CHAPTER X

CONVERSATIONS

It must have been more than a week after my long talk with Conductor

Lickrod that I was sitting one evening in the hotel with Mr. Johnson

and a certain Francarian gentleman to whom he had introduced me, when

the latter made a suggestion that has since proved very useful to me.

Mr. Villele the Francarian is a short and rather stout man of middle

age, with a pair of merry black eyes, a swarthy complexion, and dark

hair beginning to turn grey. He professes to find Meccania and the

Meccanians amusing, but I suspect from the nature of his sarcasms that

he entertains a deep hatred of them. We were talking of my journal when

he said, "And what is the use of it?"

"Well," I said, "I do not flatter myself that I can produce a great

literary work, but the facts I have been able to place on record are so

interesting in themselves that I believe my countrymen would welcome a

plain straightforward account of my visit to this most extraordinary

country."

"I have heard," he said, "that the Chinese have very good verbal

memories. Have you committed your record to memory in its entirety?"

"Why should I?" I replied; "it is to save my memory that I am taking

the trouble of making such full notes, even of such things as

conversations."

"And how do you propose to get your journal out of the country?"

"I propose to take it with me when I return," I said.

At this he turned to Johnson and laughed, but immediately apologised

for his apparent rudeness.

"And what about the Censor?" he asked.

"Surely," I replied, "these people take such precautions not to let us

foreigners see anything they do not want us to see, that they cannot

object to a faithful record being made of what they do permit us to

see!"

"Then you have not even read Regulation 79 of the Law concerning

Foreign Observers."

"What is that?" I asked.

"Simply that foreigners are not allowed to take out of the country

anything they have not been permitted to bring in, except with the

consent of the Chief Inspector of Foreign Observers."

"And you think they will object?"

"I have not the slightest doubt."

"But it is written partly in Chinese; they would have to translate it."

"All the more reason for detaining it. If you ever get it again, it

will be in a few years, after it has been translated for the benefit

of the Sociological Section of the Ministry of Culture."

"What do you advise me to do, then?" I asked.

"Have you any friends at the Chinese Embassy?" he asked.

"I have no personal friends. At least I have not troubled to inquire.

I have had no business at the Embassy; there seemed no reason why I

should trouble them."

"There is a fellow-countryman of yours here in Mecco who is _persona

grata_ with the Authorities," said Villele, "but he is rather a dark

horse."

"A dark horse?" I said.

"He is a sort of convert to Meccanianism. He has written books in

appreciation of Meccanian principles, Meccanian ideals, Meccanian

institutions, and so forth. They are eagerly read by the Meccanians.

They even use them in their colleges. I have read them, and they seem

to me very clever indeed. I translated them for the benefit of my

countrymen, and I am not exactly an admirer of things Meccanian."

I must have looked rather puzzled, for Mr. Johnson came to my rescue.

"Mr. Villele means," he said, "that these books have a double meaning.

I have read one of them. Under cover of the most exuberant flattery

he gives such an impression of the cold-blooded devilishness of the

system, that some of us suspect his real purpose to be that of exposing

the whole business."

"He knows more of Meccania than anyone who is not a high official,"

said Villele; "and if you want to pursue your investigations any

further, and incidentally get your manuscript conveyed out of the

country, I should advise you to seek an interview with him."

"Will that be possible," I asked, "without arousing suspicion?"

"Oh, quite easily," answered Villele. "_He_ is above suspicion, if you

are not," he added, smiling. "He holds a weekly _salon_ for foreigners,

and you can easily get permission to attend. After that I leave it to

you, and him."

That evening we went on talking a long time. Mr. Villele related some

remarkable things, but I was not sure whether he was merely making fun

of the Meccanians.

"You have not seen much of the Meccanian women?" he remarked.

"No," I said; "I have had no opportunity."

"They are quite as wonderful as the men," he said. "You never heard,

for instance, of the great Emancipation Act, Regulation 19 of the

Marital Law?"

"No," I replied; "what is it?"

"No Meccanian woman is obliged to submit to the embraces of her lawful

husband."

"But how did the men ever consent to such a law?" I asked; "for in this

country it is the men who make the laws."

"It is rather a queer story," he replied. "It is quite a long time ago,

forty years or more, since a movement arose among the women, influenced

no doubt by the women's movement in Europe, which had for its object,

or one of its objects, greater freedom from the domestic tyranny of

the Meccanian husband. Some of them, of course, thought that the way

to secure everything they wanted was to get the right to vote for the

National Council; but the wiser among them saw that the vote was merely

a bad joke. Anybody could have the vote, because it was worth nothing;

seeing that the powers of the representatives were being reduced to

nothing. All the same, this women's movement, such as it was, was the

nearest approach to a revolutionary movement that the Meccanians have

ever shown themselves capable of. Once more our dear old Prince Mechow

came to the rescue. He was a real genius."

"But I thought you did not admire the Mechow reforms?" I interrupted.

"I do not; but I recognise a genius when I see him. Believe me, Prince

Mechow was the first Meccanian to understand his countrymen. He knew

exactly what they wanted, what they would stand, what they could do,

what they could be made to believe. He was absorbed in his early

reforms when this women's movement broke out, and some people were

afraid of it. He attacked the problem in his characteristic fashion.

He knew the women didn't want political power; he knew also that there

was not the slightest danger of them getting it; but he saw immense

possibilities in having the women as his allies in certain of his

reforms, especially his Eugenic reforms. He hit upon a really brilliant

idea. I don't suppose you can guess what it was?"

"How can I?" I said. "All this is quite new to me."

"Well, if you had read Meccanian literature, or even the writings

of the old travellers in Meccania--your predecessors as Foreign

Observers--you would know that the Meccanian women are the most

primitive in Europe. They have one ideal as regards men. They have a

superstitious admiration for physical strength. If a Meccanian woman

were really free to choose her mate, in ninety-nine cases out of a

hundred she would choose the strongest man. They have always been like

that. Probably many primitive peoples have had that characteristic, but

the Meccanians have preserved that trait longest. You think I am joking

or spinning a theory?"

"I was thinking that as they have had the same marriage laws as the

rest of Europe for many centuries, the fact, if it is a fact, cannot be

of much practical importance," I said.

"The fact itself is vouched for by dozens of writers among the

Meccanians. They pride themselves on having preserved these primitive

characteristics; they glory in never having been influenced by Latin

culture. The marriage laws you speak of have been adopted by the

men, in self-defence, so to speak. In very early times the Meccanian

marriage laws were essentially the same as they have been for two

thousand years, and the penalties on the women for infractions of the

marriage laws were more severe in practice than in any other country.

