Johnson was not attacked with that distemper till at a very late period
of his life[517]. May not this, however, be a poetical fiction? Why may
not a poet suppose himself to have the gout, as well as suppose himself
to be in love, of which we have innumerable instances, and which has
been admirably ridiculed by Johnson in his _Life of Cowley_[518]? I have
also some difficulty to believe that he could produce such a group of
_conceits_[519] as appear in the verses to Lyce, in which he claims for
this ancient personage as good a right to be assimilated to _heaven_, as
nymphs whom other poets have flattered; he therefore ironically ascribes
to her the attributes of the _sky_, in such stanzas as this:
'Her teeth the _night_ with _darkness_ dies,
She's _starr'd_ with pimples o'er;
Her tongue like nimble _lightning_ plies,
And can with _thunder roar_.'
But as at a very advanced age he could condescend to trifle in
_namby-pamby_[520] rhymes, to please Mrs. Thrale and her daughter, he may
have, in his earlier years, composed such a piece as this.
It is remarkable, that in this first edition of _The Winters Walk_, the
concluding line is much more Johnsonian than it was afterwards printed;
for in subsequent editions, after praying Stella to 'snatch him to her
arms,' he says,
'And _shield_ me from the _ills_ of life.'
[Page 180: Verses on Lord Lovat. A.D. 1747.]
Whereas in the first edition it is
'And hide me from the _sight_ of life.'
A horrour at life in general is more consonant with Johnson's habitual
gloomy cast of thought.
I have heard him repeat with great energy the following verses, which
appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for April this year; but I have
no authority to say they were his own. Indeed one of the best criticks
of our age[521] suggests to me, that 'the word _indifferently_ being used
in the sense of _without concern_' and being also very unpoetical,
renders it improbable that they should have been his composition.
'On Lord LOVAT'S _Execution_.
'Pity'd by _gentle minds_ KILMARNOCK died;
The _brave_, BALMERINO, were on thy side;
RADCLIFFE, unhappy in his crimes of youth[522],
Steady in what he still mistook for truth,
Beheld his death so decently unmov'd,
The _soft_ lamented, and the _brave_ approv'd.
But LOVAT'S fate[523] indifferently we view,
True to no King, to no _religion_ true:
No _fair_ forgets the _ruin_ he has done;
No _child_ laments the _tyrant_ of his _son_;
No _tory_ pities, thinking what he was;
No _whig_ compassions, _for he left the cause_;
The _brave_ regret not, for he was not brave;
The _honest_ mourn not, knowing him a knave[524]!'
[Page 181: A Prologue by Johnson. Ætat 38.]
This year his old pupil and friend, David Garrick, having become joint
patentee and manager of Drury-lane theatre, Johnson honoured his opening
of it with a Prologue[525],[*] which for just and manly dramatick
criticism, on the whole range of the English stage, as well as for
poetical excellence[526], is unrivalled. Like the celebrated Epilogue to
the _Distressed Mother_,[527] it was, during the season, often called for
by the audience. The most striking and brilliant passages of it have
been so often repeated, and are so well recollected by all the lovers of
the drama and of poetry, that it would be superfluous to point them out.
In the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for December this year, he inserted an
'Ode on Winter,' which is, I think, an admirable specimen of his genius
for lyrick poetry[528].
[Page 182: The Plan of the Dictionary. A.D. 1747.]
But the year 1747 is distinguished as the epoch, when Johnson's arduous
and important work, his DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, was
announced to the world, by the publication of its Plan or _Prospectus_.
How long this immense undertaking had been the object of his
contemplation, I do not know. I once asked him by what means he had
attained to that astonishing knowledge of our language, by which he was
enabled to realise a design of such extent, and accumulated difficulty.
He told me, that 'it was not the effect of particular study; but that it
had grown up in his mind insensibly.' I have been informed by Mr. James
Dodsley, that several years before this period, when Johnson was one day
sitting in his brother Robert's shop, he heard his brother suggest to
him, that a Dictionary of the English Language would be a work that
would be well received by the publick[529]; that Johnson seemed at first
to catch at the proposition, but, after a pause, said, in his abrupt
decisive manner, 'I believe I shall not undertake it.' That he, however,
had bestowed much thought upon the subject, before he published his
_Plan_, is evident from the enlarged, clear, and accurate views which it
exhibits; and we find him mentioning in that tract, that many of the
writers whose testimonies were to be produced as authorities, were
selected by Pope[530]; which proves that he had been furnished, probably
by Mr. Robert Dodsley, with whatever hints that eminent poet had
contributed towards a great literary project, that had been the subject
of important consideration in a former reign.
