The expression "starving Austria" is a propaganda phrase. She may

starve, she probably will, but the time is not yet. Individual classes

of workers starve until they get their wages raised. There have been

many moments of struggle between the time when the tram-conductor

earned forty crowns a week to the time when he earned several thousand.

Ten-thousand-crown notes are not uncommon among the working classes,

and 10,000 crowns will purchase more than you could buy in England for

five pounds, or in America for thirty dollars. A working-man's dinner

with a glass of beer costs about a hundred crowns, a city man's lunch

of three courses, a hundred and twenty. The working class is accused

of constantly holding up the community for money by means of strikes.

The truth is that here the organization of Labour and the strike-weapon

proved a highly convenient method for getting level with the

money-printing press. Labour has been more fortunate than the

professional and clerical classes, who, not being organized, have been

left badly in the background. There are now many professors at the

University of Vienna earning less than one-third of the wages of

skilled artisans. There are teachers, clerks, doctors, journalists,

and the like, in a most pitiable plight because they have not the means

of forcing the community to pay them higher salaries as the crown

depreciates. As for the condition of pensioned teachers and professors

and officers, of the half-pay widows and the incapacitated of the war,

it is a shame to all European ideals. When the Government halves the

value of the crown overnight by printing double the number in

circulation--it robs first of all the educated class and the

pensioners. It is among these that one must search for the

heart-burning sorrows of Vienna--and these are not paraded on the

streets.

The most characteristic places of Vienna to-day are the new

_Wechselstuben_ or exchange offices, which have sprung up everywhere.

Here are such crowds waiting to change their money that you have to

wait in a line for your turn. Some of the large banks give a much

better exchange than the little ones--and the better the exchange given

the longer the queue. The large banks stop public business at

half-past twelve, and after that hour is the opportunity of the

bucket-shop. If you have little time, or if you lose patience, you run

into one of the greedy little bureaus and help to make some one's

fortune, not your own. This would not be of much importance for

Austria if the people one met waiting in these banks were mostly

American, British, French. The sad fact is that the people who are

changing their money thus are nearly all Austrian or at least

ex-Austrian subjects. The old Austrian empire has been divided into

five parts, and each part has a different money which has to be

exchanged whenever you come into another part. And there is a great

difference in the values of the various moneys. Thus the Hungarian

money is worth more than double that of Austria. The twenty, the

hundred, the thousand-crown notes are almost identical in appearance

and printing--a small imprint of a rubber stamp being in many cases the

only distinguishing mark--but even from a waiter in a hotel you can get

two thousand Austrian crowns for one thousand Hungarian ones.

Roumanian lei are also much the same in appearance. Czech crowns and

Serbo-Croat crowns are certainly different. But when your home is in

Czecho-Slovakia and your place of business in Austria, and your aged

father and mother in Hungary and your uncles and cousins in Croatia,

you have a lively time with your money. And it plays prodigiously into

the hands of those who have started changing-shops upon the public ways.

An interest in the rate of exchange has developed among the masses of

the people, who turn to the financial column of the morning paper as

Westerners do to football news or baseball results. There is

considerable fluctuation in the values, and it is no doubt possible to

make a living by speculation alone, and many people do so. In the

banks are, therefore, crowds, both of speculators and of people who

have just crossed the frontier and must get their money changed.

The Financial Committee of the League of Nations issuing its report in

June foreshadowed the substitution at an early date of a new currency

of definite value in gold. The Austrian crowns which are now in use

will then suddenly appear in a new light to the deluded Austrian

masses. They are probably worth nothing at all, and those who have

become rich in them will prove to be rich in nothing. If, however, the

peasant is paid for his wheat in the new gold-backed currency he will

quickly go ahead in wealth. But if he is paid in gold value, how the

cities will starve with their paper!