Notice the facts: breaches of the 'moral code' before marriage are

regarded very lightly: illegitimacy in Meccania, as is proved by

statistics, was more prevalent than in most countries; but the men

took care that breaches after marriage should be severely dealt with.

I told you it was a long story, and I have not yet come to the point.

For twenty or thirty years before Prince Mechow got into the saddle

all the young hot-headed Meccanian patriots got Eugenics on the brain,

but none of them knew how to put their ideas into practice. Mechow

himself was a Eugenist of the most brutal type. He believed that if he

could once utilise this primitive instinct of the Meccanian women, he

could do something much more effective than eliminating certain feeble

types, which was all that the Eugenist theorists had so far aimed at.

He proposed to give every woman the right to choose, within limits,

the father of her children. He knew that all the Meccanian women were

obsessed with a frantic admiration for the Military Class--in the old

days it was the ambition of every woman to marry an officer, and that

was why the officers who were not well-to-do never had any difficulty

in getting a rich _partie_. Well, he actually made a law to the effect

that any woman could claim a sort of exemption from the marital rights

of her husband, upon the recommendation of an authorised medical man."

"But why on earth did the men consent to such a law?" I asked once more.

"That was easily done. You had only to invoke the Meccanian spirit,

devotion to the supreme interests of the State, the opinion of the

experts and all the rest of it. The opposition was stifled. The three

highest classes were all for it; the women supported it, and although

they had no political power they made opposition impossible."

"And what effect has this law had? I am afraid I do not see how it

would effect the purpose Prince Mechow had in view," I said.

"The consequences have been enormous. I do not mean that the law by

itself effected much, but taken as part of a system it solved the whole

problem from Mechow's point of view."

"But how?" I asked, somewhat puzzled.

"You understand, I suppose, the system of medical inspection and

medical supervision and medical treatment?"

"To a certain extent," I replied.

"Well, you realise perhaps that, in the hands of a patriotic medical

staff, the system can be so worked that every woman who is 'approved'

can be provided with a 'eugenic' mate from an approved panel, drawn

chiefly from the Military Class, eh?"

"Is this one of Mr. Villele's jokes at the expense of the Meccanians?"

I asked Mr. Johnson.

"He is telling the story in his own way," answered Johnson, "but in

substance it is quite true."

"But it sounds incredible," I said. "What do the husbands say to it?"

"Oh, the business is done very quietly. A woman is ordered a 'cure' by

the 'medical authority,' and she goes away for a little time. The men

on the panel are kept in training, like pugilists used to be. As for

the husbands--did you ever attend any lectures in the Universities on

Meccanian ethics? Of course you have not been in the country very long.

Jealousy is regarded as an obsolete virtue, or vice, whichever you

like. Besides, you must not imagine the custom affects large numbers.

Probably not more than 10 per cent of the women, chiefly in the Fifth

and Sixth, and to some extent in the Fourth, Class, are affected."

"But I should have thought that social caste would be an insuperable

obstacle," I said.

"Surely not! When did you hear that women were chosen for such purposes

from any particular class? It is not a question of marriage."

"There is one circumstance," interposed Mr. Johnson, "that has some

bearing on this subject. Domestic life in Meccania for generations

past has been based on quite a different ideal from that prevalent

in other parts of Europe. A Meccanian in the old days used to choose

a wife very much as he would choose a horse. She was thought of as

the mother of children; in fact, the Meccanian sociologists used to

maintain that this was one of the marks of their superiority over other

European nations. Conjugal affection was recognised only as a sort of

by-product of marriage. Of course they always pretended to cultivate a

kind of Romanticism because they wrote a lot of verse about the spring,

and moonlight and kisses and love-longing, but their Romanticism never

went beyond that. As the object of Meccanian sentiment, one person

would do just as well as another."

"Our friend seems very much surprised at many things he finds in

Meccania," remarked Mr. Villele, "and my own countrymen, and more

especially my own countrywomen, only half believe the accounts they

read about this country, simply because they think human nature is the

same everywhere; but then they are ignorant of history. Civilisations

just as extraordinary have existed in ancient times, created through

the influence of a few dominant ideas. The Meccanians are a primitive

people with a mechanical culture. They have never been civilised,

because they have no conception of an individual soul. Consequently

they find it easy to devote themselves to a common purpose."

The conversation went on for a long time. It was a warm summer evening

and we were sitting in the garden at the back of the hotel, otherwise

we should have been rather more guarded in our remarks. As we parted,

Mr. Villele repeated his advice to seek an interview with Mr. Kwang,

as he called him. (His name was Sz-ma-Kwang, but for convenience I

shall allude to him as Mr. Kwang.) A day or two later, I contrived to

get an interview with him, and although Conductor Lickrod was present

I soon discovered that Mr. Kwang and I were members of the same secret

society. He promised that I should see him again before long, and that

he would be happy to assist me in any way he could. He told Lickrod

that he had been doing his best, for the last five years, to induce

the Chinese Government to send more 'observers' to Meccania; but his

enthusiasm for Meccania had perhaps defeated its own object, as it

caused him to be mistrusted. His writings on Meccania were well known,

and it was thought that he was trying to proselytise. He spoke most

flatteringly of me to Lickrod, and said that, in view of the influence

I should have in my own country, it was well worth while giving me

every facility to see all I wished. He would guarantee that, under his

tutelage, I should soon learn to appreciate things from the right point

of view.

Two days after this, I received a message to call on the Chief

Inspector of Foreigners. He received me most politely, and almost

apologised for not having had time to see me before. He had only just

learnt that I was a friend of the excellent Mr. Kwang. He said I should

be permitted to visit Mr. Kwang whenever I chose, and that I was now

at liberty to make use of the letters of introduction I had brought

with me to several persons in Meccania. It would not be necessary for

me to be accompanied by a 'conductor' every day. He would transfer me

to Class B, Stage II. Class B meant Foreign Observers staying not less

than six months; and Stage II. meant that they were permitted to submit

a plan each week showing how they proposed to spend the following

week; so that on the days which were occupied to the satisfaction of

the Inspector of Foreign Observers for the district, the services of a

'conductor' could be dispensed with.

I did not know whether to avail myself of my new-found liberty or not.