[Page 183: Address of the Earl of Chesterfield. Ætat 38.]
The booksellers who contracted with Johnson, single and unaided, for the
execution of a work, which in other countries has not been effected but
by the co-operating exertions of many, were Mr. Robert Dodsley, Mr.
Charles Hitch[531], Mr. Andrew Millar, the two Messieurs Longman, and the
two Messieurs Knapton. The price stipulated was fifteen hundred and
seventy-five pounds[532].
The _Plan_ was addressed to Philip Dormer, Earl of Chesterfield, then
one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State[533]; a nobleman who
was very ambitious of literary distinction, and who, upon being informed
of the design, had expressed himself in terms very favourable to its
success. There is, perhaps in every thing of any consequence, a secret
history which it would be amusing to know, could we have it
authentically communicated. Johnson told me[534], 'Sir, the way in which
the _Plan_ of my _Dictionary_ came to be inscribed to Lord Chesterfield,
was this: I had neglected to write it by the time appointed. Dodsley
suggested a desire to have it addressed to Lord Chesterfield. I laid
hold of this as a pretext for delay, that it might be better done, and
let Dodsley have his desire. I said to my friend, Dr. Bathurst, "Now if
any good comes of my addressing to Lord Chesterfield, it will be
ascribed to deep policy, when, in fact, it was only a casual excuse for
laziness."'
[Page 184: The style of the PLAN. A.D. 1747.]
It is worthy of observation, that the _Plan_ has not only the
substantial merit of comprehension, perspicuity, and precision, but that
the language of it is unexceptionably excellent; it being altogether
free from that inflation of style, and those uncommon but apt and
energetick words[535], which in some of his writings have been censured,
with more petulance than justice; and never was there a more dignified
strain of compliment than that in which he courts the attention of one
who, he had been persuaded to believe, would be a respectable patron.
'With regard to questions of purity or propriety, (says he) I was once
in doubt whether I should not attribute to myself too much in attempting
to decide them, and whether my province was to extend beyond the
proposition of the question, and the display of the suffrages on each
side; but I have been since determined by your Lordship's opinion, to
interpose my own judgement, and shall therefore endeavour to support
what appears to me most consonant to grammar and reason. Ausonius
thought that modesty forbade him to plead inability for a task to which
Caesar had judged him equal:
Cur me pesse negem posse quod ille putat[536]?
'And I may hope, my Lord, that since you, whose authority in our
language is so generally acknowledged, have commissioned me to declare
my own opinion, I shall be considered as exercising a kind of vicarious
jurisdiction; and that the power which might have been denied to my own
claim, will be readily allowed me as the delegate of your Lordship.'
[Page 185: The Earl of Orrery. Ætat 38.]
This passage proves, that Johnson's addressing his _Plan_ to Lord
Chesterfield was not merely in consequence of the result of a report by
means of Dodsley, that the Earl favoured the design; but that there had
been a particular communication with his Lordship concerning it. Dr.
Taylor told me, that Johnson sent his _Plan_ to him in manuscript, for
his perusal; and that when it was lying upon his table, Mr. William
Whitehead[537] happened to pay him a visit, and being shewn it, was highly
pleased with such parts of it as he had time to read, and begged to take
it home with him, which he was allowed to do; that from him it got into
the hands of a noble Lord, who carried it to Lord Chesterfield[538]. When
Taylor observed this might be an advantage, Johnson replied, 'No, Sir;
it would have come out with more bloom, if it had not been seen before
by any body.'
The opinion conceived of it by another noble authour, appears from the
following extract of a letter from the Earl of Orrery to Dr. Birch:
'Caledon, Dec. 30, 1747.
'I have just now seen the specimen of Mr. Johnson's Dictionary,
addressed to Lord Chesterfield. I am much pleased with the plan, and I
think the specimen is one of the best that I have ever read. Most
specimens disgust, rather than prejudice us in favour of the work to
follow; but the language of Mr. Johnson's is good, and the arguments are
properly and modestly expressed. However, some expressions may be
cavilled at, but they are trifles. I'll mention one. The _barren_
Laurel. The laurel is not barren, in any sense whatever; it bears fruits
and flowers[539]. _Sed hae sunt nugae_, and I have great expectation from
the performance[540].'
That he was fully aware of the arduous nature of the undertaking, he
acknowledges; and shews himself perfectly sensible of it in the
conclusion of his _Plan_[541]; but he had a noble consciousness of his own
abilities, which enabled him to go on with undaunted spirit[542].
[Page 186: The Dictionary of the French Academy. A.D. 1748.]
Dr. Adams found him one day busy at his _Dictionary_, when the following
dialogue ensued. 'ADAMS. This is a great work, Sir. How are you to get
all the etymologies? JOHNSON. Why, Sir, here is a shelf with Junius, and
Skinner[543], and others; and there is a Welch gentleman who has published
a collection of Welch proverbs, who will help me with the Welch[544].
ADAMS. But, Sir, how can you do this in three years? JOHNSON. Sir, I
have no doubt that I can do it in three years. ADAMS. But the French
Academy, which consists of forty members, took forty years to compile
their Dictionary. JOHNSON. Sir, thus it is. This is the proportion. Let
me see; forty times forty is sixteen hundred. As three to sixteen
hundred, so is the proportion of an Englishman to a Frenchman.' With so
much ease and pleasantry could he talk of that prodigious labour which
he had undertaken to execute.
The publick has had, from another pen[545], a long detail of what had been
done in this country by prior Lexicographers; and no doubt Johnson was
wise to avail himself of them, so far as they went: but the learned, yet
judicious research of etymology[546], the various, yet accurate display of
definition, and the rich collection of authorities, were reserved for
the superior mind of our great philologist[547]. For the mechanical part
he employed, as he told me, six amanuenses; and let it be remembered by
the natives of North-Britain, to whom he is supposed to have been so
hostile, that five of them were of that country. There were two
Messieurs Macbean; Mr. Shiels, who we shall hereafter see partly wrote
the _Lives of the Poets_ to which the name of Cibber is affixed[548]; Mr.
Stewart, son of Mr. George Stewart, bookseller at Edinburgh; and a Mr.
Maitland. The sixth of these humble assistants was Mr. Peyton, who, I
believe, taught French, and published some elementary tracts.
[Page 187: Johnson's amanuenses. Ætat 38.]
To all these painful labourers, Johnson shewed a never-ceasing kindness,
so far as they stood in need of it. The elder Mr. Macbean had afterwards
the honour of being Librarian to Archibald, Duke of Argyle, for many
years, but was left without a shilling. Johnson wrote for him a Preface
to _A System of Ancient Geography_; and, by the favour of Lord Thurlow,
got him admitted a poor brother of the Charterhouse[549]. For Shiels, who
died, of a consumption, he had much tenderness; and it has been thought
that some choice sentences in the _Lives of the Poets_ were supplied by
him[550]. Peyton, when reduced to penury, had frequent aid from the bounty
of Johnson, who at last was at the expense of burying both him and his
wife[551].
[Page 188: The upper room in Gough-square. A.D. 1748.]
[Page 189: Authours quoted in THE DICTIONARY. Ætat 39.]
While the _Dictionary_ was going forward, Johnson lived part of the time
in Holborn, part in Gough-square, Fleet-street; and he had an upper room
fitted up like a counting-house for the purpose, in which he gave to the
copyists their several tasks[552]. The words, partly taken from other
dictionaries, and partly supplied by himself, having been first written
down with spaces left between them, he delivered in writing their
etymologies, definitions, and various significations[553]. The authorities
were copied from the books themselves, in which he had marked the
passages with a black-lead pencil, the traces of which could easily be
effaced[554]. I have seen several of them, in which that trouble had not
been taken; so that they were just as when used by the copyists[555]. It
is remarkable, that he was so attentive in the choice of the passages in
which words were authorised, that one may read page after page of his
_Dictionary_ with improvement and pleasure; and it should not pass
unobserved, that he has quoted no authour whose writings had a tendency
to hurt sound religion and morality[556].
The necessary expense of preparing a work of such magnitude for the
press, must have been a considerable deduction from the price stipulated
to be paid for the copy-right. I understand that nothing was allowed by
the booksellers on that account; and I remember his telling me, that a
large portion of it having by mistake been written upon both sides of
the paper, so as to be inconvenient for the compositor, it cost him
twenty pounds to have it transcribed upon one side only.
[Page 190: The Ivy Lane Club. A.D. 1748.]
[Page 191: Mr. John Hawkins, an attorney. Ætat 39.]
He is now to be considered as 'tugging at his oar[557],' as engaged in a
steady continued course of occupation, sufficient to employ all his time
for some years; and which was the best preventive of that constitutional
melancholy which was ever lurking about him, ready to trouble his quiet.
But his enlarged and lively mind could not be satisfied without more
diversity of employment, and the pleasure of animated relaxation[558]. He
therefore not only exerted his talents in occasional composition very
different from Lexicography, but formed a club in Ivy-lane,
Paternoster-row, with a view to enjoy literary discussion, and amuse his
evening hours. The members associated with him in this little society
were his beloved friend Dr. Richard Bathurst[559], Mr. Hawkesworth[560],
afterwards well known by his writings, Mr. John Hawkins, an attorney[561],
and a few others of different professions[562].
[Page 192: The Vision of Theodore. A.D. 1749.]
In the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for May of this year he wrote a 'Life of
Roscommon,'[*] with Notes, which he afterwards much improved, indented
the notes into text, and inserted it amongst his _Lives of the English
Poets_.
Mr. Dodsley this year brought out his _Preceptor_, one of the most
valuable books for the improvement of young minds that has appeared in
any language; and to this meritorious work Johnson furnished 'The
Preface,'[*] containing a general sketch of the book, with a short and
perspicuous recommendation of each article; as also, 'The Vision of
Theodore the Hermit, found in his Cell,'[*] a most beautiful allegory of
human life, under the figure of ascending the mountain of Existence. The
Bishop of Dromore heard Dr. Johnson say, that he thought this was the
best thing he ever wrote[563].
1749: ÆTAT. 40.--In January, 1749, he published _The Vanity of Human
Wishes, being the Tenth Satire of Juvenal imitated_[564]. He, I believe,
composed it the preceding year[565]. Mrs. Johnson, for the sake of country
air, had lodgings at Hampstead, to which he resorted occasionally, and
there the greatest part, if not the whole, of this _Imitation_ was
written[566]. The fervid rapidity with which it was produced, is scarcely
credible. I have heard him say, that he composed seventy lines of it in
one day, without putting one of them upon paper till they were
finished[567].
[Page 193: The payment of poets.]
I remember when I once regretted to him that he had not given us more of
Juvenal's _Satires_, he said he probably should give more, for he had
them all in his head; by which I understood that he had the originals
and correspondent allusions floating in his mind, which he could, when
he pleased, embody and render permanent without much labour. Some of
them, however, he observed were too gross for imitation.
The profits of a single poem, however excellent, appear to have been
very small in the last reign, compared with what a publication of the
same size has since been known to yield. I have mentioned, upon
Johnson's own authority, that for his _London_ he had only ten guineas;
and now, after his fame was established, he got for his _Vanity of Human
Wishes_ but five guineas more, as is proved by an authentick document in
my possession[568].
It will be observed, that he reserves to himself the right of printing
one edition of this satire, which was his practice upon occasion of the
sale of all his writings; it being his fixed intention to publish at
some period, for his own profit, a complete collection of his works[569].
His _Vanity of Human Wishes_ has less of common life, but more of a
philosophick dignity than his _London_. More readers, therefore, will be
delighted with the pointed spirit of _London_, than with the profound
reflection of _The Vanity of Human Wishes_[570]. Garrick, for instance,
observed in his sprightly manner, with more vivacity than regard to just
discrimination, as is usual with wits, 'When Johnson lived much with
the Herveys, and saw a good deal of what was passing in life, he wrote
his _London_, which is lively and easy. When he became more retired, he
gave us his _Vanity of Human Wishes_, which is as hard as Greek. Had he
gone on to imitate another satire, it would have been as hard as
Hebrew[571].'
[Page 194: Lydiat's life. A.D. 1749.]
But _The Vanity of Human Wishes_ is, in the opinion of the best judges,
as high an effort of ethick poetry as any language can shew. The
instances of variety of disappointment are chosen so judiciously and
painted so strongly, that, the moment they are read, they bring
conviction to every thinking mind. That of the scholar must have
depressed the too sanguine expectations of many an ambitious student[572].
That of the warrior, Charles of Sweden, is, I think, as highly finished
a picture as can possibly be conceived.
[Page 195: The conclusion of Johnson's poem. Ætat 40.]
Were all the other excellencies of this poem annihilated, it must ever
have our grateful reverence from its noble conclusion; in which we are
consoled with the assurance that happiness may be attained, if we 'apply
our hearts[573]' to piety:
'Where then shall hope and fear their objects find?
