-two who is
shrewd enough to pick out his successors for the next forty years, and
at the same time large-hearted enough to give them every encouragement
to fit themselves for the office which he holds. Indeed, his was the
kind of character to which justice can only be done after a lapse of
time. It is necessary to look back at the men who, noting his shrewdness,
came to a conviction that he was also just and trustworthy--Richard II.,
who opposed his election as Abbot, but lived to prove his friendship;
Henry IV., who knew his friendship for Richard, and at first treated
him accordingly, but afterwards found no reason to regret the clemency
shown to him; Henry V., who appreciated his devotion to Richard, and
did not honour him the less because of Henry IV.'s early suspicions;
and the Cardinals and others who met him in the tortuous paths by which
ecclesiastical diplomacy was trying to make its way towards the peace
of the distracted Church. We may leave on William Colchester's memorial
an inscription taken from a letter addressed to him by Thomas Merke,
Bishop of Carlisle, who was conveying to the Abbot a request that he
would use his influence at the Roman Court on behalf of Merton Hall,
Oxford. We shall admit that Merke was his intimate friend, and shall
remember that Colchester showed his own affection for Merke by arranging
that the Bishop should be commemorated at Hurley Priory along with the
Abbot's parents.[108] Merke's witness, however, may still be true.
"Men like," he wrote, "to know your Paternity's views on these matters,
for they observe your solidity, which is a rare virtue in these days,
and they give you their confidence all the more."[109] No other Abbot
ruled our House as long as he; nor could any man of his line desire a
more satisfying verdict on his character.
INDEX
Agincourt, battle of, 10, 85
Aldenham, Herts, church of, 16, 44
Alianore, Queen, manors of, 85
Almonry, clerks of the, 71
Anagni, 37, 39
Anne of Bohemia, wife of Richard II., 58, 78
Armour, an Abbot's, 53
Arundel, Earl of, 68
Arundel, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 81 f.
Atte Belle, Richard, highwayman, 45
Avignon, 32 f., 35 f., 39
Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Winchester, 78 f.
Benedictines, general chapters of, 19, 22, 69, 80, 82, 86
Berkhamstead, 66
Birlingham, manor of, 68
Bohun, Eleanor de, Duchess of Gloucester, 57
Borewell, John, Archdeacon, 73, 77 f.
Briefs, funeral, 51
Bruges, 32 n., 34 f., 40
Burgh, John, monk, 53
Calais, 34, 40, 67
Cambridge, 17
Cambridge, Earl of, 26
Canterbery, John, monk, 51 n., 53
Chamberlain, duties and accounts of, 41 f.
Chambers, or camerae, monks', 47-50
Chapter House, 30
Charing Cross, 47 f., 56
Clehungre, William, monk, 28
Clergy, Array and Munitioning of the, 83
Cloisters, Little, 48
Colchester, 15, 16, 65;
Priory of St. Botolph at, 15 f.;
parish of St. Nicholas, 15;
castle of, 16
Colchester, John, 65
Colchester, Thomas, 65
Colchester, William [de], Abbot, portrait in Nave window, 11, 58;
in Shakespeare's _Richard II._, 14;
native of St. Nicholas' parish, Colchester, 15 f.;
parents and relations, 17, 65;
First Mass, 18;
probable date of birth, 19;
at Oxford, 19 f.;
promoted in Refectory, 20;
at general chapter, Northampton, 22;
Abbot's Seneschal, 24 ff.;
Convent Treasurer, 27;
proctor at Rome, 30 ff., 41 ff.;
attempts to secure Priorship for, 42;
Archdeacon, 43 ff.;
his sheep, 46;
his pension, 47;
election as Abbot, 54 ff.;
installation, 56;
details of his establishment, 60 ff.;
orders prayers in war-time, 70 f.;
ordinance for payment to obedientiaries, 71;
supporter of Richard II., imprisoned by Henry IV., 76;
letter from Cologne, 77-79;
at coronation of Henry V., 81;
at Council of Constance, 82 f.;
chariot provided by, 83;
death of, 85;
tomb of, 86;
character of, 87 f.
Cologne, 77-79
Compromission, election by, 55
Constance, Council of, 82 f.
Coumbe, Peter, monk, 59, 63, 71, 77 f.
Covent Garden, 47 f.
Cretton, or Kyrton, Roger, monk, 47, 76
Dauphine, 35
Deerhurst, Prior of, 63
Denham, manor of, 61, 66, 68, 71
Despenser, Baroness, 64
Despenser, Henry, Bishop of Norwich, 68
Domesday chartulary, 48
Durham, Hatfield, Bishop of, 26
Edmund the King, St., 58
Edward, Black Prince, 26 f.
