When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for
the satisfaction of my private friends; but since that time have
been persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a
disorderly colony[4] that are dispersed, and most of them returned,
to the great prejudice and damage of him[5] that set them forth;
who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect
of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be
feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous
reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle
courses. I would not be understood to think there were no well
deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a
grief to some that they were so yoked; whose deserts, as they were
then suitable to their honest protestations, so I desire still may
be in respect of their just and true Relations.
Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so plainly, than
any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation; yea, it may be, tax
me therewith, as seeming rather to discourage men than any way to
further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discouraged, I
am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause; and am so far from
being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.[6] And
for other light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my
desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where
they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task.
Some faults have escaped because I could not attend on the
press,[7] which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall
account it as a favor unto me.
Thine,
E. W.
_Chapter 1_
A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE
OF VIRGINIA.
At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respected friends, I
have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as
were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September
last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because
men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their affairs,
being we are so far distant, I will therefore satisfy the doubtful
therein. Captain Francis West[8] being in New England about the
latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and
returned in August. In September the same ship and company being
discharged by him at Damarin’s Cove,[9] came to New Plymouth,
where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia since
that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians upon our friends
and countrymen,[10] the whole ship’s company agreed in this,
viz. that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro,
insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for
the present would not admit of any; that Sir George Early, &c. was
at that present employed upon service against them; that amongst
many other, Opachancano,[11] the chief emperor, was supposed to
be slain; his son also was killed at the same time. And though,
by reason of these forenamed broils in the fore part of the year,
the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God’s
mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as
good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the hopes
of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn; so that the
planters were never more full of encouragement; which I pray God
long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory
may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for
his mercy’s sake. Amen.
_Chapter 2_
OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND
VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.
[Sidenote: 1622]
The good ship called the FORTUNE, which, in the month of November,
1621, (blessed be God,) brought us a new supply of thirty-five
persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of
Nanohigganset,[12] which are reported to be many thousands strong,
began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding
their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer;
insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides
was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a
man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than
before our supply came. But though none of them were present, yet
understanding by others that they neither brought arms, nor other
provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them
to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.[13] At
length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,[14] their
chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly
Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter,
who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and
leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake’s
skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not
knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it
with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of
Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so
often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum,
at his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with
the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could learn any thing from
him; whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not
certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.
[Sidenote: _Jan. 1622_]
That night Captain Standish gave me and another[15] charge of him,
and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want
any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire
of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify
that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom.
At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing;
but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger
which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return
persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him
thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of
the things [which] were sent him by or Governor, scorning the
meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent,
and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed
the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his
false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that
upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he
would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and
his Assistant[16] and Captain Standish, who, after consultation,
considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; and it
being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe
to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty; the Governor
giving him order to certify his master that he had heard of his
large and many threatenings, at which he was much offended; daring
him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled
to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting withal
(as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he
could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be
offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and
giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian
again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to
persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him,
and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in
such extremity.
After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were
delivered, and the manner of the messenger’s carriage related,
he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake’s skin
in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a
challenge.[17] Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor
stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning
no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now
present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of
his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet
withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked
for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such
sort, as it was no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he
would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in
his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another
took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time,
at length came whole back again.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1622_]
In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our
high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to
all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our
arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all
expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few
days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated;
making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of
the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three
whereof are gates,[18] and the fourth in time to be. This being
done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or
companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of
each; and, at a general muster of training,[19] appointed each his
place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm,
to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his
absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according
to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for
defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which
they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they
graced them with their shot, and so departed.
Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage
by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain company,
that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town,
should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose the
house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with
their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in
that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this
guard, they were then freed from it; but not otherwise, without
special command.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1622_]
Long before this time we promised the people of Massachusets, in
the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their
furs; which being then come, we began to make preparation for
that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who
still lived in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets
or Massachuseucks (for so they called the people of that place,)
were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of
Nanohigganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity
to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad; but, howsoever,
in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks
would assault the town at home; giving many reasons for his
jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who,
we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our
shallops to the Indians’ houses, for their better advantage. To
confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages that
passed between him and others, having their meetings ordinarily
abroad, in the woods; but if at home, howsoever, he was excluded
from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, when
they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there
was no show of honesty.
Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant and Captain
Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet
for advice in so weighty a business; who, after consideration
hereof, came to this resolution; that as hitherto, upon all
occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted
courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety
to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because our
store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily
food, without which we could not long subsist; but especially
for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged
to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than
ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of
God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and
weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed
in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go
the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home
and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty;
whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so
we had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in
our preservation and continuance, where we desired rather to be
instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give them the
least measure of just offence.
[Sidenote: _April. 1622_]
All things being now in readiness, the forenamed Captain, with ten
men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamock, set forwards for
the Massachusets. But we[20] had no sooner turned the point of the
harbour, called the Gurnet’s Nose,[21] (where, being becalmed, we
let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row,)
but there came an Indian of Tisquantum’s family running to certain
of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his
face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to
them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had
him in chase; saying that at Namaschet (a town some fifteen miles
from us,) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat[22]
our supposed friend, and Conbatant,[23] our feared enemy, with
many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present
opportunity to assault the town in the Captain’s absence; affirming
that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf,
and by sleight escaped; looking oft backward, as if he suspected
them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor;
whereupon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should be
made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of
hearing, we might return thereat; which we no sooner heard, but
we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves,
and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the harbour,
we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with
all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock
said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat’s
faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken
any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse,[24] that
is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the
manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the
advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor
answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions
of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but
especially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest,
but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto
Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust
him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections.
But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor
caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick,
the chief place of Massassowat’s residence, (pretending other
occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right
state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things
quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she]
told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by them called
Patuxet;) which, when he understood, he was much offended at the
carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Governor for
his good thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their
first Articles of Peace, he would send word and give warning when
any such business was towards.
Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were
only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means
of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he
stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could
lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the
Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended
shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself,
to work their peace; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem
than many of their sachims; yea, they themselves sought to him, who
promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so
as they would resort to him; so that whereas divers were wont to
rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to this abode, now
they began to leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though he
could not make good these his large promises, especially because of
the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised
this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of
blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby
he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched;
and hoping if that block were once removed, there were not other
between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred
before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor
sharply reproved him; yet was he so necessary and profitable an
instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our
ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun
with us, they should have no cause to fear; and if any hereafter
should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and
seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good
satisfaction on all sides.
[Sidenote: _May. 1622_]
After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets; where
we had good store of trade,[25] and (blessed be God) returned in
safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and
extremity of weather.
At our return we found Massassowat at the Plantation; who made his
seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being
much offended and enraged against Tisquantum; whom the Governor
pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after
his departure, he sent a messenger to the Governor, entreating him
to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him.
But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in
respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare
him; and the rather, because without him he knew not well how to
understand himself or any other the Indians. With this answer the
messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with
divers others, demanding him from[26] Massassowat, their master, as
being one of his subjects, whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we
could not retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it without
the Governor’s approbation, offered him many beavers’ skins for
his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their
sachim had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off
his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor
answered, It was not the manner of the English to sell men’s lives
at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give
them their reward; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift;
but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet
offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author
and worker of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to
be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant
when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his
executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and
fall behind a headland[27] not far off. Whereupon, having heard
many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any
combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the
Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver
them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at
delay, they departed in great heat.
Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this
Tisquantum; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with
the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told
them we had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our
pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and
destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being,
upon the forenamed brabbles,[28] sent for by the Governor to this
place, where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being
broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain barrels of
powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what
it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein
the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others.
After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whether such a thing
were, and whether we had such command of it; who answered, No; but
the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his
pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.
This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; at which
time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long
before with a bare and short allowance. The reason was, that
supply of men, before mentioned,[29] which came so unprovided,
not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole
company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship’s store
homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be
blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were
too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we
enjoyed.[30] But that I may return.
[Sidenote; _June. 1622_]
This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a fishing
ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston,
late merchant and citizen of London, which brought six or seven
passengers at his charge, that should before have been landed at
our Plantation;[31] who also brought no more provision for the
present than served the boat’s gang for their return to the ship;
which made her voyage at a place called Damarin’s Cove,[32] near
Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward; about which
place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself
was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals
as the ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment and good
respect, with a willingness to supply our wants. But being not able
to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of
some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would
not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely,
wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure
have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for
which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their
abilities; which, although it were not much amongst so many people
as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet
care of the governors, recovered and preserved strength till our
own crop on the ground was ready.
Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient,
where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than when I left
it; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof
much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others.