Shall dull suspense corrupt the stagnant mind?
Must helpless man, in ignorance sedate,
Roll darkling down the torrent of his fate?
Shall no dislike alarm, no wishes rise,
No cries attempt the mercy of the skies?
Enthusiast[574], cease; petitions yet remain,
Which Heav'n may hear, nor deem Religion vain.
Still raise for good the supplicating voice,
But leave to Heaven the measure and the choice.
Safe in His hand, whose eye discerns afar
The secret ambush of a specious pray'r;
Implore His aid, in His decisions rest,
Secure whate'er He gives He gives the best.
Yet when the sense of sacred presence fires,
And strong devotion to the skies aspires,
Pour forth thy fervours for a healthful mind,
Obedient passions, and a will resign'd;
For love, which scarce collective man can fill,
For patience, sovereign o'er transmuted ill;
For faith, which panting for a happier seat,
Counts death kind Nature's signal for retreat.
These goods for man the laws of Heaven ordain,
These goods He grants, who grants the power to gain;
With these celestial wisdom calms the mind,
And makes the happiness she does not find.'
[Page 196: IRENE on the stage. A.D. 1749.]
Garrick being now vested with theatrical power by being manager of
Drury-lane theatre, he kindly and generously made use of it to bring out
Johnson's tragedy, which had been long kept back for want of
encouragement. But in this benevolent purpose he met with no small
difficulty from the temper of Johnson, which could not brook that a
drama which he had formed with much study, and had been obliged to keep
more than the nine years of Horace[575], should be revised and altered at
the pleasure of an actor[576]. Yet Garrick knew well, that without some
alterations it would not be fit for the stage. A violent dispute having
ensued between them, Garrick applied to the Reverend Dr. Taylor to
interpose. Johnson was at first very obstinate. 'Sir, (said he) the
fellow wants me to make Mahomet run mad, that he may have an opportunity
of tossing his hands and kicking his heels[577].' He was, however, at
last, with difficulty, prevailed on to comply with Garrick's wishes, so
as to allow of some changes; but still there were not enough.
[Page 197: The Epilogue to IRENE. Ætat 40.]
Dr. Adams was present the first night of the representation of _Irene_,
and gave me the following account: 'Before the curtain drew up, there
were catcalls whistling, which alarmed Johnson's friends. The Prologue,
which was written by himself in a manly strain, soothed the audience[578],
and the play went off tolerably, till it came to the conclusion, when
Mrs. Pritchard[579], the heroine of the piece, was to be strangled upon
the stage, and was to speak two lines with the bow-string round her
neck. The audience cried out "_Murder! Murder_[580]!" She several times
attempted to speak; but in vain. At last she was obliged to go off the
stage alive.' This passage was afterwards struck out, and she was
carried off to be put to death behind the scenes, as the play now has
it[581]. The Epilogue, as Johnson informed me, was written by Sir William
Yonge[582]. I know not how his play came to be thus graced by the pen of a
person then so eminent in the political world.
Notwithstanding all the support of such performers as Garrick, Barry,
Mrs. Cibber, Mrs. Pritchard, and every advantage of dress and
decoration, the tragedy of _Irene_ did not please the publick[583]. Mr.
Garrick's zeal carried it through for nine nights[584], so that the
authour had his three nights' profits; and from a receipt signed by him,
now in the hands of Mr. James Dodsley, it appears that his friend Mr.
Robert Dodsley gave him one hundred pounds for the copy, with his usual
reservation of the right of one edition[585].
[Page 198: IRENE as a poem. A.D. 1749.]
[Page 199: Johnson no tragedy-writer. Ætat 40.]
_Irene_, considered as a poem, is intitled to the praise of superiour
excellence[586]. Analysed into parts, it will furnish a rich store of
noble sentiments, fine imagery, and beautiful language; but it is
deficient in pathos, in that delicate power of touching the human
feelings, which is the principal end of the drama[587]. Indeed Garrick has
complained to me, that Johnson not only had not the faculty of producing
the impressions of tragedy, but that he had not the sensibility to
perceive them. His great friend Mr. Walmsley's prediction, that he would
'turn out a fine tragedy-writer[588],' was, therefore, ill-founded.
Johnson was wise enough to be convinced that he had not the talents
necessary to write successfully for the stage, and never made another
attempt in that species of composition[589].
[Page 200: Deference for the general opinion. A.D. 1749.]