For when I came to talk the matter over with the only person at hand,

Conductor Lickrod, I found that it was not very easy to prepare a plan

that would be accepted by the Authorities, unless I were prepared to

pursue some definite line of research. When I talked of taking a few

walks in the poorer quarters, calling in for a few lectures in the

University, hearing some concerts, and seeing some plays and other

amusements, looking round the museums,--a programme innocent enough

in all conscience,--Lickrod said no Inspector would sanction such

a miscellaneous time-table for an observer in Stage II. I was not

qualified to attend concerts; I had not yet received permission to

visit the theatre. Unless I were pursuing some particular study, I

could only visit the museums in company with a conductor. As for a

stroll through the poorer quarters, he failed to see the object of

that. On the whole, I decided to stick to Lickrod for another week at

any rate. I asked if I might see something of Education in Mecco. He

said certainly, if I desired to make a study of Meccanian Pedagogics

for a period of not less than four months. Otherwise it would not

be possible to enter any of the educational institutions. I could

get permission to read in the Great Library, if I would specify the

subject, or subjects, and show that I was qualified to pursue them. In

that way I could read up Meccanian Education. If I were not willing

to do this, he advised me to talk to Mr. Johnson, who was a keen and

capable student of Meccanian Pedagogics.

I suggested investigating Meccanian political institutions, but similar

difficulties arose there. I could only study Meccanian politics if I

were registered as a specialist, and for that I should have to obtain

permission from the Department for Foreign Affairs as well as from the

Chief Inspector of Foreign Observers. He remarked, however, that in

his opinion there was little to study beyond what could be got from

books. The political system of Meccania was really simplicity itself

when once the fundamental principles had been grasped. I replied that

in most countries it took a foreigner rather a long time to understand

the views and policy of the many different groups and sections in the

representative assemblies. Each of them usually had their organisations

and their special point of view. He replied that in Meccania the State

itself was the only political organisation.

"But," I said, "when your members of the National Council meet, do they

not fall into groups according to their views upon policy?"

"They are grouped according to classes, of course," he answered. "Each

of the seven classes has the same number of representatives, and

there is no doubt a tendency for the representatives of each class

to consider things somewhat from the point of view of the interests

of their class. But the members have no meetings, except in the full

assembly and in the committees. Such group-meetings form no part

of the Constitution. We do not do things by halves. When the State

decided to have nothing to do with party government, it decided also

not to have anything to do with group government. There is no room

for such trifling in Meccania. So you see there is nothing for you to

investigate in this direction."

"The classes themselves, then? Is there no body of opinion, no

collective political tradition or sentiment cultivated by the various

classes?"

"You might find something there," said Lickrod, musing a little. "But

except in the shape of books I do not know how you would get at it."

"But all books are censored, are they not?" I said.

"Certainly, but how does that affect the question?"

"Books would hardly give me a truthful idea of all the currents of

thought."

"But surely you cannot suppose that the State would assist you in

trying to discover things which, by its deliberate action, it had

already thought it desirable to suppress?" he answered. "Besides," he

added, "such things belong rather to the pathology of politics. By the

way, you would find some useful matter in Doctor Squelcher's great work

on Political Pathology."

"That is a new term to me," I said.

"Doctor Squelcher's researches have proved invaluable to the Special

Medical Board in connection with the disease _Znednettlapseiwz_

(Chronic tendency to Dissent) which you also had not heard of."

In view of this conversation my attempt to investigate Meccanian

politics did not seem likely to meet with much success.

Before seeing Mr. Kwang again, I received an invitation to dine with a

certain Industrial Director Blobber, one of the persons to whom I had

a letter of introduction. He lived in a very pleasant villa in the

Third Quarter, and as it was the first time I had had an opportunity

of seeing the interior of any private _ménage_, I was naturally rather

curious to observe everything in the house. The door was opened by

a servant in a livery of grey. The hall was spotlessly clean, and

decorated in yellow tones, to indicate the class to which my host

belonged. I was shown into what I took to be a drawing-room, the

prevailing tone of which was also yellow. The first thing that struck

me was the peculiar construction of the easy chairs in the room. They

were all fitted with mechanical contrivances which enabled them to

be adjusted in any position. At first I thought they were invalids'

chairs, but they were all alike. The other furniture suggested the

latest phases of Meccanian decorative Art, but it would be tedious

to describe it in detail. The frieze was decorated with a curious

geometrical design executed in the seven colours. There were silk

hangings which at first I took to be Chinese, but which I soon saw

were imitations. The carpet had the Imperial arms woven in the centre.

It seems it is one of the privileges of officials of the Third Class

to have the Imperial arms as a decoration on certain articles of

furniture; only members of the Second and First Classes may have their

own arms. The mantelpiece was large and clumsy. A bust of the reigning

Emperor stood on one side and one of Prince Mechow on the other.

Mr. Blobber joined me in a few minutes. He was dressed in a lounge suit

of bright yellow with green buttons. (The buttons indicated that he had

been promoted from the Fourth Class.) He was polite, in a condescending

sort of way, and spoke to me as if I had been a child. He was a foot

taller than I am, and decidedly portly in build. He had a red face, a

rather lumpy nose and a large bald forehead. He wore spectacles and was

decorated with the 'Mechow' beard, which he not only stroked but combed

in my presence.

After the first formal greetings, he said, "So you have come all the

way from the other side of the world to see our wonderful country. You

had all the countries in the world to choose from, and you had the good

sense to come to Meccania. You decided well, and I hope you have been

profiting by your stay."

"Yes," I said; "I have seen a great many things to admire already."

"For example?" he said.

"The wonderful roof of your Great Central Station," I said.

"Ah, yes unique, is it not? We have, of course, the finest railway

stations in the world, and the finest railway system too. But that is

only part of our industrial organisation."

"You have indeed a wonderful industrial system," I said, "and no

industrial problem."

"No industrial problem?" he replied. "We have a great many. We do not

produce half enough. Of course, compared with other countries, it may

seem that we are doing very well, but we are not satisfied."

"I meant rather that you have no disturbances, no strikes, no Trade

Unionism or anything of that sort."

"Of course, you cannot help thinking of what you have seen in other

countries. No, we have no time for nonsense of that kind. But I take

no interest in that sort of thing. I have enough to do with my work.

The chief Director of the Imperial Porcelain Factory is a busy man, I

assure you."

At this moment Madame Blobber came in and I was introduced to her. She

was a great contrast to her husband in many ways. She was tall and

rather thin--at any rate for a Meccanian--and would have been graceful

but for a certain stiffness and coldness in her manner and bearing. She

had a pale face with cold blue eyes. Her mouth was rather large, and

her lips thin and flexible. While her husband's voice was leathery,

like that of most Meccanians, hers was thin and penetrating, but not

loud. We crossed into the dining-room. A butler in a chocolate-coloured

livery saw that all was in order, and left the room. Waiting was

unnecessary. The first dishes were on the table, where they were kept

hot by electricity, and others on the sideboard were afterwards handed

by a woman servant in a grey uniform.

It was a rather silent meal. Mr. Blobber was much occupied with his

food, which he evidently enjoyed, and at a later stage he relapsed

into a sleepy condition. Madame Blobber then took the lead in the

conversation. She was evidently a very well-read woman, especially in

all matters relating to Art. I suspected she had no children and had

made herself a blue-stocking. She talked like a professor, and with

all the dogmatism of one. She said the Chinese had never had any true

knowledge of colour. They had merely hit upon some colours which were

pleasing to a crude taste. The Meccanians in fifty years had absorbed

all the knowledge the Chinese had ever possessed, and much more besides.

I ventured to say that there were still some secrets of artistic

production in porcelain that foreigners had not discovered. She

laughed at the idea. The 'secrets,' she said, were the very things the

Meccanian experts had rejected as of no value. I might as well say that

the Chinese political constitution was a secret because the Meccanians

had not adopted it. When I suggested that scientific knowledge was not

a complete equipment for Art, and would not necessarily increase the

artistic powers of a nation, she said this was a mere superstition. Art

was not a mystery. Every work of art admitted of being analysed; the

laws of its production were ascertainable; and it could be reproduced

or modified in every conceivable way.

I asked if the same were true of music. I had heard, I said, that

for nearly a hundred years even the Meccanians had produced no great

musician.

"Another superstition," she declared. "The great musicians, as they

were called, were merely the pioneers of music. Their works were much

overrated in foreign countries. We have proved by analysis," she said,

"that they were merely groping for their effects. _We_ know what they

wanted to effect, and we have discovered how to get those effects.

Musical psychology was an unknown science a hundred years ago. Why, the

old composers had simply no means of testing the psychological effects

of their works by experiment."

"I am afraid I am very ignorant of musical science," I said. "In fact,

I did not even know there was such a thing as a science of music."

"What did you think music was?" she almost snapped.

"Simply one of the Arts," I said.

"There can be no art in the proper sense without a science."

"But I thought you Europeans considered that in Sculpture, for example,

the Ancients had never been surpassed; and yet they had no science of

sculpture."

"Their science was probably lost: but _we_ have recovered the

true science. The basis of all sculpture is accurate measurement.

Whatever has bulk, whatever occupies space, can be measured, if your

instruments are fine enough. Our instruments _are_ fine enough. We can

reproduce any statue ever made by any artist."

"But that is only copying," I said. "How do you create?"

"The process is a little more elaborate, but the principles are exactly

the same. Even the classical sculptors had models, had they not? Well,

our sculptors also use models; they pose them in thousands of different

positions until they have the attitude they want; they have instruments

to enable them to fix them in position, and the rest is merely accurate

measurement."

"I should never have imagined that sculpture had been carried to such a

point," I remarked. "Is there much of it in Meccania?"

"Not a great deal of the finer work. Accurate measurement is a slow and

costly business even with our improved instruments."

"Tell me," I said,--"you see I am very ignorant of Art as understood in

Meccania,--has Literature been pursued by the same scientific methods?"

"It depends upon what you mean by Literature," replied Madame Blobber.

"Broadly speaking," I said, "I mean the art of expressing ideas in

language that satisfies one's sense of beauty."

"All our professional writers go through a period of training in the

particular department they cultivate. For example, our writers of

history are very carefully trained, writers of scientific treatises

also."

"But what of your novelists and poets?" I asked.

"We do not specially encourage the writing of novels. All stories are

merely variations of a few themes: all the stories worth writing have

been written long ago. We print a certain number of the old novels,

and we employ a few specialists to 'vamp' up new stories from the old

materials, chiefly for the benefit of the lower classes. We Meccanians

never really took to novel-writing, except under foreign influence, and

that passed away long ago. The theme of almost all novels is domestic

life and individual passion: they treat of phases of thought and

feeling that our Culture tends more and more to make obsolete. We have

developed the Drama much more; in fact, the drama takes the place of

the novel with us."

"I have heard something of your Drama from Dr. Dodderer," I said.

"Indeed! Then you understand the fourfold treatment. That in itself

would explain why we have discarded the novel. We still keep up the

philosophical parable, which is a sort of link between the novel and

our modern drama."

"I am afraid I should find it difficult to appreciate some of your

plays," I said; "_Uric Acid_, for instance."

"That is only because our mental environment is in advance of the rest

of Europe. Physical science, including of course medical science, is

part of our mental furniture: we have assimilated whole masses of ideas

that are still unfamiliar to other peoples. Naturally our drama finds

its material in the affairs that interest us."

"And Poetry?" I said. "Is Poetry still cultivated?"

"Naturally! Most of our dramas are in poetry: our language lends

itself admirably; it is almost as easy to write poetry as prose in our

language."

"But is there no lyrical poetry?"

"Certainly; we utilise it as one of the means of cultivating the

Meccanian spirit, especially among the young. No poetry is published

unless it contributes to the uplifting of the Meccanian spirit."

At this point Director Blobber woke up and proposed that we should

retire to his study for a glass of spirits and a cigar. Madame Blobber

left us, and for the next half-hour I did my best to keep Mr. Blobber

awake. But it was evident he wanted to go to bed, and by half-past nine

I left the house, without any desire to see either of my hosts again.

Two days later I received another invitation, this time to dine with

an Under-Secretary of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. I had not

presented any letters of introduction to him. I could therefore only

suspect that this invitation was in some way due to Mr. Kwang. I went,

of course; but I could hardly help wondering what was in store for me.

Under-Secretary Count Krafft belonged to one of the great families and

wore the uniform of the Second Class, with a badge to indicate that he

was now in the Civil Service, although of course he had served as an

officer in the army. His wife was apparently dining elsewhere, for I

saw no sign of her, and we dined _tête-à-tête_ in a small apartment in

his large mansion in the Second Quarter. He was much more a man of the

world than the others I had met, and in his manners resembled the men

of good family whom I had met in Luniland. After a short preliminary

talk, about nothing in particular, he said he was sorry that he had not

learnt of my presence in Mecco when I first arrived, particularly as I

was a friend of Mr. Kwang.

"The applications from foreigners for permission to travel in

Meccania," he said, by way of apology, "are not very numerous, and

they are always referred to me for my signature. Yours reached us

from Luniland, and was regarded as that of a mere globe-trotter. It

is a pity you did not give the name of your friend, Mr. Kwang, as a

reference. We think very highly of Mr. Kwang, and I should be pleased

to give special facilities to any of his friends. I don't suppose you

have been neglected," he added; "our officials have instructions to pay

attention to the comfort of all Foreign Observers, and I am sure we do

more for them than any Government I am acquainted with."

We were by this time about half-way through dinner, and under its

influence I ventured upon a mild joke.

"You do everything for them," I said, "except leave them alone."

He took this in good part.

"You have been in Luniland," he remarked, "where every one does what he

pleases. When you have spent as long a time here you will appreciate

the wisdom of our arrangements. No doubt it seems a little irksome at

first, and perhaps rather dull, especially as you have seen only the

mere routine aspects of the life of the lower and middle classes--I

use the old-fashioned terms, you see. But how else would you arrange

matters? We cannot invite all foreign visitors, indiscriminately, to

take part in our higher social life, and it would not be fair to our

own citizens to allow foreigners a greater liberty than we allow to

ourselves."

"So you put us in a strait-jacket," I said, laughing, "because you have

to put your whole nation in a strait-jacket."

"Our whole nation in a strait-jacket," he replied, with a smile. "So

that is how it strikes you, is it?"

"Well, isn't it so?" I said. "Your children are sorted out while they

are at school, their play is turned into useful employment, their

careers are decided for them; hardly any of them rise out of their

original class. Then everybody is under the eye of the Time Department,

everybody is inspected and looked after from the cradle to the grave.

It is almost impossible to commit a real crime or to set up any

independent institution. There is, you must admit, a certain want of

freedom in your arrangements."

"But of what people are you speaking?" said Count Krafft. "You seem to

have confined your attention to the lower classes. For them, in all

countries, something of a strait-jacket is needed surely. Certainly it

is for ours. We know our own people. When they are properly drilled and

led they do wonders, but left to themselves they have always relapsed

into laziness and barbarism, or else have burst out into anarchy and

revolutionary fury."

"But what scope does your system allow for their energies?" I asked.

"Every aspect of life seems confined by your meticulous regulations."

"That is an illusion," he replied. "You see, we are a highly

intellectual people and it is quite natural for us to formulate

regulations. Modern life is necessarily complex, and the chief

difference between us and other nations is that we recognise the

complexity and organise our activities accordingly. We are simply

in advance of other nations, that is all. Take a simple thing like

Railways. We organised our Railway system to suit our national

purposes instead of leaving them to commercial enterprise. Take the

Education of the people. The State took charge of it fifty years before

other nations recognised its vital importance. Take the question of

Public Health; even those States which prate about individual liberty

have had to follow in our wake and organise the medical service.

Besides, it is only by organising the activities of the lower classes

that the State can maintain its supremacy."

"I see," I replied, "the strait-jacket is for the lower classes. I

thought it was a garment worn by everybody."

"The expression was yours," he said, with an indulgent smile. "We

certainly do not regard it as a strait-jacket."

"That is perhaps because the ruling classes do not wear it," I replied.

"We do not recognise any classes as ruling classes," he said suavely.

"It is an obsolete expression."

"But I thought you liked to recognise facts and call things by their

proper names," I replied.

"Certainly we do," he answered. "But which are the ruling classes? The

Super-State is the supreme and only ruler in Meccania."

"Even in a Super-State," I said, "I should have thought, from what you

have said, that some groups of persons really wielded the power of the

State."

"Under the crude organisation of most foreign States that is quite

possible," answered Count Krafft; "but the essence of the Super-State

is that, in it, power cannot be exercised without authority, and only

these persons are authorised through whom the Super-State chooses to

express its will. It places everybody in such a position as enables

him to render the greatest service to the State that he is capable of

rendering. Consequently no fault can be found, by any class or section,

with the power exercised by any other class or section; because they

are merely the instruments of the State itself."

"That sounds a very comfortable doctrine for those who happen to wield

the power," I said. "It leaves no room for any 'opposition.'"

"The Super-State would not be the Super-State if it contained within it

any opposition," he replied. "You ought to read the speech of Prince

Mechow on the Super-State as the final expression of the Meccanian

spirit," he went on. "Foreigners are apt to confuse the Super-State

with an Autocracy. It is essentially different. In an autocracy of the

crude, old-fashioned type, an exterior power is visible, and your talk

of ruling classes would be appropriate there. In the Super-State all

the functions are so organised that the whole body politic acts as one

man. We educate the will of the component units in such a way that all

conflicting impulses are eradicated. After all, that was the ideal of

the Catholic Church. Prince Mechow applied the same principle when he

reformed our Educational system. A good Meccanian would no more seek to

violate the obligations laid upon him by the Super-State than a good

Catholic would seek to commit deadly sin."

"Then there is no room for a Free Press in the Super-State," I remarked.

He saw my point and replied, "A 'Free Press,' as you call it, would

be an anachronism. What necessity is there for it? Its function

has disappeared. It only existed during a brief historical phase

in the earlier development of the modern State. Our great Prince

Bludiron was the first to perceive its inconsistency with the line

of true development. Prince Mechow absorbed all the functions of the

independent professions, and among them those of the journalists, who

were always an element of weakness in the State."

"But what, then, is the object of this complete Unity which, as far as

I can make out, the Super-State seems always to be aiming at?" I asked.

"The object?" he replied, almost bored by my pertinacity. "Unity is the

law of all organic life. We are simply more advanced in our development

than other States, that is all."

"Then it is not true that all this super-organisation is for the

purpose of fostering national power?" I said.

"That is the old argument of the weak against the strong, the poor

against the rich, the ignorant against the educated. Every healthy

person is a strong person; the rich man is stronger than the poor man;

the educated man is stronger than the ignorant. The modern State, even

among our neighbours, is infinitely 'stronger' than the incoherent

political organisms of earlier times. It cannot help itself. Its

resources are enormously greater. How can the Super-State help being

strong? No State deliberately seeks to weaken itself, or deprive itself

of its natural force." Then, as if tired of the discussion into which

our conversation had led us, he said, "But these are all matters about

which you will learn much more from my friend the Professor of State

Science. I am afraid I have been dishing up one of his old lectures.

You will find this liqueur quite palatable."

We then drifted on to more trivial topics. He said I had spent too

long among the petty officials, grubbing about with my Tour No. 4. I

ought to see something of better society. Unfortunately it was the dead

season just then, and I might have to wait a little time, but there

were still some dinners at the University. Some of the professors never

went out of Mecco and would be glad to entertain me.

We parted on very good terms. His manner had been friendly, and if he

had done little besides expound Meccanian principles he had at any rate

not been dictatorial. I wondered whether he really believed in his

own plausible theories or whether he had been simply instructing the

Foreign Observer.

When I saw Mr. Kwang a day or two afterwards--this time alone--he

greeted me cordially and said, "So things are improving?"

"They promise to do so," I said, "but so far, all that has happened

has been a very tedious visit to Director Blobber and an academic

discussion with Count Krafft."

"So you don't appreciate the honour of dining with an Under-Secretary

of the Super-State?" he said. "You have stayed too long in Luniland."

"I am promised the privilege of seeing something of the best Meccanian

Society, but what I was more anxious to see was the worst Meccanian

Society."

"They will take care you don't," he answered, laughing.

"But why? In any other country one can associate with peasants or

vagabonds or artisans or tradesmen or business men."

"You ought to know by this time--I am sure it has been explained to you

over and over again. You would gather false impressions, and you might

contaminate the delicate fruits of Meccanian Culture."

"That is the theory I have heard _ad nauseam_. But there is nothing in

it."

"Why not?"

"Because by keeping us apart they arouse the suspicions of both."

"Oh no, they may arouse _your_ suspicions, but the Meccanian knows

that what the State prescribes for him must be for his good. This is

the only country where theories are carried into practice. It is a

Super-State."

"And you admire it? You have become a proselyte," I said jokingly.

"Have you read my books yet?" he asked.

"I saw one for the first time this week," I said.

"Well?"

"I recognise it as a masterpiece."

He bowed and smiled. "From the President of the Kiang-su Literary

Society that is high praise indeed."

"I am undecided whether to remain here longer," I said, "or to return

home, perhaps calling for a rest and a change to see my friends in

Lunopolis. I should like your advice."

"Of course that depends upon circumstances. I do not yet understand

your difficulty or the circumstances."

"Well," I said, "I came here prepared to stay perhaps a year, if I

liked the country, with the intention of obtaining general impressions,

and some definite information on matters in which I am interested; but

every Meccanian I have met is either a Government agent or a bore."

"What, even Madame Blobber?" he interposed, smiling.

"Even Madame Blobber," I said. "I am getting tired of it. I try all

sorts of means to gratify my perfectly innocent curiosity, and am

baffled every time. Now I am promised a sight of high Society, but I

expect they will show me what they want me to see and nothing they

don't want me to see."

"Why should they show you what they don't want you to see?" he laughed.

"I don't know how you stand it," I said.

"I have had the virtue of patience," he said, "and patience has been

rewarded. I, too, am going home before long. I have got what I want."

He made the signal that bound me to absolute secrecy, and told me what

his plans were. When I said that he ran a risk of being victimised

he shook his head. "I am not afraid," he said. "By the time I reach

home, every Meccanian agent in China will have been quietly deported.

And they will not come back again. We are not a Super-State, but our

country is not Idiotica."

"And in the meantime," I said, "suppose I stay here another month or

so, what do you advise me to do?"

"Oh, just amuse yourself as well as you can," he said.

"Amuse myself! In Meccania?"

"Yes; it is not worth while trying now to do anything else. You will

find out nothing new--nothing that I have not already found out. It

takes ten years to penetrate beneath the surface here, even with my

methods," he said. "But I have got what I want."

"And how am I to amuse myself?"

"Accept all the invitations you get, keep your ears open and use your

own considerable powers of reflection. By way of relief, come and talk

to me whenever you want."

I followed Sz-ma-Kwang's advice: I gave up all thought of investigating

either Meccanian Politics, or 'social problems,' or anything of the

kind. I thought I should probably get better information at second

hand from Mr. Kwang than I could get at first hand for myself, in the

short time that I was prepared to stay, and I am satisfied now that I

decided rightly.... I saw Lickrod almost daily, and went with him to a

number of places, museums, the great library, industrial exhibitions,

manufactories and so forth. We spent a day or two looking at examples

of Meccanian architecture, which was more interesting from the

engineering point of view than from the artistic. I began to receive

invitations to several houses, chiefly of high officials in the Civil

Service and one or two members of the higher bourgeoisie.

In the meantime I had some interesting conversation with my friends,

Mr. Johnson and Mr. Villele, as we sat in the garden after dinner. I

had never yet asked Mr. Johnson why he was pursuing what I could not

help thinking was the distasteful study of Meccanian Pedagogics, but

as Lickrod had recommended me to talk to Mr. Johnson about Meccanian

education the question came up naturally. I put it to him quite frankly.

"You are what I should describe as an Anti-Meccanian by temperament,"

I said, "and it seems very odd that you should be studying Meccanian

Pedagogics of all things in the world."

"It is because I am an Anti-Meccanian, as you put it, that I am

doing so," he replied. "You see in Luniland we never do things

thoroughly--thank God!--and we have no pedagogical system. But every

now and then a sort of movement arises in favour of some reform or

other. For a long time Meccanian education was out of court; people

would hear of nothing that savoured of Meccania, good or bad. Then

there was a revival of interest, and societies were started to promote

what they called Education on a scientific basis--by which they meant,

not the study of science, but Meccanian education. As Professor of

Education in one of our smaller Universities I was obliged to take some

line or other, and the more I studied Meccanian Education from books,

the less I liked it. So I came to equip myself with a better knowledge

of the whole thing than the cranks who have taken it up."

"I suppose you find some things worth copying," I suggested, "in a

field so wide, especially seeing that they have applied psychological

science to methods of study?"

"Oh yes, there are certain pedagogical tricks and dodges that are

decidedly clever. In fact, if the human race were a race of clever

insects, the Meccanian system of education would be almost perfect.

The pupils store up knowledge as bees store honey, and they learn to

perform their functions, as members of an organisation, with wonderful

accuracy. I cannot help thinking sometimes that Meccania is a society

of clever insects."

"Exactly," struck in Mr. Villele. "There are the soldier ants, and the

slave ants, and the official ants, and the egg-producing ants. We ought

to call Meccania the Super-Insect-State, eh?"

"Yes; the land of the Super-Insects," said Johnson. "No person in

Meccania, certainly no child, is ever looked upon as an 'end in

itself'; he is simply one of a community of ants."

"Of course," I said, "to be quite fair, we cannot consider anybody

strictly as an end in himself, even in Luniland."

"Theoretically that is so," replied Johnson, "but in practice it

makes all the difference in the world whether you regard a man as an

individual soul, or as a cell in an organism or a wheel in a machine."

"Why do you Lunilanders and Francarians, if I may ask such a large

question, allow yourselves to be influenced at all by what is done in

Meccania? There is so little intercourse between the countries that it

hardly seems worth while having any at all," I said.

"Because in both countries there are still many people who regard

the Meccanians not as Super-Insects, but as human beings," answered

Johnson. "And there is always, too, the ultimate possibility of

conflict. If they were on another planet it would not matter, providing

they could invent no means of communicating with us. In itself

Meccanian education is of little interest, except, of course, as

education in the insect world might be interesting, or perhaps as a

branch of pedagogical pathology or psychological pathology."

"In effect," interrupted Mr. Villele, "it all comes back to what Mr.

Johnson was saying a few nights ago, that the key to the whole polity

of Meccania is military power. Meccanian education is merely a means to

that end, just as the Time Department, and every other institution--and

the absence of certain other institutions like the Press, for

example--is. The Super-State is the grand instrument of Militarism."

"Is it not possible," I said, "that the real key to the Super-State is

the desire of the ruling classes to keep themselves in power?"

"But the two things go together," answered Villele. "The Meccanian

maxim is that 'The State must be strong within in order to be strong

without.'"

"And is not that true doctrine?" I said, wondering how they would

answer the argument.

"To a certain extent," answered Johnson cautiously. "But where are

their enemies? Why should they want all this 'Super-Strength'?"

"They say they are surrounded by unfriendly nations," I replied.

"So they are," answered Villele, "but they have done their best to

make them unfriendly. If you knock a man down, and trample on him, and

rob him into the bargain, you can hardly expect him to be a friendly

neighbour next day."

"We started by talking about education," I remarked, "but we have very

soon got into a discussion about Militarism--somehow we seem to get to

that no matter what point we start from."

"And with very good reason," said Villele. "There used to be a saying

that all roads lead to Rome. In Meccania all roads lead to Militarism.

You who are not faced by the problem it presents may regard it as an

obsession, but a man who refuses to admit the plainest evidence is also

the victim of an obsession."

"And you think the evidence is unmistakable?" I said.

"For what purpose does the Meccanian Parliament--if it can be called

a Parliament--surrender its control over taxation? For what purpose

does the Government conceal its expenditure upon army and navy? For

what purpose does it destroy the freedom of the Press, and freedom of

speech? For what purpose does the Government keep every person under

supervision? For what purpose does it control all production?"

"I cannot answer these questions," I said; "but what evidence is there

that the Meccanian system of education is designed as part of the

scheme of Militarism?"

"The evidence is abundant," answered Johnson, "but it is not so plain

as to be unmistakable. If you see one of our elaborate pieces of

modern machinery, a printing-machine or a spinning-machine, you will

find that it contains a thousand separate contrivances, and unless

you are an expert you will not be able to perceive that every part

is absolutely necessary to the performance of the simple function of

printing or spinning. Yet that is the fact. It is just the same with

the Meccanian educational machine. Its chief purpose, according to

the Meccanian theory, is to enable the citizen--or, as Villele and

I might say, the Super-Insect--to perform his functions as a member

of the Super-Insect community. But the chief end of the Super-Insect

State is Power. The Meccanians say so themselves. Anyhow, we can easily

see for ourselves that their system of education fits in exactly with

Militarism. It makes men efficient for the purposes required of them

by the Super-State; it makes them not only docile and obedient, but

actively devoted to the interests, not of themselves individually, but

of what they are taught to regard as something more important, namely,

the Super-State; it fosters the superstition which makes possible such

an incredible custom as Villele has told you of; it keeps them ignorant

of all other ideals of civilisation."

"All that may be true," I replied. "It may very well be that the

system of education does favour Militarism, but it may not have been

deliberately designed to that end. It has been put to me," I added,

"that all this elaborate organisation, including education, is part of

the inevitable tendency of things in the modern world, and that the

Meccanians are only doing a little in advance of other people what they

will all do sooner or later."

"That won't do at all," interposed Villele. "They cannot have it both

ways. What becomes of the genius of Prince Mechow if it is all an

inevitable tendency? They tell us other nations are not clever enough,

or not far-seeing enough, or not strong-willed enough, to produce

such a system. These reforms had to be introduced in the teeth of

opposition. Other nations have not adopted them and will not adopt

them except under the pressure of fear. It is Militarism alone that is

strong enough to impose such a system."

"But," said I, "I find it difficult to believe that any civilisation,

even Meccanian, can be really the result of the domination of a single

idea. Not even the communities of the ancient world were so simple in

their principles."

"That fact tells in favour of our contention," answered Villele.

"How so?" I said.

"Why, you admit the natural tendency of all civilised peoples towards

diversity of aims. The more highly developed, the more diversified. If,

therefore, you find a people becoming less diversified, subordinating

all individual wills to the will of the State, you must suspect some

extraordinary force. You would not deny the fact that individual

liberty has been suppressed?"

"No," I said, "I do not deny that."

"But you think the Super-State has such an interest in the tender plant

of the individual souls of its children, their moral and spiritual and

physical life, that it is merely a meticulous grandmother trying to

prepare them all for a better world, eh?"

I laughed.

"No, that won't do. Only two things are strong enough to suppress the

spirit of liberty: one is superstition calling itself religion; the

other is Militarism."

"If it were less well done," resumed Johnson, "it would be easier

to detect. But it is diabolically well done. Who but the Meccanians

would think it worth while to control the whole teaching of history

for the sake of cultivating Militarism? In most countries anybody

may write history, although very few people read it. Here only the

official historians may write: only the books prescribed by the State

may be read. And all the people while they are at school and college

must read it. In this way they create a powerful tradition. One need

not laugh at the idea of State historians. They have done their work

too well for that. Their falsification of history is not a clumsy

affair of inventing fairy tales. It is scientific falsification.

They utilise every fact that can tell against, or discredit, other

nations, and every fact about their own people which can raise their

national self-esteem. The method is not new, for you may say that all

historians are biased. But in other countries the bias of one historian

is counterbalanced by the bias of others. The _method_ is not new but

the _system_ is. As an example, take their treatment of a well-known

Luniland statesman of the beginning of the last century--and this

is a fairly harmless instance. He was undoubtedly a single-minded,

public-spirited man, a patriot who was also a good European, for he did

as much as any one man to save Europe from a military tyranny. But he

shared many of the current ideas of his age and lived according to its

customs. In _Meccanian_ history all we are told of him is that he drank

heavily, gambled, persecuted ignorant and misguided labourers, bribed

the people's representatives, enriched capitalists and landlords by his

fiscal system, and displayed his ignorance of finance by inventing a

fallacious Sinking Fund that any schoolboy could see through."

"Mr. Johnson is putting the case much too mildly," interposed

Villele. "There are in the 'reports' issued by the Government on all

sorts of matters, but particularly with regard to foreign affairs,

falsifications of fact of the most barefaced character. Now the

writers of the school and college histories quote very extensively

from these official reports, implying always that the statements are

true. Further than this, you know, but not perhaps as well as we do,

that in countries where speech is free and the Press is free there

are any number of libellous writers who vilify their opponents in a

shameless fashion. In Luniland in particular, if my friend will pardon

my saying so, there are enthusiasts for some particular cause who have

no sense whatever of proportion. For instance, to hear some of the

so-called Temperance advocates you would imagine that the Lunilanders

were a nation of drunkards, wife-beaters, seducers, abandoned wretches

of every kind. To listen to their Socialist fanatics you would

imagine that every working man was a down-trodden slave. To listen to

their anti-vivisectionists you would imagine that the whole medical

profession spent its leisure in the sport of torturing animals. To

listen to some of the priests you would think the whole nation was sunk

in vice. To listen to the anti-priests you would think the priests

were a tribe of grasping hypocrites, and so on and so on. Now you will

find Meccanian histories, and works on the social and political life of

foreign nations, full of quotations from such writers."

"As I said at the outset," remarked Johnson, "this may seem a little

thing in itself, but it is symptomatic and characteristic. Look at an

entirely different aspect of the system. The whole teaching profession

is honeycombed with sycophancy. Every teacher is a spy upon every

other. Every one tries to show his zeal, and gain some promotion, by

a display of the Meccanian spirit. As you know, there are no private

schools. There is not a single independent teacher in the whole

country. It is in the Universities even more than in the schools that

sycophancy runs riot."

"That may be perfectly true," I said, "but would you not get this

disease of sycophancy wherever you have a bureaucracy, quite apart from

Militarism? Suppose there were no army at all, but suppose that the

State were the sole employer and controller of every person and thing,

you might still have all the petty tyranny and sycophancy that you

describe."

"But there is a difference," said Johnson. "Under a mere bureaucracy

it is still possible for the large groups of workers to combine, and

very effectually, to safeguard their interests; especially if at the

same time there is a real parliamentary system. Indeed, many years ago

one of the strongest arguments brought forward in Luniland against any

large extension of State employment was that the employees, through

their trade combinations, would be able to exert political pressure,

and rather exploit the State than be exploited by it. No, I maintain

that a military autocracy without a bureaucracy may be brutal and

tyrannical, in a spasmodic sort of way; but it is loose-jointed and

clumsy: a bureaucracy apart from a military control of the State may be

meddlesome and irritating; but it is only when you get the two combined

that the people are bound hand and foot. Anyhow, I cannot conceive of

the whole teaching profession, including the highest as well as the

lowest branches, being so completely enslaved as it is here, without

there being a driving power at the back of the bureaucratic machine,

such as only Militarism can supply in our times--for religion is out of

the question."

"Well, now, is there any other sort of evidence," I said, "that the

educational system is inspired by Militarism? So far the case is 'not

proven.'"

"The cultivation of 'the Meccanian spirit,' which is one of the prime

aims of all the teaching, points at any rate in the same direction."

"But the Meccanian spirit is only another name for patriotism, is it

not?" I said.

"Your scepticism," remarked Villele, "would almost make one suppose

you were becoming a convert to Meccanianism."

"Not at all," I said. "I have tried to get firsthand information on

these matters and I have failed. Here I am, listening to you who are

avowedly, if I may say so in your presence, anti-Meccanians." They both

nodded assent. "Would it not be foolish of me to accept your views

without at any rate sifting the evidence as fully as I am able? It has

this advantage, I shall be much more likely to become convinced of the

correctness of your opinions if I find that you meet the hypothetical

objections I raise than if I merely listen to your views."

"The Meccanian spirit is another name for patriotism," said Johnson;

"but it is Meccanian patriotism. Patriotism is not a substitute for

Ethics in the rest of Europe, nor was it in Meccania two centuries ago.

Absolute obedience to the State is definitely inculcated here. No form

of resistance is possible. Resistance is never dreamt of; the Meccanian

spirit implies active co-operation with the Super-State, not passive

obedience only but reverence and devotion. And remember that the

Super-State when you probe under the surface _is the Second Class, the

Military Caste_."

"But do not all States inculcate obedience to themselves?" I said.

"No," replied Johnson bluntly. "They may inculcate obedience to

the laws for the time being; it is only Churches claiming Divine

inspiration that arrogate to themselves infallibility, and demand

unconditional obedience. In the rest of Europe the State is one of the

organs--a most necessary and important organ--of the community: here,

the State or the Super-State is the Divinity in which society lives and

moves and has its being. It is omnipresent, omniscient, omnipotent."

"Admitting all you say about the deliberate policy of the Super-State,"

I answered, "is it not strange that a hundred millions of people

submit themselves to it, and that even outside Meccania there are many

advocates of Meccanian principles?"

"Tyrannies have flourished in the world in every age," replied Johnson,

"because there is something even worse than Tyranny. To escape a plague

a man will take refuge in a prison. Anarchy, such as that which broke

out in Idiotica some fifty years ago, was a godsend to the rulers

of Meccania. They persuaded the public that there was a choice only

between the Super-State and Anarchy or Bolshevism as it was then

called. We know that is false. Liberty may be attacked by an open

enemy or by a secret and loathsome disease; but that is no reason for

surrendering either to the one or the other."

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