Edward the Confessor, St., 22, 56 f.;
chapel of, 74;
ring of, 53
Edward III., 24, 26, 34
Excestr', Richard, Prior, 26, 42, 49-51
Exchequer, Remembrancer of the, 67
Exennia, given to monks, 18, 21;
to Abbots, 62 ff.
Eybury, manor of, 61
Eynsham, Abbot of, 68
Farnago, John, monk, 36
_Flacones_, or pancakes, 27 ff.
Gloucester Hall, Oxford, 19
Gregory XI., Pope, 32, 37 f.
Gregory XII., Pope, 79
Halle, William, monk, 42
Harwden, Richard, monk, 81;
Abbot, 86 f.
Hatfield, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, 26
Hawle, Robert, 39
Henry III., 11 f., 48, 58 f.
Henry IV., 14 f., 66, 76, 80, 87
Henry V., 10, 80-84, 87
Horsell, Surrey, 79
Hotspur, Harry, 24
Hurley, Berks., Priory of, 17, 62 f., 88
Infirmarer, 78 n.
Infirmary, chambers in the, 48
Islip, manor of, 62
James, Dr. M. R., Provost of King's, 47 n., 50, 52 n.
Jerusalem Chamber, 52, 80
Kelvin, Lord, 9 f.
Kirton, Edmund, Abbot, 87
Kitchener or _Coquinarius_, 28, 78
Lakyngheth, John, monk, 35, 54
Laleham, manor of, 62, 66
Langham, Simon, Abbot and Cardinal, 19, 32, 36, 38, 63
Langley, Edmund, Earl of Cambridge, 26
Lethaby, Prof. W. R., 12
_Liber Niger Quaternus_, 39 n., 47, 53, 73, 76
Litlington, Nicholas, Abbot, 19, 24-27, 44 f., 48, 51 n., 52-54
London, Tower of, 39, 76
Malvern, Prior of, 63
March, Philippa, Countess of, 23 f.
Marseilles, 36, 39
Mary, the Virgin, girdle of St., 22 f.
Merke, or Merks, Thomas, Bishop of Carlisle, 14, 66, 79, 87 f.
Merton Hall, Oxford, 88
Monk-Bailiff, 16
Musicians, Abbot Colchester's favour to, 67 f.
Nave, the New Work in, 58 f., 63, 80 f., 84
Neyte, la, mansion of, 52, 62, 64, 66
Northampton, 22, 69, 80, 86
Organs at Westminster, 68
Oxford, Benedictine students at, 19, 26;
"Gaudies" at, 66;
Merton Hall, 88
Pampeluna, Cardinal of, 38
Pancakes, monks', 27 ff.
Percyvale, Master, King's musician, 68
Pershore, 63
Pestilence, Great, 19
Peuerel, Thomas, monk, 85
Poets' Corner, 11 f.
Polo, Marco, Book of, 50
_Polychronicon_, 55 n., 56
Pyrford, manor of, 62, 66, 68, 79
Rackham, Rev. R. B., 81 n., 84 n.
Reigate, 76
Repingdon, Philip, Bishop of Lincoln, 79
Richard II., 12, 14, 28, 53-58, 66, 68, 70, 74-76, 87
Robinson, Dr. J. Armitage, Dean of Wells, 10, 32 n., 52 n.,
53 n., 54, 72, 83
Rome, 31, 33, 37-43, 80, 88
Romescot, collection of, 79
Rouen, capture of, 85
Sacrist, 23, 63, 71
St. Edmundsbury, Abbot of, 82
St. John Baptist, chapel of, 86
St. Margaret, Westminster, parish of, 71
St. Peter ad Vincula, feast of, 68
St. Stephen's, Westminster, Dean and Canons of, 30 ff., 43
Salisbury, William de Montacute, Earl of, 44 f.
Sanctuary, 39, 45
Sandon, John, monk, 65, 67
Scott, Dr. E., Keeper of Muniments, 13
Selby, Ralph, Archdeacon of Buckingham, monk, 75
Seneschal, or steward, the Abbot's, 22, 24, 45 n., 60 ff.
Sergeaunt, John, _Annals of Westminster School_, 29
Skilla, or Refectory bell, 21
Southam, Thomas, Archdeacon of Oxford, 32, 35, 39 f., 63
Staines, manor of, 66
Stanley, Dr. A. P., Dean of Westminster, 11 n.
Steventon, Berks., 58
Stowe, John, monk, 63, 67
Sutton, Gloucs., 62
Tivoli, 39
Urban VI., Pope, 38 f.