Between the money-changers in the great streets are the fine Vienna

shops exposing elegant craftsmanship of many kinds. Here you can buy

rich glass, leather-work, enamelled silver, worked ivory, lace,

beautiful bindings, fans, house-ornaments of every conceivable kind in

ultra-perfect taste. All that is for sale suggests a luxurious way of

life--aristocratic and cultured existence, and certainly not the showy

splendour of the parvenu. You will hear it said in other parts of

Europe you have still to go to Vienna to buy certain things. As long

as the skilled craftsmen and clever workers of many kinds remain, these

objects of luxury will be for sale. Besides these, there are, of

course, many more ordinary things for which Vienna is noted--velour

hats, bronze shoes, and the rest. These, reckoned at world-price

figures, are sold at one-third of their value. But there is little

market for them.

The next most characteristic things of the city must be the thousands

of cafés, where you sit at your coffee surrounded by animated crowds of

men reading papers, discussing politics and business, the whole press

of Europe at their disposal. Your waiter brings your coffee and

automatically at the same time the "Daily Telegraph," or "Figaro," or

the "Chicago Tribune," or the "Berliner Tageblatt," or "Obshy Delo,"

according to your accent and appearance. Time seems to cease to have

real value in a café; it is easy to spend hours over one cup of coffee

and the newspapers--the difficulty is at last to pay and go.

The restaurants also are full. Though the bread is of rye the meat and

potatoes are of the usual quality. Waiters give you white bread

surreptitiously. Your hand is below the level of the table and

suddenly you find that it is holding a soft roll of white bread. For

this you will not be charged in your bill, as it is illegal to sell it

you. You pay the waiter when he helps you on with your coat. You can

get milk and butter and sugar in this way if you are ready to forget

that someone's children may have to do without somewhere in Vienna.

There is an extraordinary diversity of styles and prices at

restaurants. A lunch for yourself and three friends will cost three to

four thousand crowns at the "Bristol," but the same lunch round the

corner goes for five hundred. Going in with a certain M---- to a

fashionable restaurant, one could see that the waiters knew him

perfectly well, and the head waiter was most affable. But he averred

as he looked round the restaurant that there was not an Austrian in the

place. None of those who could have been seen there formerly could

afford it now. The best cuisine in Vienna was now only at the service

of the foreigner.

Hotels, like restaurants, are speculative institutions. But it is

difficult to find a room on any terms. Vienna has increased in

population and not decreased. She also is crowded with homeless people

and refugees. Here are many whose houses are in detached parts of old

Austria, now in other States, and they will not go back, or cannot, or

are afraid. There are also the Russians once more in great numbers.

At the Stadt-theatre, the Moscow Theatre of Art was giving nightly from

its repertoire, and it was instructive to see that great theatre packed

with Russians, from the stalls to the standing-room at the back of the

gallery, all listening intently to "The Three Sisters" of Chekhof; many

demonstrations at the end of the performance, too, and making the

building resound with Russian cheers and plaudits.

At Vienna you naturally spend some evenings at the theatre and the

opera. It is famous for its stage. There, however, you do realize how

Vienna has fallen. The theatres are all full, but not full of the sort

of people who demand excellence. Perhaps it would be unfair to judge

the opera by a performance of "Parsifal," that heavily over-dressed

story of sentimental religiosity and pedestrian symbolism, but it was

done in the most slatternly perfunctory style. The theatre was

crowded. But it was a strangely mixed crowd. In lonely grandeur in

one of the boxes were three Englishmen in evening dress. In the fifth

row of the stalls was a servant-girl who kept asking her neighbours the

time in the midst of Parsifal's mystical moments. It was her night

out, but she had to be home by ten. She looked at the play with her

mouth, and lolled to and fro. Occasionally some people down below set

about clapping, but were silenced by hisses from the people up above,

who hissed down all claps: the theme was too holy. However, in the

entr'acts, how the beer flowed in the buffet. It was not too holy to

drink beer.

"The profiteers have all the seats in the theatres," say the cultivated

Austrians. "They don't understand opera and serious drama, but it has

the name, and they could not afford to go before, so they go now. It

is only the people in the gallery who know what is good."

"The people in the gallery always know that," said I. "It is the

people in the circles who are not sure."

"What I mean is, the people who used to have stalls are now in the

gallery, and the people who formerly never came to a theatre are now in

the stalls," said the Austrian solemnly.

