considered Dr. Birch as a dull writer, and said of him, 'Tom Birch is as
brisk as a bee in conversation; but no sooner does he take a pen in his
hand, than it becomes a torpedo to him, and benumbs all his
faculties[465].' That the literature of this country is much indebted to
Birch's activity and diligence must certainly be acknowledged. We have
seen that Johnson honoured him with a Greek Epigram[466]; and his
correspondence with him, during many years, proves that he had no mean
opinion of him.
'To DR. BIRCH.
'Thursday, Sept. 29, 1743.
'SIR,
'I hope you will excuse me for troubling you on an occasion on which I
know not whom else I can apply to; I am at a loss for the Lives and
Characters of Earl Stanhope, the two Craggs, and the minister
Sunderland; and beg that you will inform [me] where I may find them, and
send any pamphlets, &c. relating to them to Mr. Cave, to be perused for
a few days by, Sir,
'Your most humble servant,
'SAM. JOHNSON.'
His circumstances were at this time much embarrassed; yet his affection
for his mother was so warm, and so liberal, that he took upon himself a
debt of her's, which, though small in itself, was then considerable to
him. This appears from the following letter which he wrote to Mr.
Levett, of Lichfield, the original of which lies now before me.
'To MR. LEVETT; IN LICHFIELD.
'December 1, 1743.
'SIR,
'I am extremely sorry that we have encroached so much upon your
forbearance with respect to the interest, which a great perplexity of
affairs hindered me from thinking of with that attention that I ought,
and which I am not immediately able to remit to you, but will pay it (I
think twelve pounds,) in two months. I look upon this, and on the future
interest of that mortgage, as my own debt; and beg that you will be
pleased to give me directions how to pay it, and not mention it to my
dear mother. If it be necessary to pay this in less time, I believe I
can do it; but I take two months for certainty, and beg an answer
whether you can allow me so much time. I think myself very much obliged
to your forbearance, and shall esteem it a great happiness to be able to
serve you. I have great opportunities of dispersing any thing that you
may think it proper to make publick[467]. I will give a note for the
money, payable at the time mentioned, to any one here that you shall
appoint. I am, Sir,
'Your most obedient,
'And most humble servant,
'SAM. JOHNSON.
'At Mr. Osborne's, bookseller, in Gray's Inn.'
[Page 161: The Life of Savage. Ætat 35.]
[Page 162: Johnson's friendship with Savage. A.D. 1744.]
1744: ÆTAT. 35.--It does not appear that he wrote any thing in 1744
for the _Gentleman's Magazine_, but the Preface.[Dagger] His _Life of
Baretier_ was now re-published in a pamphlet by itself. But he produced
one work this year, fully sufficient to maintain the high reputation
which he had acquired. This was _The Life of Richard Savage_;[*] a man,
of whom it is difficult to speak impartially, without wondering that he
was for some time the intimate companion of Johnson[468]; for his
character was marked by profligacy, insolence, and ingratitude[469]: yet,
as he undoubtedly had a warm and vigorous, though unregulated mind, had
seen life in all its varieties, and been much in the company of the
statesmen and wits of his time[470], he could communicate to Johnson an
abundant supply of such materials as his philosophical curiosity most
eagerly desired; and as Savage's misfortunes and misconduct had reduced
him to the lowest state of wretchedness as a writer for bread[471], his
visits to St. John's Gate naturally brought Johnson and him together[472].
[Page 163: Dining behind the screen. Ætat 35.]
It is melancholy to reflect, that Johnson and Savage were sometimes in
such extreme indigence[473], that they could not pay for a lodging; so
that they have wandered together whole nights in the streets[474]. Yet in
these almost incredible scenes of distress, we may suppose that Savage
mentioned many of the anecdotes with which Johnson afterwards enriched
the life of his unhappy companion, and those of other Poets.
[Page 164: Johnson in want of a lodging. A.D. 1744.]
He told Sir Joshua Reynolds, that one night in particular, when Savage
and he walked round St. James's-square for want of a lodging, they were
not at all depressed by their situation; but in high spirits and brimful
of patriotism, traversed the square for several hours, inveighed against
the minister, and 'resolved they would _stand by their country_[475].'
I am afraid, however, that by associating with Savage, who was
habituated to the dissipation and licentiousness of the town, Johnson,
though his good principles remained steady, did not entirely preserve
that conduct, for which, in days of greater simplicity, he was remarked
by his friend Mr. Hector; but was imperceptibly led into some
indulgencies which occasioned much distress to his virtuous mind.[476]
That Johnson was anxious that an authentick and favourable account of
his extraordinary friend should first get possession of the publick
attention, is evident from a letter which he wrote in the _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for August of the year preceding its publication.
'MR. URBAN,
'As your collections show how often you have owed the ornaments of your
poetical pages to the correspondence of the unfortunate and ingenious
Mr. Savage, I doubt not but you have so much regard to his memory as to
encourage any design that may have a tendency to the preservation of it
from insults or calumnies; and therefore, with some degree of assurance,
intreat you to inform the publick, that his life will speedily be
published by a person who was favoured with his confidence, and received
from himself an account of most of the transactions which he proposes to
mention, to the time of his retirement to Swansea in Wales.
'From that period, to his death in the prison of Bristol, the account
will be continued from materials still less liable to objection; his own
letters, and those of his friends, some of which will be inserted in the
work, and abstracts of others subjoined in the margin.
'It may be reasonably imagined, that others may have the same design;
but as it is not credible that they can obtain the same materials, it
must be expected they will supply from invention the want of
intelligence; and that under the title of "The Life of Savage," they
will publish only a novel, filled with romantick adventures, and
imaginary amours. You may therefore, perhaps, gratify the lovers of
truth and wit, by giving me leave to inform them in your Magazine, that
my account will be published in 8vo. by Mr. Roberts, in
Warwick-lane[477].'
[_No signature_.]
[Page 165: Reynolds reads THE LIFE OF SAVAGE. Ætat 35.]
In February, 1744, it accordingly came forth from the shop of Roberts,
between whom and Johnson I have not traced any connection, except the
casual one of this publication[478]. In Johnson's _Life of Savage_,
although it must be allowed that its moral is the reverse
of--'_Respicere exemplar vita morumque jubebo_[479],' a very useful lesson
is inculcated, to guard men of warm passions from a too free indulgence
of them; and the various incidents are related in so clear and animated
a manner, and illuminated throughout with so much philosophy, that it is
one of the most interesting narratives in the English language. Sir
Joshua Reynolds told me, that upon his return from Italy[480] he met with
it in Devonshire, knowing nothing of its authour, and began to read it
while he was standing with his arm leaning against a chimney-piece. It
seized his attention so strongly, that, not being able to lay down the
book till he had finished it, when he attempted to move, he found his
arm totally benumbed. The rapidity with which this work was composed, is
a wonderful circumstance. Johnson has been heard to say, 'I wrote
forty-eight of the printed octavo pages of the _Life of Savage_ at a
sitting; but then I sat up all night[481].'
[Page 166: Resemblance of Johnson to Savage. A.D. 1744.]
He exhibits the genius of Savage to the best advantage in the specimens
of his poetry which he has selected, some of which are of uncommon
merit. We, indeed, occasionally find such vigour and such point, as
might make us suppose that the generous aid of Johnson had been imparted
to his friend. Mr. Thomas Warton made this remark to me; and, in support
of it, quoted from the poem entitled _The Bastard_, a line, in which the
fancied superiority of one 'stamped in Nature's mint with extasy[482],' is
contrasted with a regular lawful descendant of some great and ancient
family:
'No tenth transmitter of a foolish face[483].'
But the fact is, that this poem was published some years before Johnson
and Savage were acquainted[484].
[Page 167: Johnson's prejudice against players. Ætat 35.]
It is remarkable, that in this biographical disquisition there appears a
very strong symptom of Johnson's prejudice against players[485]; a
prejudice which may be attributed to the following causes: first, the
imperfection of his organs, which were so defective that he was not
susceptible of the fine impressions which theatrical excellence produces
upon the generality of mankind; secondly, the cold rejection of his
tragedy; and, lastly, the brilliant success of Garrick, who had been his
pupil, who had come to London at the same time with him, not in a much
more prosperous state than himself, and whose talents he undoubtedly
rated low, compared with his own. His being outstripped by his pupil in
the race of immediate fame, as well as of fortune, probably made him
feel some indignation, as thinking that whatever might be Garrick's
merits in his art, the reward was too great when compared with what the
most successful efforts of literary labour could attain. At all periods
of his life Johnson used to talk contemptuously of players[486]; but in
this work he speaks of them with peculiar acrimony; for which, perhaps,
there was formerly too much reason from the licentious and dissolute
manners of those engaged in that profession[487]. It is but justice to
add, that in our own time such a change has taken place, that there is
no longer room for such an unfavourable distinction[488].
[Page 168: Garrick's mistakes in emphasis. A.D. 1744.]
His schoolfellow and friend, Dr. Taylor, told me a pleasant anecdote of
Johnson's triumphing over his pupil David Garrick. When that great actor
had played some little time at Goodman's fields, Johnson and Taylor went
to see him perform, and afterwards passed the evening at a tavern with
him and old Giffard[489]. Johnson, who was ever depreciating
stage-players, after censuring some mistakes in emphasis which Garrick
had committed in the course of that night's acting, said, 'the players,
Sir, have got a kind of rant, with which they run on, without any regard
either to accent or emphasis[490].' Both Garrick and Giffard were offended
at this sarcasm, and endeavoured to refute it; upon which Johnson
rejoined, 'Well now, I'll give you something to speak, with which you
are little acquainted, and then we shall see how just my observation is.
That shall be the criterion. Let me hear you repeat the ninth
Commandment, "Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour."'
Both tried at it, said Dr. Taylor, and both mistook the emphasis, which
should be upon _not_ and _false witness_[491]. Johnson put them right, and
enjoyed his victory with great glee.
[Page 169: A review in THE CHAMPION. Ætat 35.]
His _Life of Savage_ was no sooner published, than the following liberal
praise was given to it, in _The Champion_, a periodical paper: 'This
pamphlet is, without flattery to its authour, as just and well written a
piece as of its kind I ever saw; so that at the same time that it highly
deserves, it certainly stands very little in need of this
recommendation. As to the history of the unfortunate person, whose
memoirs compose this work, it is certainly penned with equal accuracy
and spirit, of which I am so much the better judge, as I know many of
the facts mentioned to be strictly true, and very fairly related.
Besides, it is not only the story of Mr. Savage, but innumerable
incidents relating to other persons, and other affairs, which renders
this a very amusing, and, withal, a very instructive and valuable
performance. The author's observations are short, significant, and just,
as his narrative is remarkably smooth, and well disposed. His
reflections open to all the recesses of the human heart; and, in a word,
a more just or pleasant, a more engaging or a more improving treatise,
on all the excellencies and defects of human nature, is scarce to be
found in our own, or, perhaps, any other language[492].'
[Page 170: Parentage of Richard Savage. A.D. 1744.]
Johnson's partiality for Savage made him entertain no doubt of his
story, however extraordinary and improbable. It never occurred to him to
question his being the son of the Countess of Macclesfield, of whose
unrelenting barbarity he so loudly complained, and the particulars of
which are related in so strong and affecting a manner in Johnson's life
of him. Johnson was certainly well warranted in publishing his
narrative, however offensive it might be to the lady and her relations,
because her alledged unnatural and cruel conduct to her son, and
shameful avowal of guilt, were stated in a _Life of Savage_ now lying
before me, which came out so early as 1727, and no attempt had been made
to confute it, or to punish the authour or printer as a libeller: but
for the honour of human nature, we should be glad to find the shocking
tale not true; and, from a respectable gentleman[493] connected with the
lady's family, I have received such information and remarks, as joined
to my own inquiries, will, I think, render it at least somewhat
doubtful, especially when we consider that it must have originated from
the person himself who went by the name of Richard Savage.
If the maxim _falsum in uno, falsum in omnibus_, were to be received
without qualification, the credit of Savage's narrative, as conveyed to
us, would be annihilated; for it contains some assertions which, beyond
a question, are not true[494].
1. In order to induce a belief that Earl Rivers, on account of a
criminal connection with whom, Lady Macclesfield is said to have been
divorced from her husband, by Act of Parliament[495], had a peculiar
anxiety about the child which she bore to him, it is alledged, that his
Lordship gave him his own name, and had it duly recorded in the register
of St. Andrew's, Holborn[496]. I have carefully inspected that register,
but no such entry is to be found[497].
[Page 171: Lady Macclesfield's divorce. Ætat 35.]
2. It is stated, that 'Lady Macclesfield having lived for some time upon
very uneasy terms with her husband, thought a publick confession of
adultery the most obvious and expeditious method of obtaining her
liberty[498];' and Johnson, assuming this to be true, stigmatises her with
indignation, as 'the wretch who had, without scruple, proclaimed herself
an adulteress[499].' But I have perused the Journals of both houses of
Parliament at the period of her divorce, and there find it authentically
ascertained, that so far from voluntarily submitting to the ignominious
charge of adultery, she made a strenuous defence by her Counsel; the
bill having been first moved 15th January, 1697, in the House of Lords,
and proceeded on, (with various applications for time to bring up
witnesses at a distance, &c.) at intervals, till the 3d of March, when
it passed. It was brought to the Commons, by a message from the Lords,
the 5th of March, proceeded on the 7th, 10th, 11th, 14th, and 15th, on
which day, after a full examination of witnesses on both sides, and
hearing of Counsel, it was reported without amendments, passed, and
carried to the Lords.
[Page 172: Lady Macclesfield's alleged cruelty. A.D. 1744.]
That Lady Macclesfield was convicted of the crime of which she was
accused, cannot be denied; but the question now is, whether the person
calling himself Richard Savage was her son.
It has been said[500], that when Earl Rivers was dying, and anxious to
provide for all his natural children, he was informed by Lady
Macclesfield that her son by him was dead. Whether, then, shall we
believe that this was a malignant lie, invented by a mother to prevent
her own child from receiving the bounty of his father, which was
accordingly the consequence, if the person whose life Johnson wrote, was
her son; or shall we not rather believe that the person who then assumed
the name of Richard Savage was an impostor, being in reality the son of
the shoemaker, under whose wife's care[501] Lady Macclesfield's child was
placed; that after the death of the real Richard Savage, he attempted to
personate him; and that the fraud being known to Lady Macclesfield, he
was therefore repulsed by her with just resentment?
There is a strong circumstance in support of the last supposition,
though it has been mentioned as an aggravation of Lady Macclesfield's
unnatural conduct, and that is, her having prevented him from obtaining
the benefit of a legacy left to him by Mrs. Lloyd his god-mother. For if
there was such a legacy left, his not being able to obtain payment of
it, must be imputed to his consciousness that he was not the real
person. The just inference should be, that by the death of Lady
Macclesfield's child before its god-mother, the legacy became lapsed,
and therefore that Johnson's Richard Savage was an impostor. If he had a
title to the legacy, he could not have found any difficulty in
recovering it; for had the executors resisted his claim, the whole
costs, as well as the legacy, must have been paid by them, if he had
been the child to whom it was given[502].
[Page 173: Lord Tyrconnel. Ætat 35.]
The talents of Savage, and the mingled fire, rudeness, pride, meanness,
and ferocity of his character[503], concur in making it credible that he
was fit to plan and carry on an ambitious and daring scheme of
imposture, similar instances of which have not been wanting in higher
spheres, in the history of different countries, and have had a
considerable degree of success.
Yet, on the other hand, to the companion of Johnson, (who through
whatever medium he was conveyed into this world,--be it ever so doubtful
'To whom related, or by whom begot[504],' was, unquestionably, a man of no
common endowments,) we must allow the weight of general repute as to his
_Status_ or parentage, though illicit; and supposing him to be an
impostor, it seems strange that Lord Tyrconnel, the nephew of Lady
Macclesfield, should patronise him, and even admit him as a guest in his
family[505]. Lastly, it must ever appear very suspicious, that three
different accounts of the Life of Richard Savage, one published in _The
Plain Dealer_, in 1724, another in 1727, and another by the powerful pen
of Johnson, in 1744, and all of them while Lady Macclesfield was alive,
should, notwithstanding the severe attacks upon her[506], have been
suffered to pass without any publick and effectual contradiction.
[Page 174: Lady Macclesfield's latter career. A.D. 1744.]
I have thus endeavoured to sum up the evidence upon the case, as fairly
as I can; and the result seems to be, that the world must vibrate in a
state of uncertainty as to what was the truth.
This digression, I trust, will not be censured, as it relates to a
matter exceedingly curious, and very intimately connected with Johnson,
both as a man and an authour[507].
[Page 175: Observations of Shakespeare. Ætat 38.]
He this year wrote the _Preface to the Harleian Miscellany_[508][*] The
selection of the pamphlets of which it was composed was made by Mr.
Oldys[509], a man of eager curiosity and indefatigable diligence, who
first exerted that spirit of inquiry into the literature of the old
English writers, by which the works of our great dramatick poet have of
late been so signally illustrated.
In 1745 he published a pamphlet entitled _Miscellaneous Observations on
the Tragedy of Macbeth, with remarks on Sir T.H.'s (Sir Thomas Hammer's)
Edition of Shakspeare_.[*] To which he affixed, proposals for a new
edition of that poet[510].
As we do not trace any thing else published by him during the course of
this year, we may conjecture that he was occupied entirely with that
work. But the little encouragement which was given by the publick to his
anonymous proposals for the execution of a task which Warburton was
known to have undertaken, probably damped his ardour. His pamphlet,
however, was highly esteemed, and was fortunate enough to obtain the
approbation even of the supercilious Warburton himself, who, in the
Preface to his _Shakspeare_ published two years afterwards, thus
mentioned it: 'As to all those things which have been published under
the titles of _Essays, Remarks, Observations_, &c. on Shakspeare, if you
except some critical notes on _Macbeth_, given as a specimen of a
projected edition, and written, as appears, by a man of parts and
genius, the rest are absolutely below a serious notice.'
Of this flattering distinction shewn to him by Warburton, a very
grateful remembrance was ever entertained by Johnson, who said, 'He
praised me at a time when praise was of value to me.'
[Page 176: The Rebellion of 1745. A.D. 1746.]
1746: ÆTAT. 37.--In 1746 it is probable that he was still employed
upon his _Shakspeare_, which perhaps he laid aside for a time, upon
account of the high expectations which were formed of Warburton's
edition of that great poet[511]. It is somewhat curious, that his literary
career appears to have been almost totally suspended in the years 1745
and 1746, those years which were marked by a civil war in Great-Britain,
when a rash attempt was made to restore the House of Stuart to the
throne. That he had a tenderness for that unfortunate House, is well
known; and some may fancifully imagine, that a sympathetick anxiety
impeded the exertion of his intellectual powers: but I am inclined to
think, that he was, during this time, sketching the outlines of his
great philological work[512].
[Page 177: Johnson not an ardent Jacobite. Ætat 38.]
None of his letters during those years are extant, so far as I can
discover. This is much to be regretted. It might afford some
entertainment to see how he then expressed himself to his private
friends, concerning State affairs. Dr. Adams informs me, that 'at this
time a favourite object which he had in contemplation was _The Life of
Alfred_; in which, from the warmth with which he spoke about it, he
would, I believe, had he been master of his own will, have engaged
himself, rather than on any other subject.'
[Page 178: Poems wrongly assigned to Johnson. A.D. 1747.]
1747: ÆTAT. 38.--In 1747 it is supposed that the _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for May was enriched by him with five[513] short poetical
pieces, distinguished by three asterisks. The first is a translation, or
rather a paraphrase, of a Latin Epitaph on Sir Thomas Hanmer. Whether
the Latin was his, or not, I have never heard, though I should think it
probably was, if it be certain that he wrote the English[514]; as to which
my only cause of doubt is, that his slighting character of Hanmer as an
editor, in his _Observations on Macbeth_, is very different from that in
the 'Epitaph.' It may be said, that there is the same contrariety
between the character in the _Observations_, and that in his own Preface
to Shakspeare[515]; but a considerable time elapsed between the one
publication and the other, whereas the _Observations_ and the 'Epitaph'
came close together. The others are 'To Miss----, on her giving the
Authour a gold and silk net-work Purse of her own weaving;' 'Stella in
Mourning;' 'The Winter's Walk;' 'An Ode;' and, 'To Lyce, an elderly
Lady.' I am not positive that all these were his productions[516]; but as
'The Winter's Walk' has never been controverted to be his, and all of
them have the same mark, it is reasonable to conclude that they are all
written by the same hand. Yet to the Ode, in which we find a passage
very characteristick of him, being a learned description of the gout,
'Unhappy, whom to beds of pain
_Arthritick_ tyranny consigns;'