Waltham, Abbot of, 74
Waltham, John de, Bishop of Salisbury, 74-76
Ware, 66
Ware, Richard de, Abbot, 22, 44
Warwick, Earl of, 26
Westminster Abbey, memorial windows, 10;
Muniment room, 11, 13;
Poets' Corner, 11 f.;
Abbot's rent-roll, 24, 60;
pancakes at, 27 ff.;
Monk-Bailiff, 16; Treasurer, 19 f.;
Refectory, 21;
Abbot's Seneschal, 22, 24 ff., 45 n.;
Sacrist, 23;
Kitchener, 27 f.;
Chapter House, 30;
suit against St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster, 31 ff.;
enriched by Langham's will, 36;
murder in the choir of, 39;
Archdeacon of, 43 ff.;
Lady Chapel, 47;
Convent Garden, 47 f.;
royal gifts to, 57 f.;
New Work in Nave, 58 f., 63, 80 f., 84;
prayers in war-time at, 70 f.;
Confessor's Chapel, 74 f.;
Henry IV.'s death at, 80;
Henry V.'s chantry, 81
Westminster Abbey, Almonry, clerks of, 71
Westminster Abbey, _Customary_ of, 18, 22 f., 44
Westminster Abbey, Monks of, how named, 15;
how admitted, 17 f.;
exennia given to, 18;
Great Pestilence among, 19;
at Oxford, 19 f.;
clothing of, 41 f.;
chambers or camerae for, 47-50;
funerals of, 51;
in armour, 53;
chariot provided by, 83.
Westminster Abbey, parish of St. Margaret, 71
Westminster Abbey, Sanctuary at, 39, 45
Westminster School, "greese" at, 29
Whittington, Richard, 81
Windsor Castle, 64, 66
Windsor Castle, St. George's Chapel in, 31, 74
Woodstock, Thomas of, Duke of Gloucester, 57, 68
Worcester, Prior of, 82
Wratting, John de, Prior, 43 n., 70
Wykeham, William of, 27, 68
Wylie, Dr. J. H., 79 n., 81 n., 82
* * * * *
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES.
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES
[Footnote 1: "Such were the Abbots of Westminster," says Dean
Stanley (_Memorials_, 3rd ed., p. 394), after recording the
little that he knew of them, adding that, "if from the Abbots
we descend to the Monks their names are still more obscure."]
[Footnote 2: Act iv. sc. 1, ll. 332-3.]
[Footnote 3: Act v. sc. 6, ll. 19-21.]
[Footnote 4: _Mun._ 5259.]
[Footnote 5: _Mun._ 5260, A.]
[Footnote 6: The reader who wishes to know what parts of this ancient and
interesting church were known to Abbot Colchester may be referred to the
details and the plan given in the Herts. volume of the Royal Commission
on Historical Monuments, 1911, p. 31 f.]
[Footnote 7: _Mun._ 3571; October 5, 1411.]
[Footnote 8: _Customary of Canterbury and Westminster_, H.B.S. i. 261,
404.]
[Footnote 9: This custom will be treated in greater detail in the
introduction to a Register of the Westminster Benedictines, which will
be issued shortly.]
[Footnote 10: Reyner, _de Antiq. Benedict. in Anglia_, App., p. 55.]
[Footnote 11: This sum is roughly equivalent to that which an economical
undergraduate spends at the present time.]
[Footnote 12: Cf. _Flete_, ed. J. Armitage Robinson, p. 70.]
[Footnote 13: The inventories of the Monasteries imply that the blessed
Virgin was industrious with her needle.]
[Footnote 14: _Customary_, ii. 49: Idem vero secretarius zonam beatae Dei
genetricis, ubicumque destinetur, sumptibus suis portare vel, si per alios
portatur, expensas eis exhibere tenetur, cum vectura, si forte indigeat.]
[Footnote 15: Thomas Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, 1345-81.]
[Footnote 16: _Mun._ 27968.]
[Footnote 17: John Sergeaunt, _Annals of Westminster School_, pp. 57,
130.]
[Footnote 18: The building is still in the sole care of His Majesty's
Office of Works.]
[Footnote 19: Cf. J. T. Smith, _Antiquities of Westminster_, 1807, p. 38,
etc.]
[Footnote 20: J. T. Smith, _Antiquities of Westminster_, 1807, p. 100;
Widmore, _History of Westminster Abbey_, pp. 103-4.]
[Footnote 21: _Mun._ 9256, C, D.]
[Footnote 22: The manuscript actually says July; but what follows shows
this to be an error; _e.g._ he was at Bruges for the two feasts of June
24 and June 29.]
[Footnote 23: Cf. J. Armitage Robinson, _Simon Langham, Ch. Quart. Rev._,
July, 1908, p. 358.]