But here it may be said, if the country abound with fish and fowl
in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure
of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer, every
thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith,
will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries; so he
that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his
expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the
beginning of October to the end of March; but these extremities
befell us in May and June. I confess, that as the fowl decrease,
so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a
great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks
were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong
seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through,
and carried all away before them. And though the sea were full of
cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And
indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shellfish
are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished,
unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for our
preservation.
In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen,
the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches,
glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere
long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and
neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned
further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill
called the Mount,[33] enclosed within our pale, under which our
town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence
a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians
can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served.
This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation
of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual
guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from
having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it
took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet,
life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead
thereof for our further preservation.
_Chapter 3_
OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON’S COLONY AT WESSAGUSSET, AND OF
SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN.
[Sidenote: _July. 1622_]
In the end June or beginning of July, came into our harbour two
ships of Master Weston’s aforesaid; the one called the Charity,[34]
the other the Swan; having in them some fifty or sixty men, sent
over at his own charge to plant for him.[35] These we received into
our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition
could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them,
having many passengers which she was to land in Virginia. In the
mean time the body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst
some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of
corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest
walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem
to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not day and
night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to
taste, though green and unprofitable; and though they received much
kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the
love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the
chief of them being forestalled and made against us before then
came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master’s sake,
who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them
whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things
to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when
God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that
their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their
places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and
unconscionable beginnings.
At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment
a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets[36]
at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset.[37] To which place
the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still
with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor’s permission,
though on their parts undeserved; whom our surgeon,[38] by the
help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as
occasion served.
They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears
with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other
abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the
same men,[39] in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading
Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor
to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons
how it might be commodious for us. Be we knew no means to redress
those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as
occasion served.
[Sidenote: _Aug. 1622_]
In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The
one, as I take it, was called the Discovery, Captain Jones[40]
having the command thereof; the other was that ship of Mr.
Weston’s, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of
fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for
Virginia.[41] Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such
provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as he
used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And
had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him
to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or
after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year
following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner
of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by
trade; but, through God’s good mercy towards us, he had wherewith,
and did supply our wants on that kind competently.[42]
[Sidenote: _Oct. 1622_]
In the end of September, or beginning of October, Mr. Weston’s
biggest ship, called the Charity, returned for England, and left
their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit
amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with
his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired
to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn; to which our
Governor and his Assistant[43] agreed, upon such equal conditions,
as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief
places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod; and the more,
because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with
Massassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still
hoped, passage within the shoals.
[Sidenote: _Nov. 1622_]
Both colonies being thus agreed, and their companies fitted and
joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed
in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law
to master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and
government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom
we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could.
Afterward, having further order to proceed by letter from their
other Governor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set
forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent
winds; himself the second time being sick of a violent fever. By
reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than
formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and
spend much time in fortification, but especially because such
havock was made of that little we had, through the unjust and
dishonest carriage of those people, before mentioned, at our first
entertainment of them,) our Governor in his own person supplied the
Captain’s place; and, in the month of November, again set forth,
having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he
had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English
and French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master
of the ship saw no hope of passage; but being, as he thought, in
danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum’s directions, made for
a harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke; which
they found, and sounding it with their shallop, found the channel,
though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured the
ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more
violence at some other place more southerly,[44] which they had not
seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season
all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof
might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as
yet known.
That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum
for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played
least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there
before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came
to them, welcoming our Governor according to their savage manner;
refreshing them very well with store of venison and other victuals,
which they brought them in great abundance; promising to trade with
them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was
mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for
at first they were loth their dwellings should be known; but when
they saw our Governor’s resolution to stay on the shore all night,
they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their
stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our
men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden,
neither it nor they could be found; and so many times after, upon
conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But
being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s means better persuaded, they
left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight
hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This
gave our Governor and the company good encouragement; Tisquantum
being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming
they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals
aforesaid.
But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet
God had otherways disposed; who struck Tisquantum with sickness,
insomuch as he there died;[45] which crossed their southward
trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much
doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon
discovery, having no guide to direct them.
From thence they departed; and the wind being fair for the
Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because the savages,
upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised
not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a
great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the plague,
if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor,
against the other plantation seated by them, for their injurious
walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown
in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used
to do for a beaver’s skin; so that little good could be there done.
