CHAPTER XXIV

A new War of Religion breaks out in France--Luynes created

Constable--Louis XIII and Duplessis-Mornay--Bassompierre joins the

Royal army before Saint-Jean d’Angély--Capitulation of the

town--Bassompierre returns with Créquy to Paris--He is “in great

consideration” amongst the ladies--Apparent anxiety of Luynes for

the marriage of his niece to Bassompierre--The King and the

Constable resolve to lay siege to Montauban--Bassompierre decides

to rejoin the army without waiting for orders from the latter--He

arrives at the King’s quarters at the Château of

Picqueos--Dispositions of the besieging army--Narrow escape of

Bassompierre while reconnoitring the advanced-works of the town--A

gallant Swiss--Death of the Comte de Fiesque--Heavy casualties

amongst the besiegers--The Seigneur de Tréville--Bassompierre and

the women of Montauban--Death of Mayenne--The Spanish monk--An

amateur general--Disastrous results of carrying out his

orders--Furious sortie of the garrison--Bassompierre is wounded in

the face--An amusing incident--The Cévennes mountaineers endeavour

to throw reinforcements into Montauban--A midnight _mêlée_.

Bassompierre would probably have found the Spaniards more difficult to

deal with, had it not been that they were anxious to free Louis XIII,

for the moment, from foreign embarrassments in order that he might

commit himself fully to a war with his Protestant subjects, which could

not fail to weaken France and render it unlikely that she would be

willing to engage in hostilities beyond her borders.

The drastic measures adopted by Louis XIII towards the Protestants of

Béarn had aroused bitter resentment amongst their co-religionists

throughout France; and towards the end of December, 1620, a general

assembly of the party was held at La Rochelle to decide upon the policy

to be adopted in view of this menace to their faith. Of the great

Huguenot chiefs, Bouillon, Sully, and Lesdiguières did not respond to

the summons or send anyone to represent them; but La Force, Châtillon,

La Trémoille and Rohan sent delegates.

The Assembly authorised the raising of troops and a general levy on the

funds of the party; and then proceeded to divide France into eight

departments--veritable military districts on the model of the German

“circles”--each being placed under the command of a general-in-chief.

Although these measures were intended to be purely defensive, nothing

more calculated to provoke hostilities could have been devised; the

Protestants were at once accused by the Government of having established

a republic within the State, and in April a new War of Religion began.

It differed from the old wars, however, inasmuch as neither the chiefs

nor the rank and file of the Huguenots were unanimous in supporting it.

Lesdiguières, who had been won over by the Court, deserted the common

cause, as did most of the Protestant nobles; Rohan, his younger brother

Soubise and La Force alone remained faithful. Outside the nobility, the

same division of opinion manifested itself; the great majority of the

warlike Calvinists of the South took up arms; but the rest of Protestant

France did not move.

At the moment of entering upon the campaign against the Protestants,

Luynes demanded the sword of Constable of France, which Louis XIII

bestowed upon him with the utmost pomp, although he had already promised

it to Lesdiguières, on condition that he should abjure the Protestant

faith, which the marshal had engaged to do. That the sword which had

been borne by such warriors as Du Guesclin, Clisson, Buchan, Saint-Pol,

the Duc de Bourbon, and Anne de Montmorency should be conferred upon the

hero of an assassination, who could not drill a company of infantry,

aroused universal astonishment and disgust; and Luynes’s exchange of the

_rôle_ of statesman for that of general was, as one might anticipate,

attended with disastrous results for the forces under his command.

However, the campaign opened auspiciously enough. The King and Luynes

advanced to Saumur, of which the latter succeeded in getting possession

by a characteristic act of bad faith. The Governor of Saumur was that

grand old veteran Du Plessis-Mornay, the companion-in-arms and

counsellor of Henri IV. Mornay had refused to support a rebellion which,

in his eyes, was unjustified, and when Luynes assured him that the King

had no intention of depriving him of a post which had been conferred

upon him by his father more than thirty years before, he opened the

gates of town and château to the royal troops. No sooner were they in

possession, than he was informed that prudence would not permit the King

to leave a Huguenot in charge of so important a link in his

communications. He was offered a bribe of money, and even a marshal’s

bâton, in return for the resignation of his government, which he

indignantly refused, but accepted the royal promise that in three

months’ time he should be reinstated. On various pretexts, however,

Louis XIII succeeded in evading this engagement until Mornay’s death,

two years later.

At the end of May, the Royal army laid siege to Saint-Jean-d’Angély,

called the “bulwark of La Rochelle,” to the possession of which great

importance was attached; and it was here that Bassompierre, who, after

remaining a day at Bayonne, had hastened northwards, joined it. The

town, which was defended by Soubise, held out for nearly a month, and at

times there was some pretty sharp fighting in the faubourgs, in which

Bassompierre appears to have distinguished himself. But on June 23 it

capitulated, and d’Épernon and Bassompierre marched in with the French

and Swiss Guards.

On the 26th, Bassompierre accompanied the King to Cognac, from which

town he was despatched to Paris, to ratify with the Chancellor and the

Spanish Ambassador Mirabello the treaty which he had made at Madrid. He

was accompanied by Créquy, who had received a musket-ball through the

cheek at the siege of Saint-Jean-d’Angély, and to whom Luynes had

suggested the advisability of a short sojourn in the capital for the

benefit of his health. About the same time, another brigadier-general,

Saint-Luc, was appointed lieutenant-general of the western seaboard of

France, and sent by Luynes to Brouage, “to make the King powerful at

sea.” The reason, however, why the new Constable felt able to dispense

simultaneously with the services of three of the most distinguished

officers in the army was not made apparent until some weeks later, as,

on taking leave of him, each was assured that he would be recalled so

soon as any important operations were contemplated.

Bassompierre’s reception by his friends of both sexes in Paris left

nothing to be desired:

“It is impossible to say,” he writes, “how I passed my time during

this visit. Everyone entertained us in turn. The ladies congregated

or came to the Tuileries. There were few gallants in Paris, and I

was in great consideration there, and in love in divers directions.

I had brought back from Spain rarities to the value of 20,000

crowns, and these I distributed amongst the ladies, who gave me a

most cordial reception.”

Bassompierre had not been long in Paris when he received a visit from

his friend Roucelaï, who came on behalf of Luynes to interview him on

the question of his marriage with the Constable’s niece, Mlle. de

Combalet, which had been proposed to the favourite by Condé and Guise

during Bassompierre’s absence in Spain. Luynes was anxious to conciliate

these two princes, who had been far from pleased at his assumption of

the office of Constable, and, aware that Bassompierre had strengthened

his position at Court by the success of his embassy to Madrid and his

services at Saint-Jean-d’Angély, he appears to have been anxious to

remove all difficulties in the way of the match.

“He had sent Roucelaï,” says Bassompierre, “to ascertain what I

desired for my advantage and my fortune, if this marriage were

made. For he imagined that I should demand offices of the Crown,

dignities and governments, and that it was my intention to be

bought. But I answered Roucelaï that the honour of marrying into

the family of the Constable was so dear to me, that he would offend

me by giving me anything except his niece, and that I demanded

nothing beyond that, although afterwards I should not refuse the

benefits of which he might deem me worthy when I was his nephew. He

[Luynes] was delighted at my frankness, and caused me to be

informed that he would place me in the perfect confidence of the

King, who had a very strong inclination for me, of which in future

he would no longer be jealous, as he had been the previous year.”

All this was no doubt very gratifying, but, at the same time, the

Constable, notwithstanding that active operations had long since been

resumed, showed no inclination to recall either Bassompierre, Créquy, or

Saint-Luc to the army; and presently they learned that he had appointed

three other brigadier-generals--creatures of his own--in their places,

having persuaded the King that, though they were very capable officers,

“they were not persons who would stick to their work or give the

necessary attention to it.” The real reason seems to have been the

favourite’s fear that “they might eclipse his glory and that of his

brothers,” and that they might be disinclined to carry out the orders of

one whom they knew to be entirely ignorant of military matters.

Towards the middle of August, Bassompierre learned that the King and

Luynes, encouraged by the taking of the little town of Clairac and some

minor successes, had resolved to lay siege to Montauban, the great

citadel of the Huguenots of the South, and were marching towards that

town. About the same time, he received a letter from Marie de’ Medici,

who had returned to Tours, informing him that the Constable had demanded

of her Marillac, who was in her service,[171] as the only man capable

of reducing Montauban, “and had begged her to send him to the King at

once,” in order not to delay his Majesty’s conquest by his absence.

Notwithstanding the formal reconciliation, Marie still hated the man who

had taken her son from her, and subjected her to so many humiliations,

as bitterly as ever; and her object in writing was, of course, to

animate Bassompierre against the Constable and put an end to the good

understanding at which they now seemed to have arrived. By this means

she would, so to speak, kill two birds with one stone, since she had

probably not forgiven Bassompierre for the activity which he had

displayed in the King’s cause during the last war, which had contributed

materially to the defeat of her party. Bassompierre, however, had no

intention of quarrelling with his prospective uncle to gratify the

Queen-Mother or anyone else. At the same time, he was deeply mortified

to learn that a mediocre officer like Marillac, who had nothing to

recommend him but his subservience to the favourite, was to be appointed

to a high command, while he himself was left unemployed; and he felt

that to remain inactive while such important operations were in progress

was impossible. He therefore decided to rejoin the army without waiting

for orders from the Constable, trusting, by the exercise of a little

tact, to succeed in disarming the annoyance which his return might

occasion that personage.

The Royal army had encamped before Montauban on August 18. If the town

fell, all the South would fall with it; and Luynes, elated by recent

successes, believed that victory was assured. The most prudent officers

did not share the optimism of the favourite; to them the siege of

Montauban seemed a very difficult undertaking. La Force had retired into

the place with three of his sons, the Comte d’Orval, younger son of

Sully, and a number of Huguenot gentlemen; from 3,000 to 4,000 picked

soldiers, supported by more than 2,000 armed citizens, formed a truly

formidable garrison; the Duc de Rohan, still master of a great part of

the Albigeois and Rouergue, would, they knew, make every effort to

revictual the place and harass the siege operations; and he could

command the services of the Protestant mountaineers of the Cévennes.

Several generals and members of the Council had expressed the opinion

that they should begin by clearing Upper Guienne and Upper Languedoc of

the rebels, and postpone operations against Montauban until the spring.

But the King and Luynes had refused to listen to them.

Bassompierre arrived in the Royal camp on the 21st, just as the trenches

were about to be opened, and at once proceeded to the Château of

Piquecos, to the north of the town, on the right bank of the Aveyron,

where Louis XIII had taken up his quarters. Having excused his return

without orders on the ground of his zeal for the service of the King, he

hastened to disclaim any desire to serve as brigadier-general and

declared that “he should content himself with being in this siege

Colonel-General of the Swiss.” Luynes thereupon became quite cordial,

and the King told Bassompierre that, when the siege was over, and he and

the Constable had returned to Paris, he would give him the command of

the army.

Lesdiguières had advised Luynes to employ against Montauban all the

resources of the military art, and to enclose the town in lines of

circumvallation protected by forts. But the presumptuous Constable was

unwilling to waste time in what he was pleased to regard as superfluous

precautions; and the siege of this formidable stronghold, defended by

several thousand resolute men, prepared to die sword in hand in defence

of their religion rather than surrender, and with strong reinforcements

under an able general hovering in the background, was embarked upon as

lightly as if its reduction had presented no more than ordinary

difficulty.

The besieging army was divided into three divisions. One division,

composed of the French and Swiss Guards, with the regiments of Piedmont

and Normandy, and commanded by the Maréchaux de Praslin and de Chaulnes,

under the orders of the Constable, was to assail the advanced works of

Montmirat and Saint-Antoine, to the west and north-west of the town, on

the right bank of the Tarn, in front of the faubourg of Ville-Nouvelle.

The second, of which Mayenne had the command, with the Maréchal de

Thémines under him, was to attack Ville-Bourbon, a faubourg situated on

the left bank of the Tarn,[172] and connected with the town by an old

brick bridge, dating from the early part of the fourteenth century. The

third, commanded by Joinville--or the Duc de Chevreuse, as he had now

become--who had Lesdiguières and Saint-Géran to assist him, was

entrusted with the attack on Le Moustier, a fortified suburb to the

south-west of the town. Two bridges which had been thrown across the

Tarn maintained communication between the three divisions, to the first

of which Bassompierre, as Colonel-General of the Swiss, was attached.

* * * * *

On leaving the King, Bassompierre returned to the camp, and he and

Praslin crossed the river to visit Mayenne. The Lorraine prince offered

to show them the fortifications of Ville-Bourbon, and took them as close

to the walls as he could persuade them to go, “with the intention of

drawing upon us some musket-shots.” This kind of bravado appears to have

been a favourite amusement of Mayenne, but, as we shall presently see,

he was to indulge in it once too often.

On their return to the Guards’ camp, they began preparations for opening

the trenches, and Bassompierre, accompanied by an Italian engineer named

Gamorini, who had been sent to the army by Marie de’ Medici, in whose

service he was, went out to reconnoitre the advance-works of the town.

They succeeded in getting quite close to them without being observed;

but, as they were returning, they lost their way and were suddenly

confronted by an advanced guard-house of the enemy. The sentries fired

upon them point-blank, and one ball went through Bassompierre’s coat;

but both he and Gamorini succeeded in effecting their escape unharmed.

They brought back with them some useful information, and that evening

the first trench was opened, the work being entrusted to the Regiment of

Piedmont.

On the following day, Luynes came to their camp and summoned

Bassompierre and the other leaders to a council of war. While this was

proceeding, the enemy brought one of their cannon to bear upon the men

working on the trench, the first shot blowing a captain of the Regiment

of Piedmont to pieces and mortally wounding two other officers, one of

whom, a lieutenant named Castiras, was in Bassompierre’s service. The

bombardment was followed by a furious sortie, and the Piedmonts were

obliged to abandon the unfinished trench and fall back. Bassompierre,

leaving the council, hurriedly collected reinforcements, and drove the

enemy back into the town; but the Piedmonts had suffered severely.

Work proceeded without interruption during the next three days, and

considerable progress was made; but, during the night of August 26-27,

the enemy sallied out again, their attack on this occasion being

directed against a sunken road, which the Royal troops were fortifying,

with the intention of placing a battery there. They were again repulsed,

but not before they had succeeded in over-turning the gabions which had

been placed there. Some of these they carried off with them, but

abandoned between the road and the fortifications, well within

musket-shot of the latter.

“The following night,” writes Bassompierre, “one of the Swiss named

Jacques told us that, if I were willing to give him a crown, he

would bring back the gabions which the enemy had removed from the

road; and what astonished us the more, was that this man brought

back the gabions on his back, so strong and robust was he. The

enemy fired two hundred arquebus-shots at him, without wounding

him. After he had brought back six, the captains of the Guards

begged me not to permit so brave a man to risk his life again for

the one that still remained. But he told them that he wished to

bring it back to complete his bargain; and this he did.”

On the 27th, Lesdiguières and Saint-Géran attacked the counterscarp of

the bastion of Le Moustier, and carried it after a desperate struggle of

more than three hours. This success, which cost the besiegers some 600

casualties, was not followed up, chiefly owing to the opposition of

Marillac, who was of opinion that, if they descended into the fosse to

attack the bastion, they would find themselves exposed to a murderous

flanking-fire from masked batteries.

On the 29th, the Guards’ trenches had been sufficiently advanced to

allow of a battery of eight guns being established, and Schomberg, who

was acting as Grand Master of the Artillery, came to inspect it.

Bassompierre warned him that the park of powder was too near the battery

for safety, and that, with a high wind blowing in its direction, the

sparks from the cannon might be carried to the powder. The Sieur de

Lesine, the officer in charge of the munitions, however, protested that

there was no danger, and Schomberg did not order their removal.