The intelligent Austrians are in a very gloomy frame of mind. Although

the Government is nominally Christian-Socialist, it is very weak and

practically unable to cope with the Communist and extreme Radical

elements. It is a common opinion that Austria lies almost as low as

Russia. "The social destruction of Russia is being done bloodlessly in

Austria. The working class is well-off; every one else, except the

speculators, is in poverty," said Dr. B.

"We have the officials for a first-class State, and the need for the

number of a third-class one," said Capt. S. "Our army now, the new

army which we have obtained, is the worst army ever known in any

country. I have been in Haiti, and the Haitians are splendid fellows

compared with them. Our soldiers are merely a bodyguard for the

Socialists, and robbers all. The true army, that went through the

unspeakable sufferings of the war, was turned on the streets to starve.

Austria may have been serving a bad case, but the army was not to

blame--it was doing its duty. But there is one humble consolation now;

we have a condition of affairs in Austria which cannot continue.

Austria has become an economic plague-spot in Europe."

"It would interest me to have your opinion," I asked. "Has Austria a

national spirit? Does the heart respond to its name?"

Capt. S. thought not. "I favour union with Germany as the only issue.

Few would grieve if 'Austria' were no more. We are German, and the

idea of union with Germany has now made considerable progress with the

people. But it is possible that the idea is not so popular in Germany.

It would be a grave responsibility to unite any country with the

financial and political wreck which we have here."

I put this question of the future of Austria to a Monarchist. He did

not favour the idea of a union with Germany, but of a renewed union

with Hungary. He still believed the Hapsburgs could return.

I put it to a working man, but he favoured the State as it was. If

only the cost of living could be brought down it would be a very fine

State, as wages were so high.

The Petite Entente of Czecho-Slovakia, Serbia, and Roumania, is

strongly opposed to a reunion of Austria and Hungary, and would stop it

by force of arms. The Czechs are equally opposed to union with Germany.

"So what do you say?" I asked of a Czech. "Do you think that what is

left of Austria ought to be divided up between her neighbours?"

"God forbid!" said he. "We've got enough Germans in Czecho-Slovakia

already. Austria can very well exist by herself. Does not Switzerland

exist by herself, and do very well, without half the natural advantages

of the new Austria?"

The French solution for the problem is known to lie in the possible

detachment of Bavaria from Germany, and the setting up of a new

South-German State in union with Austria. Only on such terms would

France agree to Austria joining part of Germany. The Bavarians,

however, show no signs of desiring to cut loose from the still great

German confederation. A purely deliberative plebiscite taken in the

Austrian Tyrol is all for union with Germany. A similar plebiscite in

the province of Salzburg shows the same tendency, another in Styria is

certain to go the same way. These plebiscites are called passive

propaganda by the French, and they for their part egg on the Petite

Entente to stop them. But there seems little doubt that were Austria

free to choose she would now give up her name and fame, and merge

herself in the German whole of which, ethnographically, she is a

natural part.

How strange that all the luxury and glamour of Vienna, as you see it at

this moment, is the concomitant of complete decline and mortal peril.

In arriving in the city one felt at last that one was in Europe, but it

proves to be not the Europe of the future. Vienna in 1921 is part of

the sunset of that old radiant, peaceful Europe we knew before the war.

Night has to swallow it up, and the future lies on other horizons, in

Prague and Belgrade and Budapest, in the capitals of that new Europe

which arises from the defeat and ruin of the war.

N.B.--By Article 10 of the Treaty of Versailles, "Germany recognises

and respects strictly the independence of Austria, and recognises that

this independence is inalienable unless the League of Nations gives

consent to change." And by Article 88 of the Treaty of Saint-Germain

Austria engages "to abstain from all acts calculated to prejudice her

independence either directly or indirectly."

[1] Travellers to Austria are seldom warned beforehand that there is an

internal and external rate of exchange, and they frequently lose 50% on

the exchange of their money.