From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod,
to a place called Nauset; where the sachim[46] used the Governor
very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn
and beans; also at a place called Mattachiest,[47] where they had
like kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their
trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms,
as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away; so
that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they had
bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues
from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no
carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in
her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round
stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge
to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next
to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he
undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time,
according to the Governor’s request, the sachim sent men to seek
the shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water
mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for
the present; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge,
that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch
both it and the corn; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he
would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship, which
they so much made show of; but if they were, they should certainly
smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good
whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest,
and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the ship and take
his journey home by land with our own company, sending word to
the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for
Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, to meet
them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty
miles to our Plantation,[48] set forward, receiving all respect
that could be from the Indians in his journey; and came safely
home, though weary and surbated;[49] whither some three days after
the ship[50] also came.
The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston’s company
went to their own plantation; it being further agreed, that they
should return with all convenient speed, and bring their carpenter,
that they might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop.
[Sidenote: _Jan. 1623_]
At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered and in health,
took another shallop, and went with them to the corn, which they
found in safety as they left it. Also they mended the other
shallop, and got all their corn aboard the ship. This was in
January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy; insomuch as,
(the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained to cut
both the shallops from the ship’s stern; and so lost them both a
second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, they found
them both, not having received any great hurt.
Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore,
laying their shallop in a creek[51] not far from them, an Indian
came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other
trifles, out of the same; which, when the Captain missed, he took
certain of his company with him and went to the sachim, telling
him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party
that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or
else he would revenge it on them before his departure; and so took
leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness
they offered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous,
accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted[52] the
Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see
the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to
the finger’s end, withal bowing the knee, striving to imitate the
English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum.
His men did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our
men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After
salutation, he delivered the beads and other things to the Captain,
saying he had much beaten the party for doing it; causing the women
to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire; seeming
to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they
departed and came home in safety; where the corn was equally
divided, as before.
After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with
another company, and bought corn likewise of them. The one is
called Namasket, the other Manomet.[53] That from Namasket was
brought home partly by Indian women;[54] but a great sickness
arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the
rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim’s custody.
This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and
stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of
Nanohigganset,[55] and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence.
It will bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the
Dutch or French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the bay
of Cape Cod, about eight miles;[56] out of which bay it floweth
into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The
heads of the river and this creek are not far distant. This river
yieldeth, thus high, oysters,[57] muscles, clams,[58] and other
shellfish; one in shape like a bean,[59] another like a clam;
both good meat, and great 1623 abundance at all times; besides it
aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.[60]
The Governor, or sachim, of this place was called Canacum;[61] who
had formerly, as well as many others, yea all with whom as yet we
had to do, acknowledged themselves the subjects of our sovereign
lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly; and it
seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For
whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather,
came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside
their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the
fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time,
nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when
they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one
of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from
his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which
the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech
to him; the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who
then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth.
It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game,
(for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away
all, even their skin from their backs,[62] yea their wives’ skins
also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as
myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed the
other. The actor of this fact was a _powah_,[63] one of special
note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well miss; yet
another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if
they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold;
neither would their sachim do one way or other till their return,
resting upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter.
After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave
their judgment what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked
Hobbamock what he thought; who answered, He was but a stranger
to them; but thought it was better that one should die than many,
since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he
passed the sentence of death upon him.
[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_]
Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain
Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also
with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost;
insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they
entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared
them a good quantity of corn to confirm the same. Strangers also
came to this place, pretending only to see him and his company,
whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with
the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through
extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God
possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving
strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest
should wake, declaring some things to them which he understood,
whereof he could make no good construction.
Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole some beads
also from him; which he no sooner perceived, having not above six
men with him, drew them all from the boat, and set them on their
guard about the sachim’s house, where the most of the people
were; threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if
they would not forthwith restore them; signifying to the sachim
especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the
least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which
should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the
sachim bestirred him to find out the party; which, when he had
done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to
the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about
the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them
lying openly upon the boat’s cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they
brought corn afresh to trade; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and
so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst
not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy
and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the
Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter; for it being
now February, they abounded with them.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]
In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he took a
shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor
had formerly bought,[64] hoping also to get more from them; but
was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he
found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The reason
whereof, and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken
of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards; wherein may be
observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his providence
for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and
not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the
shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim’s house, but in came
two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat,
a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands
in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own
valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said,
they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men.
This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten
of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachim; and
after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in
such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst
us,[65] could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was
afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massacheuseuks had
formerly concluded to ruinate Master Weston’s colony; and thought
themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to
execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time
as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their
party good against us at Plymouth; concluding, that if we remained,
though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we
would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged; and
therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both
plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachim,
as also the other, called Ianough,[66] at Mattachiest, and many
others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same;
and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain’s
presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company.
