amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash
their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I
gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with
willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being
accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me
to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith,
with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made
a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed
one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it,
making more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I see
a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time.
The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take
off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if
he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would
not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the
strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not
possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and
ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an
hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast
up the broth again; and in overstraining himself, began to bleed
at the nose, and so continued the space of four hours. Then they
all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we
much feared also. They asked me what I thought of him. I answered,
his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life; for
if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which
was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed,
and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed
his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen
cloth. But on a sudden he chopped his nose in the water, and drew
up some therein, and sent it forth again with such violence, as he
began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope; but we
perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore
told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did.
The messengers were now returned; but finding his stomach come
to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for
breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent,
because his body was so much altered since our instructions;
neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he
were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him; some, by
their report, from a place not less than an hundred miles. To all
that came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness,
how near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the English
came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered him to this
strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself.
The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him
that now he might see how hollow-hearted the English were, saying
if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would
have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to
withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some
things against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But
upon his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches: Now I see
the English are my friends and love me; and whilst I live, I will
never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were
there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers’. Divers
other things were worthy the noting; but I fear I have been too
tedious.
At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, and privately (none
hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,[79] who are of his
council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken
of, against Master Weston’s colony, and so against us; saying that
the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,[80] Mattachiest, Manomet,
Agowaywam,[81] and the isle of Capawack,[82] were joined with them;
himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would
neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we
respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety,
he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors
of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we
would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said he, upon
this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their
countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to
defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their
lives; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with
great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled
without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would
cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the
way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming
home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him; who
returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for
our labor and love; the like did all that were about him. So we
departed.
That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who till
now remained at Sawaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at
Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise
at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry
jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are
returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in
case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and
should send word thereof to Patuxet for _maskiet_,[83] that is,
physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it; and if he would,
whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered,
Yea; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at
his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, come
so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there
was no fear; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for
mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if
your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it
to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard,
with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us? Whereupon I
answered, it was the most honorable and respective entertainment
we could give them; it being an order amongst us so to receive our
best respected friends; and as it was used on the land, so the
ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen
observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such
salutations.
Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we
did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what
was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion
to tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of his
laws and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments; all which
they hearkened unto with great attention, and like well of; only
the seventh commandment they excepted against, thinking there
were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one
woman; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them,
that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the
author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon
that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and
strengthen our bodies; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied
therewith, we again returned thanks to the same our God, for that
our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well;
and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that
the same power that we called God, they called _Kiehtan_.[84]
Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be
too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than
comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had
better entertainment amongst any of them.
The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the
private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged
him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before; which
having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto.
That night we lodged at Namasket; and the day following, about
the mid-way between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us,
that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But
contrary winds again drove him back; so that we found him at home;
where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that
the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go
with him. But their secret and villainous purposes being, through
God’s mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish
to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger,
that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which should
be thought most necessary.
_Chapter 5_
OF STANDISH’S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSAGUSSET, AND
THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON’S COLONY AT THAT PLACE.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_]
Before this journey we heard many complaints, both by the Indians,
and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston’s colony, how
exceedingly their company abased themselves by indirect means,
to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them,
fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat;
whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten
enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night
brake the earth, and robbed the Indians’ store; for which they
had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small
amendment. This was about the end of February; at which time they
had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed,
neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any
terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to
that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled,
save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly
minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to write to
Plymouth; and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the
better do it. This course was well liked, and an Indian was sent
with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof
were to this effect; that being in great want, and their people
daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a
plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships
that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind;
but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He
had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew
to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore
was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return
of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving
his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward.
The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger what
store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who
answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having
already spared all they could.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]
Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to
advise with them herein; who, after serious consideration, no
way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered
his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto; the
contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked
their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature,
showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the
King’s Majesty, and his honorable Council for this place, both in
respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and
also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the
glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were bound to seek,
and were not to use such means as would breed a distaste in the
savages against our persons and professions, assuring them their
master would incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer
the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with
theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced
to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as
naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain
strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had
in great abundance, yea, oysters[85] also, which we wanted; and
therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto.
Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein,
all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and
then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made
the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and
therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue
their peace; upon which course they might with good conscience
desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they
could not.
Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most
swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more
unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they
should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful
actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet
the principal agents should expect no better than the gallows,
whensoever any special officer should be sent over by his Majesty,
or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would
undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the
contents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony.
Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders,
showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being
he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner
advised him to desist.
With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt
whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as
they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen; who
first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the
Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But
not having sufficient for the ship’s store, he took a shallop,
and leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his
return, set forward about the end of February; so that he knew not
of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it
known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick;
at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to
Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted
for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge
himself, revealed the same thing.
The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearly
court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many
circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being[86] to
undertake war without the consent of the body of the company, made
known the same in public court, offering it to the consideration of
the company, it being high time to come to resolution, how sudden
soever it seemed to them, fearing it would be put in execution
before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was
no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so
ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events
thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver
our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning their
malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing
them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; though
it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever
intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings. But
in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a
matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge,
nor fitness to know, because of many other Indians, which daily,
as occasion serveth, converse with us; therefore the Governor, his
Assistant, and the Captain, should take such to themselves as they
thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to
this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men,
as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the
Indians in the Massachuset bay; and because, (as all men know that
have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with
them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay
for others, therefore he should pretend trade, as at other times;
but first go to the English, and acquaint them with the plot, and
the end of his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages
towards them, he might the better judge of the certainty of it,
and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same; but should
forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make
sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken
of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a
warning and terror to all of that disposition.
[Sidenote: _24 Mar. 1623_]
Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not
take more, because he would prevent jealousy, knowing their guilty
consciences would soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day,
before he could go, came one[87] of Mr. Weston’s company by land
unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of
their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians’ carriages,
whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they
got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their
faces; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to
hold a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since
John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged[88] one of them
that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it not; that another
of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most
forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their
victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home; that
they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both
with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get
victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed
into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left. What
would be the event of these things he said he much feared; and
therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, though he knew
not the way, yet adventured to come to us; partly to make known
their weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived, and partly to
desire he might there remain till things were better settled at
the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to us, so it
gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which
Captain Standish was now fitted; and the wind coming fair, the next
day set forth for the Massachusets.
[Sidenote: _25 Mar. 1623_]
The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man; and suspecting
his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave out
there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some wolves
or bears would eat him. But we know, both by our own experience,
and the reports of others, that though they find a man sleeping,
yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him.
This Indian missed him but very little; and missing him, passed
by the town and went to Manomet; whom we hoped to take at his
return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for service,
and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it
being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so
great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot
bring [it] to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the
preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him
lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men
to reason against their own safety; as amongst us divers seeing
the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding,
flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it
rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity.
But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched
for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these
intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means
to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore
so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward
instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this
needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]
But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return
from Manomet, came through the town, pretending still friendship
and in love to see us; but as formerly others, so his end was to
see whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into
weakness, like their neighbours; which they hoped and looked for,
(though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be
glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him;
and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him
as their prisoner; where he told him he must be contented to remain
till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he
was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there
kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,[89] this being the first day, as
I take it, that ever any watch was there kept.
The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the
ship; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the
discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation
showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts,
and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked
them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security;
who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared
not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge with them,
not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain
answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon
further inquiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders
had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to
govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to
be brief, made known the Indians’ purpose, and the end of his own
coming, as also, (which formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they
durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they could be better
provided; but if they conceived of any other course, that might
be more likely for their good, that himself should further them
therein to the uttermost of his power. These men, comparing other
circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect
no better; and it was God’s mercy that they were not killed before
his coming; desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity
to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send
special command to one third of their company, that were farthest
off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep
the town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for
a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The
weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he
could do any thing.
In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs,
but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming
then for trade; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly
as possibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by
his eyes that he was angry in his heart; and therefore began to
suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who
was a _pniese_,[90] being a man of a notable spirit, to come to
Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that
the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages
there. “Tell him,” said he, “we know it, but fear him not, neither
will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take
us at unawares.” Many times after, divers of them severally, or few
together, came to the plantation to him; where they would whet and
sharpen the points of their knives before his face, and use many
other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat
bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle
there was pictured a woman’s face; “but,” said he, “I have another
at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that
hath a man’s face on it; and by and by these two must marry.”
Further he said of that knife he there had, _Hinnaim namen, hinnaim
michen, matta cuts_; that is to say, By and by it should see, and
by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man
of greater stature than the Captain,[91] told him, though he were a
great captain, yet he was but a little man; and, said he, though I
be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These
things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present.
On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at
once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another
man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother
to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting
many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many
of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men,
and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and
snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling,
killed him therewith, the point whereof he had made as sharp as
a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the
other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain
caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these
two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful
noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last.
Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not,
observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action. All
being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to
the Captain: “Yesterday Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and
stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but
a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on
the ground.” But to proceed; there being some women at the same
time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston’s
people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had
intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst
them. These killed two more. Himself also with some of his own
men went to another place, where they killed another; and through
the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered and
crossed their proceedings.[92]
Not long before this execution, three of Mr. Weston’s men, which
more regarded their bellies than any command or commander, having
formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went
again to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertainment.
The first night they came thither, within night, late came a
messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message.
Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and
breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and
went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their
return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being
more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind,
especially the Captain’s presence, and the strait charge that on
pain of death none should go a musket shot from the plantation,
and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began
to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off
than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return,
but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left,
and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away,
forsaking the paths, lest he should be pursued; and by this means
saved his life.
Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two
of Mr. Weston’s, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of
them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians, which
made towards them amain; and there being a small advantage in the
ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for
it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took
each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at
himself and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and
being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so
fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him; insomuch
as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm
and half face of a notable villain, as he drew[93] at Captain
Standish; who together with another both discharged at once at him,
and brake his arm; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they
were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting
nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come
out and fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was
in tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain
returned to the plantation; where he released the women, and
would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least
discourtesy to be offered them.
Now were Mr. Weston’s people resolved to leave their plantation,
and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return[94] with
the fishing ships. The Captain told them, that for his own part he
durst there live with fewer men than they were; yet since they
were otherways minded, according to his order from the governors
and people of Plymouth, he would help them with corn competent for
their provision by the way; which he did, scarce leaving himself
more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of
the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with
him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop; and seeing them
set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,[95] he took leave and
returned to Plymouth; whither he came in safety, blessed be God!
and brought the head of Wituwamat with him.
Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a
courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding
the death of his countrymen, came to the Captain without fear,
saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so
to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians intended to kill Mr.
Weston’s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two
more canoes or boats, which Mr. Weston’s men would have finished
by this time, having made them three already, had not the Captain
prevented them; and the end of stay for those boats was to take
their ship therewith.
Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being
brought to the fort, and there set up.[96] The governors and
captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine
the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether
he knew it, he answered, Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that
all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being
drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that
prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal
were killed, being Pecksuot and Wituwamat, whose head was there;
the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us,
though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would
not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for
his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger
lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and
besought for him; but was bribed so to do. Nevertheless, that we
might show mercy as well as extremity, the Governor released him,
and the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to
Obtakiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but
he would have been gone; but the Governor bid him stay, and fear
not, for he should receive no hurt; and by Hobbamock commanded
him to deliver this message to his master: That for our parts it
never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till
their own treachery enforced us thereunto, and therefore they might
thank themselves for their own overthrow; yet since he had begun,
if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his country
should not hold him; for he would never suffer him or his to rest
in peace, till he had utterly consumed them; and therefore should
take this as a warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet the
three Englishmen he had, and not kill them; also that he should
not spoil the pale and houses at Wichaguscusset; and that this
messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both;
promising his safe return.
This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with
[an] answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterwards
they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though
long, a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry that the
English were killed, before he heard from the Governor; otherwise
he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his
peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about
it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to
place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him.
Concerning those other people, that intended to join the
Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of
them; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with
the just judgment of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so
terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their
houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps
and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst
themselves, whereof very many are dead; as Canacum, the sachim
of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and Ianough, sachim
of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the midst of these
distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them,
and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange
to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them.
Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because
through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of
life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and
strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents
to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace; but the boat
was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from
our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but
returned; so as none of them dare come amongst us.
I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things.
Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth
and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and
the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports
undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself
where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief,
lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise,
which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were
at the pit’s brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in
danger.
_Chapter 6_
OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE
COLONY.
[Sidenote: _April. 1623_]
The month of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare
for corn. And because there was no corn left before this time,
save that was preserved for seed, being also hopeless of relief by
supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and prosecute
that as most necessary. And because there was no[97] small hope of
doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were
in; for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had
nothing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not
so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they
had done; especially considering that self-love wherewith every
man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good
before his neighbour’s, and also the base disposition of some
drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most
burdenous to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man
should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation,
both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own corn
for the year following; and bring in a competent portion for the
maintenance of public officers, fishermen, &c., which could not
be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This
course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to
gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselves
and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this
condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they
might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same,
during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be
employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary
for the general good. And because there is great difference in the
ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a
person, and each man to have his fall by lot,[98] as being most
just and equal, and against which no man could except.