EXTRA LEAVES

(iii) _On Money and League of Nations Currency_

In the course of this little tour of Europe I bought 1,000 francs and

4,000 liras, and 1,500 drachmas, 3,000 dinars, and the same number of

levas, some lei and 20,000 piastres, 7,000 Hungarian crowns and 32,000

Austrian crowns, 3,000 Czech crowns, 10,000 German marks, 15,000 odd

Polish marks, 500 Belgian francs, and some paper money of the

principality of Monaco.

You have to be somewhat of an arithmetician to think one week in

piastres and the next in dinars, and the next in crowns, and the next

in marks. You are always losing but you always think you are winning.

You afford pleasure to strangers whenever you go because you can be

robbed so easily and safely. In each country you can be robbed coming

in and robbed going out and generally robbed in between. You do not

mind very much, it is part of the legitimate expense of modern travel.

You accumulate great wads of paper. See the people of Vienna and

Warsaw, their inside pockets are all misshapen by the bulge of the

money. The pockets of an international traveller are worse. He holds

his unnegotiable accumulation of the money which is not worth changing

nor yet worth throwing away.

"How much do you expect to get for this?" said a Hungarian banker

surveying a bulky packet of Turkish piastres. I mentioned a likely sum.

"_Grande erreur_!" he exclaimed, and lifted his hands in horror. In

Budapest they were marketable only for a tenth of what I gave for them.

So the piastres remained together with provincial French notes and

small denominations of dinars and what-not, nominally worth something

somewhere, but in fact unsaleable.

The Germans have just now a very popular word for a _nouveau-riche_, it

is a _schieber_, one who exchanges. Getting your money changed is one

of the most wasteful processes for you and one of the most gainful for

him.

A certain man had 10 pounds which he exchanged for 450 francs. Then he

exchanged the francs for 600 lira; he journeyed by Fiume to Serbia and

changed again for 900 dinars. At Belgrade he bought 6,000 Hungarian

crowns. He carried the money to Budapest and then to Vienna, where he

had some luck and got 15,000 Austrian crowns. However, at Prague the

bankers said they did not encourage the sale of Austrian money as they

did not know what it was worth. He got 1,000 Czech crowns, which in

turn he changed to 10,000 Polish marks. He then changed those for 500

Roumanian lei, returned to Poland again and only received 8,000 marks

at the re-exchange. At Berlin they looked very disparagingly at the

Polish money and offered him 280 German marks for the lot. He changed

this for 11 florins in Amsterdam, for which when he reached Antwerp he

received 40 Belgian francs. His 10 pounds lingered tentatively over

the abyss of a nothing.

The title of this story should be "Exchange is no robbery."

A golden or at least a paper rule for merchants dealing with foreign

firms is "pay them when the exchange is most in your favour." But the

foreign firm under these circumstances, having expected to get so much,

gets in reality so much less. It is not surprising then that trade is

sticky.

We hear much of the efforts of Governments and financiers to regulate

the exchanges, but nothing comes of it. The only obvious cure is a

Utopian one: institute one currency for Europe in the name of the

League of Nations.

Let us have "League of Nations gold currency." But to have that the

resources of Europe must be pooled. We are not ready for that.

LETTERS OF TRAVEL

IX. FROM PRAGUE

Czecho-slovakia is the watchdog of the new peace in Central Europe.

She is the strongest new power, and is manifestly the best governed

State which has arisen out of the ruins of the old. The new Bohemia

(for Czecho-Slovakia is truly Bohemia) is a much more credible

resurrection than the new Poland. One London daily refused to believe

in the existence of Czecho-Slovakia for a long while. "Unless I see

it," said the editor, "I will not be convinced." But Czecho-Slovakia

is quite convincing--and is much less of a Frankenstein than

Jugo-slavia. The Czechs are no doubt obscurely placed in Europe, but

the traveller when he gets to their country--not the "seacoast of

Bohemia"--will find that they make good showing.

Prague is a fine old city on the rolling Moldau--what a fine name,

suggestive of rolling boulders down from the hills! Ancient Prague has

this river for its moat. It rises on heights from old bridges to the

royal palace and cathedral of the old kings of Bohemia. The new city

has yet to be built. It will be on the level ground below, where there

is to-day an agglomeration of shops and hotels as yet unworthy of the

capital of a great new State. Here up above is all that is worth

while, though seen from the battlements, the new below, especially on a

cloudy day with lowering skies, is a very fine view. Here lie the old

kings of Bohemia--one of them apparently "Good King Wenceslas." Here

at a little distance are the mysterious walls with sentries posted at

the gates--walls curiously and accidentally associated in the minds of

thousands of children with Longfellow's lines:

I have read in some old, marvellous tale

That a midnight host of spectres pale

Beleaguered the walls of Prague.

Not a good place in which to lose yourself at night--outside these

walls--as a party of us found on our first expedition there.

In the royal palace and offices are now accommodated the various

ministeries of the new republic. Up in this purer air live also the

President, M. Masaryk, and some of the diplomatic representatives of

foreign powers. It is no doubt rare in this lazy age to find a new

State administered and governed from the top of a crag, a steep climb

on foot. But Czecho-Slovakia and Prague are governed from a mountain,

and have the mountain point of view, which is the view of youth and

vision.

The new State has some thirteen millions of inhabitants, and the

majority of the people speak both Czech and German. German is

naturally discouraged as being anti-national, and it is now only used

in emergencies. All names of places have been Slavonized. Even

Carlsbad and Marienbad are now Carlovivari and Mariansky Laznie. Where

names of places have to be printed both in German and in Czech--German

goes into small letters and Czech into large. After the armistice was

declared in 1918, it only took a few hundred Czechs to overthrow the

Austrian power and proclaim a new national republic. It was a

bloodless revolution.

France and England were benevolently disposed toward a Czech republic,

but America, thanks to the influence of the Slavophile millionaire,

Charles Crane, with Wilson, and to the personal prestige of Masaryk,

did most to confirm and strengthen Czecho-Slovakia. Gratitude to

America is expressed everywhere, and Prague, in 1921, is perhaps the

one capital in the world where Wilson's name and fame are still

undimmed. Is not Wilson's face in bas-relief on the wall of the main

station, "Gare Wilson," supported, curiously enough, by the admiring

figures of two Bacchantes wreathed in the vine? It counts more to be

an American in Prague than to be English. Crane's son is Minister for

the United States; Crane's daughter-in-law, as painted by Mucha, is

engraved on the new hundred-crown note. American relief-work and Mr.

Hoover enjoy great prestige, and altogether there is for the time being

the atmosphere of an enduring friendship.

The Czechs adopted a Parliamentary system, but finding that "one man

one vote" brought to power new revolutionary elements, the system was

quickly defunctionized. The administration is now appointed by the

President, and he, having been elected by acclamation, "President for

life," is in the nature of elective autocrat. However, after Masaryk,

the term is to be limited to seven years, and a president may not serve

two terms. The largest parties in the Parliament are the "Germans" and

the "Social Democrats," each of which has seventy-two deputies and

about forty senators. The National Democrats, who might be called the

Masaryk party, are in the minority of nineteen deputies and ten

senators. This party, nevertheless, is likely to maintain and hold the

intellectual leadership of the nation. Czecho-Slovakia is not a

peasant State like Bulgaria and Jugo-Slavia, but ex-Austrian bourgeois,

with a large proportion of educated people.

It is a thick-set, burly, rather obstinate people, with imperturbable

eyes. It is difficult to persuade one of the Czechs to do a thing

against his will, or to compromise between his opinion and yours. Much

more difficult to persuade than a Russian. And they are not as

obedient as the Germans, or as amenable to splitting a difference as

the British. It has been said they are Russian translated into German.

Not polite or charming, but matter-of-fact, and a trifle on the rude

side. There is in them a good deal of moderateness of gift, but they

seem far more practical than the rest of the Slavs, and more virile.

They have been Germanized and dullened by Austria, but in many respects

they are more capable than the Germans. They seem to be the most

capable people in their part of the world.

Europe—whither bound? (Quo vadis Europa?) · 第 6 / 13 段