[Footnote 24: Cf. L. Pastor, _Geschichte der Paepste_, i. p. 109.]
[Footnote 25: Non potuit reperire societatem versus Auinionem.]
[Footnote 26: Propter diuersitatem lingue et viarum discrimina in
partibus transmarinis.]
[Footnote 27: Prout modus est patrie.]
[Footnote 28: Infirmabatur per viam quasi ad mortem.]
[Footnote 29: _Mun._ 9228.]
[Footnote 30: Widmore, p. 191; _Mun._ 9225.]
[Footnote 31: Pastor, _Gesch. d. P._ i. p. 113.]
[Footnote 32: See the account in Pastor, _Gesch. d. P._; and Creighton,
_Hist. of the Papacy_, i. 61 ff.]
[Footnote 33: Creighton, _ibid._, p. 67.]
[Footnote 34: Cf. _Lib. Nig. Quat._ f. 88b, 89; J. C. Cox, _Sanctuaries_,
p. 51 f.; G. M. Trevelyan, _England in the Age of Wycliffe_, p. 87.]
[Footnote 35: Quod non erat ausus transire per Calis' propter metum
aduersariorum.]
[Footnote 36: _Mun._ 9503.]
[Footnote 37: Viz. John de Wratting, Colchester's senior by about
eighteen years.]
[Footnote 38: Cf. _Mun._ 18478, D.]
[Footnote 39: _Customary_, ii. 95.]
[Footnote 40: _Mun._ 5260, A.; December 3, 1407.]
[Footnote 41: _Mun._ 9615.]
[Footnote 42: On the other hand, Colchester may have come into the
affair either as Abbot's Seneschal or as Convent Treasurer.]
[Footnote 43: _Mun._ 5984.]
[Footnote 44: Indentura Willelmi Colchester de ouibus suis ad firmam
dimissis.]
[Footnote 45: Cf. Robinson and James, _Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey_,
p. 96 f.]
[Footnote 46: F. 507-69.]
[Footnote 47: _Mun._ 6603.]
[Footnote 48: Tabularium cum familia.]
[Footnote 49: Debiles.]
[Footnote 50: Cf. Col. H. Yule, _Marco Polo_, vol. i., Introd., Secs. 75-8.]
[Footnote 51: There are corresponding records in the cases of Abbot
Litlington (_ob._ 1386), _Mun._ 5446, and of John Canterbery (_ob._
1400), _Mun._ 18883.]
[Footnote 52: In manerio de la Neyte, hora prandendi (_Lib. Nig. Quat._
f. 86).]
[Footnote 53: Cf. J. Armitage Robinson, _The Abbot's House at Westminster_,
chap. ii., and Robinson and James, _Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey_,
pp. 7 ff.]
[Footnote 54: See an article by the Dean of Wells on the Array of the
Clergy in July, 1415 (_Nineteenth Century and After_, July, 1915, p. 86).]
[Footnote 55: _Mun._ 5446.]
[Footnote 56: Cf. J. Armitage Robinson, _An Unrecognised Westminster
Chronicler_, pp. 16, 22.]
[Footnote 57: _Lib. Nig. Quat._ f. 86, says December 10, 1386; but the
Westminster chronicler in the _Polychronicon_ (see J. Armitage Robinson,
_op. cit._, pp. 9, 22) says December 21. It is suggested that the
difference of eleven days represents the period during which the King
was supporting the cause of Lakyngheth.]
[Footnote 58: _Mun._ 5431.]
[Footnote 59: Volens sicut alias cassare electionem et electo postea
providere; Higden, _Polychronicon_, ix. pp. 98, 102; Robinson, _op. cit._,
pp. 9, 23.]
[Footnote 60: _Flete_, p. 138.]
[Footnote 61: April 18, 1388, p. 178.]
[Footnote 62: _Mun._ 9474.]
[Footnote 63: For the graves of the Duke and his wife, see E. T. Murray
Smith, _Roll Call of W.A._, p. 51 f.]
[Footnote 64: _Mun._ 5257.]
[Footnote 65: _Mun._ 7579.]
[Footnote 66: _Mun._ 5922.]
[Footnote 67: R. B. Rackham, _Nave of Westminster_, pp. 8-12.]
[Footnote 68: _Mun._ 6165.]
[Footnote 69: De consanguinitate domini, ut dicunt.]
[Footnote 70: Anulus de auro com diamandys.]
[Footnote 71: Interlusores.]
[Footnote 72: _Mun._ 6221.]
[Footnote 73: His record will be given in the Register referred to on
p. 18, note.]
[Footnote 74: _Mun._ 9500.]