At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded,
but this approved and followed, as being the most likely for the
present and future good of the company; and therefore before this
month began to prepare our ground against seed-time.
[Sidenote: _July. 1623_]
In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then
seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of
after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of
May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a
great drought, insomuch as in six weeks after the latter setting
there scarce fell any rain; so that the stalk of that was first
set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth,
and that which was later not like to yield any at all, both blade
and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner,
as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according
to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched
away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were
our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into
mourning.[99]
To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard
of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having
two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship
three hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no
further of her; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast,
which could not be judged to be any other than the same.[100] So
that at once God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most
courageous were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had
been our only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm
himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his
wrath?
These and the like considerations moved not only every good man
privately to enter into examination with his own estate between
God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but
also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord
by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public
authority, and set apart from all other employments; hoping that
the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved
hereby in mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of
our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand
with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God! who
was as ready to hear, as we to ask; for though in the morning,
when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the
drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise
continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our departure, the
weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides,
and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate
showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such
seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered
corn or drooping affections were most quickened or revived; such
was the bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians, by
means of Hobbamock,[101] took notice; who being then in the town,
and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but
three days since Sunday; and therefore demanded of a boy, what
was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects
followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of
our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a
time; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our
invocation on the name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with
such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good,
it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice; but ours
in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the
like.
At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by
the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony,
returned with the same, accompanied with one Mr. David Tomson,[102]
a Scotchman, who also that spring began a plantation twenty-five
leagues northeast from us, near Smith’s isles,[103] at a place
called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of
the third repulse that our supply had,[104] of their safe, though
dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to
us. So that having these many signs of God’s favor and acceptation,
we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should
smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving
for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And
therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for
that end; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all
thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us;
whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church,
and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore.
Amen.
In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two
ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers,[105]
except one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also,
notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found
not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger
ship, called the Anne,[106] was hired, and there again freighted
back;[107] from whence we set sail the 10th of September. The
lesser, called the LITTLE JAMES,[108] was built for the company at
their charge.[109] She was now also fitted for trade and discovery
to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail; whom I
pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings.
_Chapter 7_
OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CEREMONIES OF THE
INDIANS.
[Sidenote: _1623_]
Thus have I made a true and full narration of the state of our
Plantation, and such things as were most remarkable therein since
December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through
weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I confess
my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I undertook; being
urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in
others, and but for which I would not have undertaken the same.
Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to
be understood; wherein others may see that which we are bound to
acknowledge, viz. that if ever any people in these later ages were
upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than
others, then we; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the
memory of His goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these
forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had
often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties
of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after
time; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen
men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night,
by the good providence and blessing of God, we have enjoyed such
plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us.
How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there
settling, and in the midst of barbarous enemies! Yet God wrought
our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit’s brim, and in
danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that
we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, and from how
many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can best
tell. So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but
think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance
to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in
so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the
constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate
for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish
New England from Old.
A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed
amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and sundry
other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others,
in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and
knowledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without
any religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though
we could then gather no better; for as they conceive of many
divine powers, so of one, whom they call _Kiehtan_,[110] to be
the principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none.
He, they say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures
contained therein; also that he made one man and one woman, of whom
they and we and all mankind came;[111] but how they became so far
dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no
sachim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens,
whither all good men go when they die, to see their friends, and
have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far
westward in the heavens, they say; thither the bad men go also, and
knock at his door, but he bids them _quatchet_, that is to say,
walk abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in
restless want and penury.[112] Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old
men tell of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge
them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge
upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they
would obtain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him;
and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give
thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same.
Another power they worship, whom they call _Hobbamock_, and to
the northward of us, _Hobbamoqui_;[113] this, as far as we can
conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and
diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the
same for some conceived anger against them; but upon their calling
upon him, can and doth help them; but when they are mortal and
not curable in nature, then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry,
and sends them, whom none can cure; insomuch as in that respect
only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore
in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry
forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an
eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but
the chiefest and most judicious amongst them; though all of them
strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He appeareth most
ordinary and is most conversant with three sorts of people. One, I
confess I neither know by name nor office directly; of these they
have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can
kill them; another they call by the name of _powah_; and the third
_pniese_.
The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in
calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded.
The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation,
but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he
saith; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him.
The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and
joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the
party diseased.[114] If the party be wounded, he will also seem to
suck the wound; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth
it not, but _askooke_, that is, the snake, or _wobsacuck_, that is,
the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none
see but the powah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party
be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape
he but come into the house, taking it for an undoubted sign of
recovery.
And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana
at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had
their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared
in those forms in the same. In the powah’s speech, he promiseth
to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads,
knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he
will come to help the party diseased; but whether they perform it,
I know not. The other practices I have seen, being necessarily
called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best
arguments I could to make them understand against the same. They
have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the
party; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so
proved; yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when any
of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in
child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary
means, they send for this powah; though ordinarily their travail is
not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more
hardy nature; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen
the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather,
in a boat upon the sea.
Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children.
It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a
little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to
Kiehtan; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The
Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great
spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term
them, priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort all
their people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their
gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which
are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the
midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering
every man bringeth freely; and the more he is known to bring, hath
the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us
approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like;
and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset as at
other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used.
The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also
the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we
conceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death
by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both
themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed
from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by
painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage
and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an
hundred men; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in
their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and
are of the sachim’s council, without whom they will not war, or
undertake any weighty business.[115] In war their sachims, for
their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men
of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most
hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous and humane in their
carriages than any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the
like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any
men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the
most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great
hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers
orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil
may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry[116] and
other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into
the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through
extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood;
and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so
continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on
their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat
their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes,
stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the
devil, that in time he may appear unto them.
Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of
them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage
unto them;[117] neither may they war without their knowledge
and approbation; yet to be commanded by the greater, as occasion
serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus,
of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for
the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way
maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them.
A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to
him in birth; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become
ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no
other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience
to the principal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like
their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their
lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is
successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or
daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection
and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till
he be of age; but when that is, I know not.
Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own
country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of
that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth
them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this
circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him
his fee; which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on
the land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof. The great
sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well
as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge
at the sachim’s. When they come, they tell them how long they will
stay, and to what place they go; during which time they receive
entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a
year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on
the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place,
near the sachim’s dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of
corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready
to give thanks to the people, on the sachim’s behalf; and after
acquaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no
less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them.
When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto
them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till
their death or recovery.[118] If they die, they stay a certain
time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty,
many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as
though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one
from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their
eyes, and almost from ours also.[119] But if they recover, then
because their sickness was chargeable, they send corn and other
gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat they feast
and dance, which they call _commoco_. When they bury the dead,
they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If
the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and
bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale.
If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special
jewels and ornaments in the earth with it; also will cut his hair,
and disfigure himself very much, in token of sorrow. If it be the
man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats, and leave
the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either
remove their dwelling or give over housekeeping.
The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of
the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The
women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,[120]
set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their
food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household
care lying upon them.
The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices,
whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys
and girls may not wear their hair like men and women, but are
distinguished thereby.
A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show
forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men
take much tobacco; but for boys so to do, they account it odious.
All their names are significant and variable; for when they come
to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their
deeds or dispositions.
When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and
after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out.
Their women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will
scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very
chaste also; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a
woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war
or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away
from him to the contrary party, and there live; where they never
come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty.
When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself from
all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone; after
which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used,
and is again received to her husband’s bed or family. For adultery,
the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please.
Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places; but
they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for
adultery; for no man will keep such an one to wife.
In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachim examineth
and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence,
he is disgracefully rebuked; for the second, beaten by the sachim
with a cudgel on the naked back; for the third, he is beaten with
many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all
men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must
likewise die for the same. The sachim not only passes the sentence
upon malefactors,[121] but executeth the same with his own hands,
if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, in
case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same.[122] But
if the offender be to receive other punishment, he will not receive
the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he
kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never
so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during
the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment.
As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like
some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the
same leather. They wear also a deer’s skin loose about them, like
a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit
they travel; but when they are at home, or come to their journey’s
end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes,
wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe
the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment
that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad
in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only
their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings
about their legs, which the men never do.
The people are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of
time by the moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the
stars by name; in particular they know the north star, and call it
_maske_, which is to say, the bear;[123] also they have many names
for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather
beforehand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that
some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list--can
raise storms and tempests,[124] which they usually do when they
intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason
of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their
enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest
exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any,
they keep more careful watch than at other times.
As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult.
As yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can
understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by
the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be
difference in a hundred miles’ distance of place, both in language
and manners, yet not so much but that they very well understand
each other.[125] And thus much of their lives and manners.
Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course. Where any
remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by
some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground,
about a foot deep, and as much over; which when others passing by
behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which
being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion
serveth, therewith; and lest such holes should be filled or grown
up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same;
by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory.
So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his
journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical
discourses [which] will be related unto him.
_Chapter 8_