After this his message was delivered, his entertainment much
exceeded the Captain’s; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour,
and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him,
because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest
of his company; but he would not, desiring, according to promise,
that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the
women[67] for their labor; which they did. At the same time there
was a lusty Indian of Paomet,[68] or Cape Cod, then present, who
had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general
carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards
the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the
rest; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued
affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven
gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof,
saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his
friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some
of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life
before; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with him at
their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to kill him before they
parted; which done, they intended to fall upon the rest.
The night proved exceeding cold; insomuch as the Captain could not
take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and fro at
the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not
sleep as at other times; who answered, He knew not well, but had no
desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity.
The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied
with the other Indian; who used many arguments to persuade them
to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the
most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our
wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by
contrary wind; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted
to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again.
_Chapter 4_
WINSLOW’S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT MASSASOIT IN HIS
SICKNESS.
[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_]
During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news came to
Plymouth that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the
same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore
by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till
the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a
commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note,
are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to
visit them in their extremity,[69] either in their persons, or
else to send some acceptable persons to them; therefore it was
thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had
ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same,
by observing this their laudable custom; and the rather, because
we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing
when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself
having formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the
Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself,
and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him; having one
Master John Hamden,[70] a gentleman of London, who then wintered
with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and
Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first
night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment.
The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry[71] in
Conbatant’s country, where, upon discharge of my piece, divers
Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us
that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried; and that the
Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off
their ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially
Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him
I would first think of it. Considering now, that he being dead,
Conbatant[72] was the most like to succeed him, and that we were
not above three miles from Mattapuyst,[73] his dwelling-place,
although he were but a hollow-hearted friend toward us, I thought
no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with
him, and the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through the
blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to
settle their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat
dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and
Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him, which he
might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving
the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if
Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me; whom I found
willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good.
So we went towards Mattapuyst.
In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth
into these speeches: _Neen womasu sagimus, neen womasu sagimus_,
&c. “My loving sachim, my loving sachim! Many have I known, but
never any like thee.” And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived,
I should never see his like amongst the Indians; saying, he was no
liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger
and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled towards
such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure as he
would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed his
men better with few strokes, than others did with many; truly
loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend
left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained
their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of
lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest
heart relent.
At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the _sachimo
comaco_,[74] for so they call the sachim’s place, though they
call an ordinary house _witeo_;[75] but Conbatant, the sachim,
was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six
miles off. The _squasachim_, for so they call the sachim’s wife,
gave us friendly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning
Massassowat; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty.
Whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick,
that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint
Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before
sunsetting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet
dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this
we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it
was late within night ere we got thither. About two from the clock
that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed; so that in that respect our
journey was frustrate.
When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we
could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make
way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him,
making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well,
and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.[76] About him were
six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep
heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told
him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having
understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who
was come? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the
letter _l_, but ordinarily _n_ in place thereof.[77] He desired to
speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put
forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very
inwardly, _Keen Winsnow_? which is to say, “Art thou Winslow?” I
answered, _Ahhe_, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words; _Matta
neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow_! that is to say, “O Winslow, I shall
never see thee again.”
Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that
the Governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same; and
though, by reason of many businesses, he could not come himself,
yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely
to do him good in this his extremity;[78] and whereof if he pleased
to take, I would presently give him; which he desired; and having
a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of
my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his
teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice
of it, whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he
had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired
to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue
swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat
such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed
his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption
out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection,
which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink,
I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half
an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of
all that beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to
him, which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean time
I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he
slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five.
Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way,
in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him,
saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send
for more of the same; also for chickens to make him broth, and for
other things, which I knew were good for him; and would stay the
return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous
kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the
clock in the morning; against which time I made ready a letter,
declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, &c.,
desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as
the surgeon durst administer to him.
He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece,
and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such
as he had eaten at Plymouth; which I promised. After, his stomach
coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before I
went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and
unacquainted in such businesses, especially having nothing to make
it comfortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being
we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and
take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in
a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes. When the day
broke, we went out, it being now March, to seek herbs, but could
not find any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a handful,
and put into the same; and because I had nothing to relish it, I
went forth again, and pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a
piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then
took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through
my handkerchief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and
liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more; also
he had three moderate stools, and took some rest; insomuch as we
with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and
ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of
them acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation.