Cebrero for about fifteen miles, through one of the wildest, most
delightful, and most defensible countries in the world. The road is
a royal one, cut with great labour and expense in the side of the
mountain, and following all its windings; ... for some part of the
way it overhangs the river Valcarce, a rapid mountain stream, which
falls into the Burbia near the town, and afterwards joins the Sil,
to pass through the single outlet in the gorge of the Bierzo. Oaks,
alders, poplars, hazels, and chestnuts grow in the bottom, and far up
the side of the hills: the apple, pear, cherry, and mulberry are wild
in this country; the wild olive, also, is found here; and here are
the first vineyards which the traveller sees on his way from Coruña
into the heart of Spain. The mountains are cultivated in some parts
even to their summits, and trenches are cut along their sides, for
the purpose of irrigating them. Even those writers whose journals
were written during the horrors of such a flight noticed this scenery
with admiration. It was now covered with snow: ... there was neither
provision to sustain nature, nor shelter from the rain and snow, nor
fuel for fire, to keep the vital heat from total extinction, nor
place where the weary and foot-sore could rest for a single hour in
safety. All that had hitherto been suffered was but the prelude to
this consummate scene of horrors. It was still attempted to carry on
some of the sick and wounded: the beasts which drew them failed at
every step; and they were left in their waggons, to perish amid the
snow. “I looked round,” says an officer, “when we had hardly gained
the highest point of those slippery precipices, and saw the rear of
the army winding along the narrow road.... I saw their way marked by
the wretched people who lay on all sides expiring, from fatigue and
the severity of the cold: ... their bodies reddened in spots the white
surface of the ground.” The men were now desperate: excessive fatigue,
and the feeling of the disgrace there was in thus flying before the
enemy, excited in them a spirit which was almost mutinous: ... a few
hours’ pause was what they desired, an opportunity of facing the
French, the chance of an honourable and speedy death, the certainty of
sweetening their sufferings by taking vengeance upon their pursuers. A
Portugueze bullock-driver, who had faithfully served the English from
the first day of their march, was seen on his knees amid the snow, with
his hands clasped, dying in the attitude and act of prayer. He had at
least the comfort of religion in his passing hour. The soldiers who
threw themselves down to perish by the way-side gave utterance to far
different feelings with their dying breath: shame and strong anger were
their last sentiments; and their groans were mingled with imprecations
upon the Spaniards, by whom they fancied themselves betrayed, and upon
the generals, who chose rather to let them die like beasts than take
their chance in the field of battle. That no horror might be wanting,
women and children accompanied this wretched army: ... some were frozen
to death in the baggage-waggons, which were broken down, or left upon
the road for want of cattle; some died of fatigue and cold, while their
infants were pulling at the exhausted breast: ... one woman was taken
in labour upon the mountain; she lay down at the turning of an angle
rather more sheltered than the rest of the way from the icy sleet which
drifted along; ... there she was found dead, and two babes, which she
had brought forth, struggling in the snow: ... a blanket was thrown
over her, to cover her from sight, ... the only burial which could be
afforded, ... and the infants were given in charge to a woman who came
up in one of the bullock-carts, ... to take their chance for surviving
through such a journey.
♦TREASURE ABANDONED.♦
While the reserve were on this part of the road, they met between
thirty and forty waggons filled with arms, ammunition, shoes, and
clothing, from England, for Romana’s army. There was no means of
carrying them back; ... such things as could be made use of were
distributed to the soldiers as they passed, and the rest were
destroyed. Indeed, the baggage which was with the army could not be
carried on: nearly an hundred waggons, laden with shoes and clothes,
were abandoned upon this ascent. The dollars, too, could no longer be
dragged along: had the resolution of sacrificing them been determined
upon in time, they might have been distributed among the men: in this
manner, great part might have been saved from the enemy, and they who
escaped would have had some little compensation for the hardships
which they had undergone: ... they were now cast over the side of
the precipice, in hopes that the snow might conceal them from the
French: ... many men are supposed to have been lost, in consequence of
having dropped behind, for the hope of recovering some of this money.
Dreadful as this march appeared to those who beheld the wreck of the
army strewing its line of road, it was perhaps still more so for them
who performed it in a night stormy and dark, wading through sludge
and snow, stumbling over the bodies of beasts and men, and hearing,
whenever the wind abated, the groans of those whose sufferings were not
yet terminated by death.
From the summit of this mountain to Lugo is nearly twelve leagues.
There are several bridges upon the way, over glens and gills, which
might have impeded the pursuit, had they been destroyed. One, in
particular, between Nogales and Marillas, is the most remarkable work
of art between Coruña and Madrid. This bridge, which is called Puente
del Corzul, crosses a deep ravine: from its exceeding height, the
narrowness of its lofty arches, and its form, which, as usual with
the Spanish bridges, is straight, it might at a little distance be
mistaken for an aqueduct. Several of those officers who knew the road
relied much upon the strength of the ravine, and the impossibility
that the French could bring their guns over, if the bridge were
destroyed. Grievous as it was to think of destroying so grand a work,
its destruction was attempted; but, as in most other instances, to no
purpose; whether the pioneers performed their office too hastily, or
because their implements had been abandoned upon the way.
♦THE ARMY COLLECTS AT LUGO.♦
The different divisions had been ordered to halt and collect at Lugo.
Sir John Moore was now sensible of the impossibility of reaching
Vigo, ... the distance was double that to Coruña, the road was said
to be impracticable for artillery, and the place itself offered no
advantages for embarking in the face of an enemy. The brigades,
however, of Generals Craufurd and Alton had marched for that port; and
General Fraser, with his division, had been ordered to follow and join
them. A dispatch was sent to stop him: the dragoon who was entrusted
with it got drunk on the way, and lost the letter; and these troops, in
consequence, had proceeded a full day’s journey on their way towards
Vigo before the counter-order reached them, and they were marched back.
Thus, instead of having two days’ rest at Lugo, as had been designed,
they returned to that place excessively harassed, and with some
diminution of number, occasioned by fatigue. When the horses entered
Lugo, many of them fell dead in the streets, others were mercifully
shot; ... above four hundred carcasses were lying in the streets and
market places; ... there were none of the army who had strength to bury
them; the towns-people were under too painful a suspense to think of
performing work which it seemed hopeless to begin while the frequent
musket-shot indicated so many fresh slaughters; there therefore the
bodies lay, swelling with the rain, bursting, putrifying, and poisoning
the atmosphere, faster than the glutted dogs and carrion birds could
do their office. Here the retreating army might have rested, had the
destruction of the bridges been effected; but this attempt had been so
imperfectly executed, that the French came in sight on the 5th, and,
collecting in considerable strength, took up a good position opposite
our rear-guard, a valley dividing them.
♦SIR JOHN OFFERS BATTLE AT LUGO.
JAN. 6.♦
On the following day they attacked the outposts, opening upon them with
two Spanish pieces of ordnance, which they had taken on their march.
The attack was made with great spirit; but it was received, says an
officer, “with a steadiness which excited even our own wonder;” ...
for at the sight of the enemy, and the sound of battle, the English
recovered heart, and derived from their characteristic and invincible
courage a strength ♦JAN. 7.♦ which soon made them victorious. On the
7th another attack was made, and in like manner repelled. The prisoners
reported that Marshal Soult was come up with three divisions. Sir
John Moore, therefore, expecting a more formidable attempt, drew up
his whole force on the morning ♦JAN. 8.♦ of the 8th. It was his wish
now to bring the enemy to action; he had perfect confidence in the
valour of the troops, and perceived, also, that, unless he crippled
his pursuers, there was no hope of embarking unmolested. Order and
discipline were instantaneously restored by this resolution to fight,
and the men seemed at once to have recovered from their sufferings.
The French were not equally eager for battle; the trial which they had
made of their enemies on the two preceding days was not such as to
encourage them; and Soult was waiting for more troops to come up. The
country was intersected with inclosures, and his position was thought
too strong to be attacked by an inferior force. But, in reality,
the French at this time were less numerous than the English. Another
reason assigned for not attacking the enemy was, that the commissariat
had only provisions for two days: delay, therefore, was judged as
disadvantageous as retreat. It was afterwards known, that the French
expected to be attacked, that they had no confidence in the strength
of their position, and that their ablest officers apprehended their
advanced guard would have been cut off. They frequently spoke of this
to those English who were left in their power at Lugo, and exulted that
Sir John Moore had contented himself with offering battle, instead of
forcing them to an engagement. After waiting till the afternoon, during
a day of snow and storms, Sir John ordered large fires to be lighted
along the line, for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, and continued
his retreat during the night.
♦RETREAT TO CORUÑA.♦
Before the reserve left Lugo, the General once more endeavoured to
repress the irregularity of the march. He warned the soldiers that
their safety depended entirely upon their keeping their divisions, and
marching with their regiments; and that those who stopped in villages,
or straggled in the way, would inevitably be cut off by the French
cavalry, ... “who have hitherto,” said he, “shown little mercy even to
the feeble and infirm who have fallen into their hands. The army has
still eleven leagues to march; the soldiers must make an exertion to
accomplish this: the rear-guard cannot stop; and they who fall behind
must take their fate.” These representations were ineffectual: ... it
was, indeed, impossible to obey them: many of the men were exhausted
and foot-sore, and could not keep their ranks: ... others, who had
totally broke through all discipline, left them for the love of wine,
or for worse motives. So irresistible was the temptation of liquor to
men in their state, that it was deemed better to expose them to the
cold and rain of a severe night, than to the wine-houses of Betanzos,
the next town upon their march. When the Royals reached that place,
they only mustered, with the colours, nine officers, three serjeants,
and three privates: the rest had dropped on the road; and many of
those who joined did not come up for three days. There was a memorable
instance, in this part of the retreat, of what might have been
accomplished by discipline and presence of mind. A party of invalids,
between Lugo and Betanzos, were closely pressed by two squadrons of the
enemy’s cavalry. Serjeant Newman, of the 2d battalion 43d, was among
them: he made an effort to pass three or four hundred of these poor
men, then halted, rallied round him such as were capable of making any
resistance, and directed the others to proceed as they could. This
party he formed regularly into divisions, and commenced firing and
retiring in an orderly manner, till he effectually covered the retreat
of his disabled comrades, and made the cavalry give up the pursuit.
♦SIR JOHN IS ADVISED TO PROPOSE TERMS.♦
The partial actions at Lugo, and the risk to which he had been exposed
of a general one, checked Soult in his pursuit; and he was too sensible
of the danger which he had escaped, to trust himself again so near the
British, without a superior force. The British army, therefore, gained
twelve hours’ march upon him, and reached Coruña with little farther
molestation; they obtained implements from Coruña for destroying the
bridge over the Mero, and thus impeded ♦JAN. 11.♦ the enemy’s progress.
At Coruña, if the General had not represented the cause of Spain as
hopeless, they might have found reinforcements from England, which
would have enabled them to turn upon their pursuers, and take ample
vengeance for the sufferings and the shame which they had endured. But,
instead of reinforcements, he had directed that empty transports should
be sent; and, for want of due knowledge of the country, had ordered
them to Vigo, instead of Coruña. That order had been countermanded
as soon as the error was discovered; but contrary winds detained the
ships, ... happily for the honour of their country, for otherwise the
troops would have quitted Spain as fugitives. It was apparent now
that they could not escape unless they gained a battle. Coruña was a
bad position. Had they been numerous enough to have occupied a range
of hills about four miles from the town, they could have defended
themselves against very superior numbers, ... but these heights
required a larger force than the English army, of which not less than
a fourth part had been foundered by the way. Both flanks would have
been liable to be turned: it was therefore necessary to relinquish
them to the enemy, and be content with occupying a second and lower
range. Such, however, were the disadvantages of this situation, that
some of our general officers advised the Commander to propose terms to
Soult, for permitting the army to embark unmolested. In communicating
this to the Government, Sir John said he was averse to make any such
proposal, and exceedingly doubtful if it would be attended with any
good effect, ... but whatever he might resolve upon this head, the
Ministers might rest assured that he would accept no terms which were
in the least dishonourable to the army or to the country. Happily for
his own memory, upon farther consideration, he rejected the advice. It
is sufficiently disgraceful that such advice should have been given;
and deeply is England indebted to Sir John Moore for saving the army
from this last and utter ignominy, and giving it an opportunity of
displaying to the world that courage which had never forsaken it, and
retrieving the honour which, had this counsel been followed, would
irretrievably have been lost.
♦PREPARATION FOR BATTLE.♦
Arrangements, therefore, were made to give the enemy battle. One
division, under General Hope, occupied a hill on the left, commanding
the road to Betanzos: the height decreased gradually to the village of
Elvina, taking a curved direction. At this village General Baird’s
division commenced, and bent to the right: the whole formed nearly a
semicircle. On the right of Sir David Baird, the rifle corps formed a
chain across a valley, and communicated with General Fraser’s division,
which was drawn up about half a mile from Coruña, near the road to
Vigo. The reserve, under General Paget, occupied a village on the
Betanzos road, about half a mile in the rear of General Hope. On the
outside of the British posts was a magazine, containing 4000 barrels of
gunpowder, which had been brought from England, and left there, while
the Spanish armies were without ammunition! It was now necessary to
blow it up: ... the explosion shook the town like an earthquake; and a
village near the magazine was totally destroyed.
♦THE ARTILLERY EMBARKED.♦
The French made their appearance on the morning of the 12th, moving in
force on the opposite side of the river Mero. They took up a position
near the village of Perillo, on the left flank, and occupied the
houses along the river. Their force was continually increasing. On the
14th they commenced a cannonade, which was returned with such effect,
that they at last drew off their guns. In the evening of this day
the transports from Vigo hove in sight. Some slight skirmishes took
place the following morning. Preparations meantime were making for the
embarkation. Sir John finding that, from the nature of the ground, much
artillery could not be employed, placed seven six-pounders and one
howitzer along the line, and kept four Spanish guns as a reserve, to
be advanced to any point where they might be wanted: the rest of the
artillery was embarked. The sick and the dismounted cavalry were sent
on board with all possible expedition. A few horses also were embarked,
... but there was little time for this: most of them were completely
disabled; another slaughter, therefore, was made of them: and the beach
was covered with their bodies. Some of these animals, seeing their
fellows fall, were sensible of the fate intended for them: they became
wild with terror, and a few broke loose.
♦BATTLE OF CORUÑA.♦
The preparations for embarking were completed on the morning of the
16th, and the General gave notice, that he intended, if the French did
not move, to begin embarking the reserve at four in the afternoon.
This was about mid-day. He mounted his horse, and set off to visit the
outposts: before he had proceeded far, a messenger came to tell him
that the enemy’s line were getting under arms; and a deserter arriving
at the same moment, confirmed the intelligence. He spurred forward.
Their light troops were pouring rapidly down the hill on the right
wing of the British, and the advanced picquets were already beginning
to fire. Lord William Bentinck’s brigade, consisting of the 4th, 42d,
and 50th regiments, maintained this post. It was a bad position, and
yet, if the troops gave way on that point, the ruin of the army was
inevitable. The guards were in their rear. General Paget was ordered
to advance with the reserve, and support Lord William. The enemy
opened a cannonade from eleven heavy guns, advantageously planted on
the hills. Two strong columns, one advancing from a wood, the other
skirting its edge, directed their march towards the right wing. A third
column approached the centre: a fourth advanced slowly upon the left:
a fifth remained half way down the hill, in the same direction. Both
in number and weight of guns they had a decided superiority; and they
fired with such effect from the commanding situation which they had
chosen, that the balls in their bounding reached the British reserve,
and occasioned some loss there.
Sir David Baird had his arm shattered with a grape-shot as he was
leading on his division. The two lines of infantry advanced against
each other: they were separated by stone walls and hedges which
intersected the ground: but as they closed, it was perceived that the
French line extended beyond the right flank of the British, and a body
of the enemy was observed moving up the valley to turn it. Marshal
Soult’s intention was to force the right of the British, and thus to
interpose between Coruña and the army, and cut it off from the place
of embarkation. Failing in this attempt, he was now endeavouring to
out-flank it. Half of the 4th regiment was therefore ordered to fall
back, forming an obtuse angle with the other half. This manœuvre was
excellently performed, and they commenced a heavy flanking fire: Sir
John Moore called out to them, that this was exactly what he wanted
to be done, and rode on to the 50th, commanded by Majors Napier and
Stanhope. They got over an inclosure in their front, charged the enemy
most gallantly, and drove them out of the village of Elvina; but Major
Napier, advancing too far in the pursuit, received several wounds, and
was made prisoner, and Major Stanhope was[41] killed.
The General now proceeded to the 42d. “Highlanders,” said he, “remember
Egypt!” ... they rushed on, and drove the French before them, till they
were stopped by a wall: Sir John accompanied them in this charge. He
now sent Captain Hardinge to order up a battalion of guards to the left
flank of the 42d. The officer commanding the light infantry conceived,
at this, that they were to be relieved by the guards, because their
ammunition was nearly expended, and he began to fall back. The General,
discovering the mistake, said to them, “My brave 42d, join your
comrades: ammunition is coming, and you have your bayonets!” Upon this,
they instantly moved forward. Captain Hardinge returned, and pointed
out to the General where the guards were advancing. The enemy kept up
a hot fire, and their artillery played incessantly on the spot where
they were standing. A cannon-shot struck Sir John, and carried away his
left shoulder, and part of the collar-bone, leaving the arm hanging
by the flesh. He fell from his horse on his back, his countenance did
not change, neither did he betray the least sensation of pain. Captain
Hardinge, who dismounted, and took him by the hand, observed him
anxiously watching the 42d, which was warmly engaged, and told him they
were advancing; and upon that intelligence his countenance brightened.
Colonel Graham, who now came up to assist him, seeing the composure of
his features, began to hope that he was not wounded, till he perceived
the dreadful laceration. From the size of the wound, it was in vain to
make any attempt at stopping the blood; and Sir John consented to be
removed in a blanket to the rear. In raising him up, his sword, hanging
on the wounded side, touched his arm, and became entangled between his
legs: Captain Hardinge began to unbuckle it; but the General said,
in his usual tone and manner, and in a distinct voice, “It is as
well as it is; I had rather it should go out of the field with me.”
Six soldiers of the 42d and the guards bore him. Hardinge, observing
his composure, began to hope that the wound might not be mortal, and
said to him, he trusted he might be spared to the army, and recover.
Moore turned his head, and looking steadfastly at the wound for a few
seconds, replied, “No, Hardinge, I feel that to be impossible.”
As the soldiers were carrying him slowly along, he made them frequently
turn round, that he might see the field of battle, and listen to
the firing; and he was well pleased when the sound grew fainter. A
spring-waggon came up, bearing Colonel Wynch, who was wounded; the
Colonel asked who was in the blanket, and being told it was Sir John
Moore, wished him to be placed in the waggon. Sir John asked one of
the Highlanders whether he thought the waggon or the blanket was best?
and the man said the blanket would not shake him so much, as he and
the other soldiers would keep the step, and carry him easy. So they
proceeded with him to his quarters at Coruña, weeping as they went.
General Paget, meantime, hastened with the reserve to support the right
wing. Colonel Beckwith dashed on with the rifle corps, repelled the
enemy, and advanced so far as nearly to carry off one of their cannon;
but a corps greatly superior moved up the valley, and forced him to
retire. Paget, however, attacked this body of the enemy, repulsed it,
and pressed on, dispersing every thing before him, till the enemy,
perceiving their left wing was now quite exposed, drew it entirely
back. The French then advanced upon Generals Manningham and Leith, in
the centre, and there they were more easily repelled, the ground being
more elevated, and favourable for artillery. The position on the left
was strong, and their effort there was unavailing: but a body of them
took possession of a village on the road to Betanzos, and continued to
fire from it, till Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls attacked it, and beat
them out. Night was now closing in, and the French had fallen back in
all parts of the field. The firing, however, was not discontinued till
it was dark.
Never was any battle gained under heavier disadvantages. The French
force exceeded 20,000 men; the British were not 15,000. The superiority
in artillery was equally great: ... the enemy had met English guns on
the way, sent off, thus late, to the patriotic armies, and these they
had turned back, and employed against the English. Our artillery was
embarked; and the Shrapnell shells, which contributed so materially to
the success at Vimeiro, were not used in this more perilous engagement.
If the moral and physical state of the two armies be considered, the
disadvantages under which our soldiers laboured were still greater:
... the French, equipped in the stores which they had overtaken upon
the road, elated with a pursuit wherein no man had been forced beyond
his strength, and hourly receiving reinforcements to their already
superior numbers; ... the English, in a state of misery, to which no
army, perhaps, had ever before been reduced till after a total defeat;
having lost their military chest, their stores, their baggage, their
horses, their women and children, their sick, their wounded, their
stragglers, every thing but their innate, excellent, unconquerable
courage. From 6000 to 7000 men had sunk under the fatigues of their
precipitate retreat. The loss in the battle did not amount to 800; that
of the [42]French is believed to have exceeded 2000. If such a victory
was gained by the British army under such circumstances, what might not
have been achieved by that army when unbroken, with all its means at
hand, in health and strength, in its pride, and in its height of hope!
The General lived to hear that the battle was won. “Are the French
beaten?” was the question which he repeated to every one who came into
his apartment; and he expressed how great a satisfaction it was to him
to know that they were defeated. “I hope,” he said, “the people of
England will be satisfied! I hope my country will do me justice.” Then,
addressing Colonel Anderson, who had been his friend and companion in
arms for one-and-twenty years, he said to him, “Anderson, you know that
I have always wished to die this way.... You will see my friends as
soon as you can: ... tell them every thing.... Say to my mother”--But
here his voice failed, he became excessively agitated, and did not
again venture to name her. Sometimes he asked to be placed in an
easier posture. “I feel myself so strong,” he said, “I fear I shall be
long dying. It is great uneasiness ... it is great pain.” But, after
a while, he pressed Anderson’s hand close to his body, and, in a few
minutes, died without a struggle. He fell, as it had ever been his wish
to do, in battle and in victory. No man was more beloved in private
life, nor was there any general in the British army so universally
respected. All men had thought him worthy of the chief command. Had he
been less circumspect, had he looked more ardently forward, and less
anxiously around him, and on all sides, and behind, ... had he been
more confident in himself and in his army, and impressed with less
respect for the French Generals, he would have been more equal to the
difficulties of his situation. Despondency was the radical weakness of
his mind. Personally he was as brave a man as ever met death in the
field; but he wanted faith in British courage, and it is faith by which
miracles are wrought in war as well as in religion. But let it ever
be remembered with gratitude, that, when some of his general officers
advised him to conclude the retreat by a capitulation, Sir John Moore
preserved the honour of England.
He had often said that, if he were killed in battle, he wished to be
buried where he fell. The body was removed at midnight to the citadel
of Coruña. A grave was dug for him on the rampart there, by a party of
the 9th regiment, the aides-du-camp attending by turns. No coffin could
be procured; and the officers of his staff wrapped the body, dressed as
it was, in a military cloak and blankets. The interment was hastened;
for, about eight in the morning, some firing was heard, and they feared
that, if a serious attack were made, they should be ordered away, and
not suffered to pay him their last duty. The officers of his family
bore him to the grave; the funeral service was read by the chaplain;
and the corpse was covered with earth.
Meantime, General Hope, on whom the command devolved, passed the night
in embarking the troops. At ten o’clock he ordered them to march from
the field by brigades, leaving strong picquets to guard the ground, and
give notice if the enemy approached. Major-General Beresford, with a
rear-guard of about 2000 men, to cover the embarkation, occupied the
lines in front of Coruña. Major-General Hill, with a corps of reserve,
was stationed on a promontory behind the town. Nearly the whole
army was embarked during the night: the picquets were withdrawn and
embarked also before day, little remaining ashore at daylight except
the rear-guard and the ♦JAN. 17.♦ reserve. The French, seeing this,
pushed on their light troops to the heights of St. Lucia, which command
the harbour, got up some cannon to a rising ground, and fired at the
transports. Several of the masters of these vessels were frightened,
and cut their cables: four of them ran a-ground. The men were put on
board other ships, and these were burnt. During the night of the 17th,
and the following morning, Beresford sent off all the sick and wounded
who were in a condition to bear removal: and lastly, the rear-guard
got into the boats, no attempt being made to interrupt them. Thus
terminated our first campaign in Spain.
END OF VOL. II.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.
FOOTNOTES
[1] “Elle est sans defense et sans fortification,” said Colmenar,
writing a century ago, “fermée d’une simple muraille; _mais ce défaut
est reparé par la bravoure des habitans_.” After the proofs which the
inhabitants have given of their patriotism, this praise appears like
prophecy.
[2] The Spaniards, by a more curious corruption, call Syracuse,
Zaragoza de Sicilia.
[3] _Hist. Apparitionis Deiparæ supra Columnam, Beato Jacobo apud
Cæsaragustam prædicante. Ex cod. membraneo, qui in Archivo Sanctæ Maria
de Pilari asservatur._ Espana Sagrada, t. xxx. p. 426. Risco adds
to this account, the Collect, which, from time immemorial, has been
used in the Church of the Pillar. It may be added here as a curiosity
for those who are not accustomed to such things. _Omnipotens æterne
Deus, qui Sacratissimam Virginem matrem tuam inter choros Angelorum
super columna marmorea a te ab alto emissa venire, dum adhuc viveret,
dignatus est,_ _ut Basilica de Pilari in ejus honorem a Protomartyre
apostolorum Jacobo suisque sanctissimis discipulis ædificaretur; præsta
quæsumus ut ejus meritis et intercessione fiat impetrabile quod fida
mente poscimus. Qui vivas et regnas, &c._
The French, as may be supposed, ridicule this fable; but, it is worthy
of remark, that, in the early part of the last century, the Spanish
annalist, Ferreras, represented the story as of doubtful authority;
his book passed through the hands of the usual censors, and was
printed; and then Philip V. the first of the Bourbon dynasty in Spain,
a Frenchman by birth and education, personally interfered, commanded
Ferreras to cancel the heretical leaf, and sent the edict in which this
was decreed to Zaragoza, there to be deposited among the archives of
the Virgin’s church, in proof of his especial devotion to our Lady of
the Pillar.
[4] “Here,” says Mr. Townsend, “I forgot all the hardships and fatigues
which we had suffered in this long journey: nay, had I travelled all
the way on foot, I would have freely done it to enjoy the sight of
these cathedrals. That which is called _El Aseu_ is vast, gloomy,
and magnificent; it excites devotion, inspires awe, and inclines the
worshipper to fall prostrate, and to adore in silence the God who seems
to veil his glory. The other, called _El Pilar_, spacious, lofty,
light, elegant, and cheerful, inspires hope, confidence, complacency,
and makes the soul impatient to express its gratitude for benefits
received.”
[5] Laborde.
[6] In military language, you always describe the country by the
current of water, and speak as if you were looking down the stream. It
was requisite to explain this to the court upon Whitelocke’s trial, and
therefore the explanation cannot be thought unnecessary here.
[7] “On this simple foundation,” says Mr. Vaughan, “a regular
manufactory of gunpowder was formed after the siege, which produced 13
arrobas of Castille per day; that is, 325 lb. of 12 ounces.”
[8]
Martyrum nulli, remanente vitâ,
Contigit terris habitare nostris;
Sola tu morti propriæ superstes,
Vivis in orbe,
Vivis ac pœnæ seriem retexis,
Carnis et cæsæ spolium retentans,
Tetra quam sulcos habeant amaros,
Vulnera narras.
Prudentius Περι Στεφανων. Hym. 4.
The poet goes on describing her torments with his usual love of
live-anatomy ... I know not whether it be possible that any person
should have survived them; but that some may be found wicked enough
to inflict equal tortures under the pretext, and others conscientious
enough to endure them for the sake of religion, has been too often
proved, and in few places more frequently than in Zaragoza itself, from
which city many an inquisitor has gone to keep company with Dacianus.
St. Engracia is invoked in diseases of the heart and the liver, in
consequence of the circumstances of her martyrdom.
Vidimus partem jecoris revulsam,
Ungulis longe jacuisse pressis;
Mors habet pallens aliquid tuorum,
Te quoque vivâ.
[9] The Bollandists relate this miracle with a candid admission of
doubt, because the writer, in whom they found it related, spoke upon
the testimony of others, instead of boldly asserting it on his own
authority. There are, however, testimonies in abundance, and that of
M. Bourgoing will be admitted to be decisive. “The roof,” he says,
“though very low, is certainly not smoked. They invite those who are
doubtful of it, to put a piece of white paper over one of these lamps.
I tried this experiment, and I must confess, I saw, or thought I saw,
that my paper was not blackened. I had still my doubts, but I took care
to conceal them from my bigoted conductors. I was, however, tempted to
say to them, God has not thought proper to work any striking miracle to
accelerate the end of the French revolution, or to calm the passions
which it has roused; and do you think that he would condescend to
perform here a miracle as obscure as your cavern, and as useless as
your own existence?”
[10] _Quartel-general, Santa Engracia. La capitulation._
[11] _Quartel-general, Zaragoza. Guerra al cuchillo._
[12] It is asserted by the French, in their official account, that,
after many days fighting, they won possession of many cloisters which
had been fortified, three-fourths of the city, the arsenal, and all
the magazines; and that the peaceable inhabitants, encouraged by these
advantages, hoisted a white flag, and came forward to offer terms of
capitulation; but that they were murdered by the insurgents; for this
is the name which the French, and the tyrant whom they served, applied
to a people fighting in defence of their country, and of whatever could
be dear to them. Unquestionably, if any traitors had thus ventured to
show themselves in the heat of the contest, they would have been put to
death as certainly as they would have deserved it; and, if the thing
had occurred, it would be one fact more to be recorded in honour of
the Zaragozans; but there is no other authority for it than the French
official account, in which account the result of the siege is totally
suppressed. The circumstance, had it really taken place, would not have
been omitted in Mr. Vaughan’s Narrative, and in the accounts published
by the Spaniards.
[13] General Thiebault says, “_On attribua d’abord ce mouvement, si
brusque et si general, à des causes peu signifiantes, à des terreurs
paniques, &c.; mais on apprit depuis qu’il tenoit à des grands projets,
et on en eut la preuve, quand on sut que dans presque toutes les
provinces il avoit été tenté ce même jour avec plus ou moins d’audace
ou de succès; et que, s’il avoit manqué à Lisbonne, il avoit (et
toujours par le moyen des prêtres) eu tout son succès à Oporto, Braga,
Chaves, ou ce jour même, une insurrection générale avoit éclaté,
fait prendre les armes contre nous à tous les habitans des provinces
d’Oporto, du Tras-los-Montes, d’une partie du Beira, et fait arrêter ou
assassiner tous les Français isolés qui s’y trouvoient._”--Relation de
l’Expédition du Portugal, p. 124.
General Thiebault is certainly wrong. Had there been any combination
against the common enemy, the persons by whom it was concerted would
eagerly have pleaded it afterwards as a claim to honour if not to
reward. The Portugueze have preserved the most minute details of a
national insurrection so honourable to the nation, and the merit of
priority has been contested by different places: but from all that
has been published it appears, in direct contradiction to the French
general’s statement, that no combination existed, (indeed it was
impossible that it should exist,) and that no tumult broke out on
the day which he has specified as the commencement of a general and
concerted movement, except at a village of fishermen in Algarve.
[14] Baron Thiebault ascribes the success of the insurgents, and the
loss of Faro, to the news of Dupont’s surrender, and to the landing
of troops, arms, ammunition, and money, at Faro, from the English
squadron. Not a man nor a musket had been landed from that squadron,
and the surrender of Dupont did not take place till a month afterwards!
With so little accuracy do the French relate the circumstances of their
ill success, even where no military misconduct is imputable.
[15] Baron Thiebault represents this as a great exploit on the part of
his fellow-soldiers. He says, _Le Colonel Maransin auroit pu éviter
Beja, mais il crut devoir ramener, par un grand exemple, ce pays à
l’obeissance. Il forme ses colonnes en marchant, et sans artillerie
attaque cette ville, enceinte de hautes murailles, dont toutes les
portes étoient barricadées, dont les murs, les tours, étoient défendus
par des forces quintuples des siennes, et par des hommes qui, dans
leur fureur, defioient nos bataillons._ Who would suppose, from this
description, that these high walls and towers were in ruins, and that
they were defended by a mob of three or four thousand men, not a third
part of whom were armed with firelocks! After killing 1200 men in
action, and all who were found in arms after it, sacking the city, and
setting it on fire, it seems difficult to understand what the mercy
was which the surviving inhabitants are said to have sent to Lisbon
to solicit. According to Baron Thiebault, _un brave religieux_, after
the assault, moved all his auditors to tears, by representing to them
how much they had provoked their own misfortunes: he was consequently
deputed unanimously to implore Junot’s clemency. Junot received him
graciously, and rewarded him with a canonry; LA RECONNOISSANCE FUT
EXTREME, ... _et Beja n’en reprit pas moins les armes peu de jours
après_. In the bulletin published at Lisbon upon this occasion, and
signed by this same General Thiebault, it is said, the inhabitants
expressed their contrition by their deputy, acknowledged that they had
been justly punished, and confessed that they had been seduced by the
English!
[16] Two persons were left alive when the French thought their accursed
work was done. One of them lingered three days before he was relieved
by death. Feliz Lourenco, the surveyor of the high road, was the other.
“He,” says Neves, (writing in 1811,) “still lives ... but in what a
condition! With his body and face disfigured by the marks of powder,
and the scars of eight and twenty bayonet wounds; ... with his left
eye struck out by a ball, the bones of his right shoulder broken, the
tendons rendered useless, and the hand paralyzed. It is from himself
that I have received the details of this frightful transaction,
of which there exists no other witness, except the murderers
themselves.”--_Historia Geral da Invasam dos Francezes em Portugal_,
_t._ iv. _p._ 42.
[17] General Thiebault, by whom the bulletin was signed, gives a
different statement in his book (p. 155). The French loss is there
given at sixty men killed, and from 130 to 140 wounded; that of the
Portugueze as at least 4000 left upon the field.
[18] As another example of the arts used to impose upon the Portugueze
people by the intrusive government, the following extract from the
fifth bulletin of the army of Portugal may be read with feelings
very different from what the detail in the text must excite. “On the
10th of July forty English disembarked at the foot of the village of
the Costa, to take in water and provisions. That point was defended
by only five carabineers of the thirty-first regiment of light
infantry. Notwithstanding this disproportion of numbers, these five
men, in sight of all the inhabitants, attacked the forty English,
repulsed them, forced them to abandon upon the beach all that they had
purchased, and pursued them to the sea.” Yet even this is outdone in
the same bulletin. “Three conscript lads (it is farther said), of the
sixty-sixth regiment, occupied a small post on the sea-shore, in front
of Cascaes, when they saw a boat put off from the English squadron, and
make towards them. Immediately these three lads placed themselves in
ambush, to wait till the boat should draw near: as soon as it reached
the shore they rose from their ambush, fired upon the boat, killed
the pilot (who was the master of Admiral Cotton’s ship), obliged two
English officers, and six seamen or soldiers, who were in the said
boat, to come on shore, and lay down their arms upon the beach, and
then conducted them as prisoners of war to the quarters-general of
General Solignac at Cascaes. This fact discovers a presence of mind,
a degree of intelligence, and a vigour, which do honour to the three
lads.” To complete the story, it should have been added, that the three
lads ate the eight Englishmen.
[19] Neves relates that Kellermann demanded for his own use 50,000
cruzados from the prior of Alcobaça at this time, letting him know,
without circumlocution, that what the French generals wanted was money.
He accepted a hundred moidores after hard bargaining. Loison heard of
this on his arrival, and, being on bad terms with Kellermann, made
him refund the money, charging the prior, if any such extortion were
practised upon him in future, to complain to him, wherever he might be.
Kellermann, however, coming there again when Loison had marched to the
south, redemanded the money, and laid on ten per cent. for interest. T.
iv. p. 82, 88.
[20] General Thiebault says, there was an action at Montemor, in which
the Portugueze lost fifty men, and that Loison also took prisoners
there some hundred peasants, _que les lois de la guerre condamnoient à
la mort, mais qu’il se borna à desarmer et renvoya chez eux_.
[21] General Thiebault says, that after their defeat in the field the
Portugueze wished to capitulate, but that the Spaniards shot those
persons who by timely submission would have saved the town: whereas the
fact is, that immediately after the defeat the Spaniards made the best
of their way towards their own country. During the action, he says that
several men dropt down dead, owing to the excessive heat, the blood
gushing from their ears, nose, and mouth. He is mistaken in saying that
General Leite (whom he calls Loti) fell in this action.
[22] These facts are notorious in Portugal, and circumstantial
accounts, too horrible to be repeated, are published of them. General
Thiebault only says in his text, that there was a desperate conflict in
the streets, and that “all who were found in arms were exterminated.”
He annexes the following note: “_Si l’on ne put de suite arrêter ces
terribles représailles, si l’on ne put éviter le pillage de beaucoup
de maisons, les officiers-généraux, superieurs, et d’état-major,
parvinrent du moins à faire respecter les églises, où les femmes,
les vieillards, et les habitans paisibles s’étoient retirés, avec ce
qu’ils avoient de plus précieux; ils firent plus, ils allèrent rassurer
eux-mêmes tous ceux qui s’y trouvoient, et dès que l’ordre commença à
se rétablir, ils firent escorter les femmes jusques chez elles, afin de
les préserver de toute insulte._” P. 164.
That there were some men of honour and humanity, who protected the
inhabitants as far as they could, must be believed for the sake of
human nature. But the Revolution and the school of Buonaparte had done
all that was possible for eradicating both humanity and honour; and
I affirm, on the testimony of the Portugueze, and of those British
officers who have had full opportunities of ascertaining the truth,
that the conduct of the French in Evora was marked with deliberate and
sportive cruelty of the most flagitious kind. Concerning the conduct of
the general officers, as respects their sense of honour, I happen to
possess some rather curious information. Loison promised the Archbishop
that his property should not be touched. After this promise, Loison
himself, with some of his officers, entered the Archbishop’s library,
which was one of the finest in Portugal; they took down all the books,
in the hope of discovering valuables behind them, they broke off the
gold and silver clasps from the magnificent bindings of the rarest part
of the collection, and in their disappointment at finding so little
plunder, tore in pieces a whole pile of manuscripts. They took every
gold and silver coin from his cabinet of medals, and every jewel and
bit of the precious metals with which the relics were adorned, or which
decorated any thing in his oratory. Loison was even seen in noon-day
to take the Archbishop’s episcopal ring from the table and pocket it.
These circumstances are stated on the authority of the Archbishop
himself.
[23] Sir Arthur, upon the court of inquiry, begged leave, in justice
to the individuals composing this commissariat, to state, that he
did not intend to complain of want of zeal, nor of any deficiency of
exertion on their part. “The fact is,” said he, “that I wished to
draw the attention of the government to this important branch of the
service, which is but little understood in this country. The evils of
which I complained are probably to be attributed to the nature of our
political situation, which prevents us from undertaking great military
operations, in which the subsistence of armies becomes a subject of
serious consideration and difficulty, and these evils consisted in the
inexperience of almost every individual belonging to the commissariat,
of the mode of procuring, conveying, and distributing supplies.” He
requested that this explanation might stand upon the minutes.
[24] General Thiebault affirms, that they had only 1900 in the field.
An officer who was dying of his wounds informed Sir Arthur Wellesley
that their numbers were 6000. General Thiebault asserts also, that
in a charge made by General Brenier with two companies in front of
Azambugeira, the 29th regiment having lost its colonel, and many of its
officers and men, surrendered _tout-entier_: but that _par-malheur_
the firing did not cease, and the wreck of the regiment saved itself
by a spontaneous movement, leaving a major, eight officers, and fifty
men, in the hands of the French. There is an official test by which
the accuracy of this statement may be tried; and thereby it appears,
that only four officers were missing in this action, and that there was
no major among them. The loss of the English he states at more than
2000. The accuracy of our official lists of the killed and wounded is
among those things relating to Great Britain which a Frenchman cannot
understand.
[25] They were cast off cavalry, purchased in Ireland; and they were
described as old, blind, and lame: some of them, it was said, had
already at this time died of age, others of work, though they had been
carefully fed: nearly a sixth part had thus perished on the way, and
of the remainder a great number were not worth the forage which they
consumed. Nine years after these poor horses had been delivered over to
the dogs and wolves, a representation was made to me in their favour,
and I feel myself bound to notice it, were it only for the singularity
of the case. I am assured that the 300 horses (which Lord Castlereagh
good-naturedly called his countrymen) were selected with the greatest
care, as well as knowledge, in horseflesh, from 1050 of which the
corps was then composed; that they were in the very best condition and
working order; they were drafts from a collection made by purchase
in 1803, (that is, five years before, and therefore not young); or
from the best and most useful horses cast from dragoon regiments, as
unfit for dragoon service generally, (the inferior description of such
cast horses having been from time to time sold); that they had been
always carefully groomed and well fed, and were in excellent condition
for common draft, the service for which they were required. From the
manner in which this representation was made to me, I have no doubt of
its truth. The horses, when they began the campaign, had probably not
recovered from the voyage; they were not accustomed to the food of the
country, and were employed in much harder work than had ever fallen to
their lot before, and upon much worse roads. And so, peace to their
memory. I must not however omit to observe, that Captain Eliot, in his
Treatise on the Defence of Portugal, says, these artillery horses, in
the brigade to which he was attached, did their duty perfectly well at
the battle of Vimeiro.
[26] According to General Thiebault, ten guns and 1800 men; but to make
up the number of killed and wounded, he adds to the British loss, what
he takes off from the French, and says, we had more than 500 killed and
1200 wounded.
[27] _Weel, my bra’ lads, I can gang nae farther wi’ ye a-fighting; but
Deel ha’e my saul if ye sal want music_, were his words.
[28] They remained, according to General Thiebault, long enough to
dress 800 of their wounded upon the field, and send them all off for
Torres Vedras. The attitude of the grenadiers with which General
Kellermann had charged, the rapidity with which the infantry re-formed,
and the movements of four cavalry regiments under General Margaron, he
says, _concoururent efficacement à contenir l’ennemi. Nous restames
de cette manière, maîtres du champ de bataille, plus de trois heures
après la cessation de l’action._ It is melancholy to observe, that the
historical relations of this war which the French have published since
its termination, are, generally speaking, as little to be relied on as
their official accounts during its continuance.
[29] General Thiebault, who was present at this council, represents
the force against them, independent of Lisbon, of 30,000 British, and
17,000 Spaniards, at more than 80,000 men, _auxquels rien ne manquoit_!
In reality, every man in Portugal was their enemy; but except animosity
and individual courage, the Portugueze at that time wanted every thing.
[30] It is asserted by General Thiebault, that General Kellermann was
sent to feel his ground, under pretext of a conference relating to
the prisoners and wounded. Upon that General’s return he says, “_On
conçoit de quel interêt étoient les nouvelles qu’il rapportoit, et
combien elles parurent heureuses quand on sut à quel point il avoit
réalisé tout ce qu’on avoit pu esperer. Il avoit_ _été reçu avec la
plus grande distinction; il avoit eu le talent de faire prendre aux
Anglais l’initiative des propositions qu’il avoit à leur faire; sachant
parfaitement l’Anglais, il avoit suivi la partie la plus mysterieuse
de leurs conversations[31]; il s’étoit fortifié de la certitude que,
malgré l’énormité de leurs avantages, les Anglais, incertains de
l’époque de l’arrivée des renforts, qu’ils attendoient, n’étoient
pas tranquilles sur leur position: il étoit parvenu à traiter pour
la flotte Russe en même temps que pour l’armée Française, et cela
en faisant pressenter que les Russes alloient se joindre à nous: il
étoit arrivé de cette manière à demander même que nous émmenassions
la flotte Portuguese, non pour l’obtenir, mais afin d’avoir quelque
chose à céder, dans le cas où des articles d’une haute importance
seroient trop contestés; et c’est ainsi, que par autant d’habilité que
de fermeté et d’adresse, il parvint à conclure et à signer un traité
provisoire._” This statement is sent into the world with General
Kellermann’s sanction, Baron Thiebault’s _Relation_ having, as the
preface states, been read to him. General Kellermann was so successful
in this negotiation, that he can derive no additional credit from
these additions to the plain facts. With regard to the initiative, he
came declaredly to treat for an armistice preparatory to a convention
for evacuating Portugal, and he produced a paper containing the
wishes of the French Commander-in-chief; the deliberations upon his
proposal, which he is said to have overheard, were not carried on in
his presence, but in an inner room. (_Proceedings upon the Inquiry_, p.
57.) As to the demand that the French might carry away the Portugueze
fleet, the French are certainly bold askers; and in this negotiation,
as in many others, they proved that Fortune favours the bold; ... but
he must have been more than bold, who could have made such a proposal.
What was afterwards asked upon that score will appear hereafter.
[31] Voici quelques-unes des phrases qu’il recueillit: _Notre position
est delicate--Le corps de Sir John Moore n’est pas encore arrivé à
Figuières--La bonne intelligence des Russes et des Français doit nous
donner des inquietudes_, &c.
[32] LIST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE CENTRAL JUNTA.
For Aragon D. Francisco Rebolledo de Palafox y Melzi, Gentleman
of the Bed-chamber, and Brigadier in the army;
D. Lorenzo Calvo de Rozas, Intendant of the army and
kingdom of Aragon.
Asturias D. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Knight of the Order of
Alcantara, of the Royal Council of State, and formerly
Minister of Grace and Justice; Marques de Campo-Sagrado,
Lieutenant-General of the army, and Inspector-general
of the troops of Asturias.
The Canaries Marques de Villanueva del Prado.
Old Castille D. Lorenzo Bonifaz y Quintano, Prior of the holy
Church of Zamora; D. Francisco Xavier Caro, Professor
of Laws at Salamanca.
Catalonia Marques de Villel, Conde de Darnius, a Grandee, and
Gentleman of the Bed-chamber; Baron de Sabasona.
Cordoba Marques de la Puebla de los Infantes, a Grandee; D.
Juan de Dios Gutierrez Rabé.
Extremadura D. Martin de Garay, Intendant of Extremadura,
and Honorary Minister of the Council of War; D.
Felix Ovalle, Treasurer of the army of Extremadura.
Gallicia Conde de Gimonde; D. Antonio Aballe.
Granada D. Rodrigo Riquelme, Regent of the Chancery of
Granada; D. Luiz Funes y Salido, Canon of the
holy Church of Santiago.
Jaen D. Francisco Castanedo, Canon of the holy Church of
Jaen, Provisor and Vicar-general of that diocese; D.
Sebastian de Jocano, of his Majesty’s council, in the
_Tribunal de Contaduria Mayor_, and _Contador_ of the
province of Jaen.
Leon Frey D. Antonio Valdes, Bailey and Grand Cross of the
Order of S. Juan, Knight of the Golden Fleece, Gentleman
of the Bed-chamber, Captain-General of the
Fleet, Counsellor of State, formerly Minister of the
Marine, and acting Minister of the Indies; the Vizconde
de Quintanilla.
Madrid Conde de Altamira, Marques de Astorga, a Grandee,
Knight of the Golden Fleece, Grand Cross of the Order
of Charles III., First Equerry, and Gentleman of the
Bed-chamber; D. Pedro de Silva, Patriarch of the Indies,
Grand Cross of the Order of Charles III., and
formerly Camp-Marshal of the Royal Armies.
Majorca D. Tomas de Veri, Knight of the Order of S. Juan,
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Palma Volunteers; Conde de
Ayamans, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Palma Militia.
Murcia Conde de Florida-Blanca, Knight of the Golden Fleece,
Grand Cross of the Order of Charles III., Gentleman
of the Bed-chamber, and formerly First Secretary of
State, and acting Minister of Grace and Justice; Marques
del Villar.
Navarre D. Miguel de Balanza; D. Carlos de Amatria, Members
of the Deputation of the kingdom of Navarre.
Seville D. Juan de Vera y Delgado, Archbishop of Laodicea and
Coadjutor of Seville; Conde de Tilly.
Toledo D. Pedro de Ribero, Canon of the holy Church of Toledo;
D. José Garcia de la Torre, Advocate of the Royal
Councils.
Valencia Conde de Contamina, a Grandee, Gentleman of the
Bed-chamber; Principe Pio, a Grandee, Colonel of
Militia.
[33] Llorente, under his name of Nellerto, (vol. i. 155,) asserts,
that when Florida-Blanca was summoned to the central Junta he left
a writing, addressed to the municipality of the city of Murcia,
protesting that he acted under fear and compulsion, and in the full
knowledge that his country was going to destruction; and adding, that
he made this solemn declaration lest King Joseph should one day treat
him as a criminal. This infamous calumny, which by its own absurdity
confutes itself, is advanced by the ex-secretary of the Inquisition
upon no better authority than that of a Madrid journal, published
under the Intruder’s government. It is so palpably calumnious, that I
should not have thought it worthy of contradiction, if it had not been
doubtfully repeated by Col. Jones in his very able Account of the War.
[34] An account of them may be found in the notes to the Chronicle of
the Cid, pp. 141 and 418. Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr says of the present
Miquelets, that they are the best light troops in Europe (p. 54.) But
Cabañes argues that they cannot possibly be so efficient as they were
when war was carried on less scientifically, and he regrets that it was
not possible to raise regular regiments in their stead. P. i. 90.
[35] Aun vea el hora que vos _merezca dos_ tanto. V. 2348, p. 318. Mr.
Frere proposed to read _merezcades_.
[36] I give this remarkable story from that very meritorious journal,
‘The Plain Englishman,’ (vol. i. 294,) where it is related by the
editor on the authority of Sir Richard Keats himself.
[37] June 14. _Se sabe de oficio que ha muerto el 26 de Mayo el Rey de
Inglaterra; y que su sucessor ha mudado todo el ministerio eligiendo
sugetos decididos por la paz._
[38] M. Nellerto (Llorente) kills him twice. Once on the flight of the
Intruder from Madrid, preliminarily, (t. i. p. 143); and secondly and
definitively on this occasion. T. i. p. 159.
[39] This part of the bulletin was officially transmitted by Lord
Castlereagh to Sir John Moore, with the following instructions:--“His
Majesty cannot overlook this account, descriptive, according to the
obvious sense of it, of the murder of some unresisting stragglers of
his army, although his Majesty is disposed to disbelieve a transaction,
however sufficiently recorded, which is so utterly repugnant to the
usual laws of war, and to every principle of humanity. His Majesty
therefore desires that you will take the earliest means of ascertaining
the truth of the fact so recorded, and the circumstances under which it
was perpetrated, if perpetrated at all. If it shall upon investigation
appear to be founded, I am to desire you will cause a protest to be
made by you to the nearest head-quarters of the French army, and that
you will take such measures as shall appear to you most expedient
for the protection of the troops under your orders against conduct
so barbarous and so disgraceful.”--No such measures were taken, in
consequence of Sir John Moore’s retreat. This instruction, however,
exculpates the British government from any charge of indifference upon
the subject.
[40] The French historian of Marshal Soult’s Campaigns in 1808–9,
affirms that Sir John Moore had 37,000 effective men, and Romana had
from 25,000 to 30,000; their united force amounting thus to more than
60,000!
[41] He was shot through the heart, and died so instantaneously, that
the smile with which he was regarding the conduct of his men was fixed
upon his cheek. They buried him at the entrance of the bivouac which
he had occupied the preceding night; and as his brother leant forward
to look upon the body for the last time, a rifle-shot passed through
his cloak, and struck his side; its force was broken by the folds of
the cloak, otherwise the blow must have been fatal, and he would have
fallen into the grave upon his brother’s corpse.
[42] The historian of Marshal Soult’s campaigns in 1809 states the
loss of the French at 150 killed and 500 wounded. They were successful
on all points, he says; the victory was decided, and if the action
had begun earlier, and if the ground had permitted the cavalry to
charge, _c’en était fait de cette armée Anglaise_. These are modest
mis-statements in an author who asserts that, in the hope of impeding
the French in their pursuit, the English conceived the horrible
intention of blowing up the town of Betanzos, where the inhabitants had
received them as allies; and that for this purpose they deposited six
thousand weight of powder on the ground floor of the town-house and set
fire to the four quarters of the town!!
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