They continued to push forward their trenches, and on the 31st

Bassompierre, “to reconnoitre how far they had advanced, came to the

head of the trench and advanced eight or ten paces from it.” He got back

again in safety, the enemy not having had time to train their muskets

upon him. But when, shortly afterwards, his friend, the Comte de

Fiesque, attempted to do the same, they were ready for him, and he

received a musket-ball in the abdomen, from which he died two days

later. “He was a great loss to us,” writes Bassompierre, “and more

particularly to me, for he was greatly attached to me. He was a brave

noble, an honourable man and an excellent friend.”

By the evening of that day they had got another battery of four guns

into position, and on the following morning a furious bombardment of the

enemy’s advanced works began, Schomberg and Praslin superintending the

work of the larger battery and Bassompierre of the smaller.

“They both made a fine noise,” writes Bassompierre; “but, after

firing for an hour or more, what I had predicted two days before

happened: the sparks from the cannon were carried into the park of

powder and fired five tons of it, with the loss of Lesine and forty

men.”

In the course of the afternoon, a similar disaster occurred in Mayenne’s

camp before Ville-Bourbon, amongst the killed being that prince’s uncle

the Marquis de Villars and a son of the Comte de Riberac, a young man of

great promise. Worse misfortunes, however, were in store for Mayenne’s

division.

In the night of September 2-3, the Lorraine prince advanced to the

assault of a crescent-shaped outwork which had been constructed by La

Force, and was defended by his sons and other Huguenot nobles and some

of the best soldiers in the garrison. The attack failed; but on the

following afternoon the attempt was renewed. After a furious

hand-to-hand conflict, Mayenne was again repulsed, with heavy loss. On

that day died the gallant Marquis de Thémines, eldest son of the

marshal, La Frette, the governor of Chartres, “who yielded to no man of

his time in courage and ambition,” and more than fifty Catholic

gentlemen. The siege of Montauban, so lightly undertaken by Luynes,

seemed likely to cost France dear.

On September 4, the King and the Constable called a council of war to

discuss the advisability of endeavouring to carry the bastion of Le

Moustier by assault. Bassompierre strongly urged that the attempt should

be made, and was supported by Lesdiguières; but the other generals

opposed it, and Marillac declared that to descend into the fosse meant

certain death. Luynes asked Bassompierre to step into his cabinet, where

the King presently joined them. Louis XIII informed them that Marillac

and the others had said to him that it was easy for M. de Bassompierre

to advocate this hazardous undertaking, as all the danger would be left

to them, and he would have no share in it; and had accused him of

wishing to expose them to butchery. Bassompierre, in high indignation,

thereupon declared that, if the King would give him leave, he himself

would lead the assault on the bastion, and pledged his word that, if he

did not fall, “in three weeks he would have three cannon in position

there against the town.”

“The King, who always had a rather good opinion of me, said to the

Constable: ‘Take Bassompierre at his word and let him go; I will

answer for him. Send the three brigadier-generals from Le Moustier

to the camp of the Guards, and place him at Le Moustier. I am sure

that he will do as he promises us, and we shall be the gainers.”

The Constable objected that the change would not be agreeable to either

division, and declared that the Guards would not obey the orders of the

brigadier-generals from Le Moustier. Finally, Luynes asked Bassompierre

to go and reconnoitre the bastion. This he did, in company with the

Italian engineer Gamorini and two other officers from his division, and

reported that an attack would not present more than ordinary difficulty.

Luynes thereupon proposed that it should be undertaken; but Marillac and

his colleagues persisted in their objections, and assured him that

Montauban would soon be theirs, without any need for such sacrifice of

life as this attack must entail. And they succeeded in bringing him

round to their opinion.

On the 9th, the Guards, after some fierce fighting, succeeded in getting

a footing in the advanced-works of Ville-Nouvelle. In this attack a poor

gentleman of Béarn, Henri de Peyrac, Seigneur de Tréville, who had

served for four years as a private soldier, greatly distinguished

himself; and Bassompierre brought his gallantry to the notice of the

King, and recommended him for an ensigncy in the Regiment of Navarre.

This Louis XIII granted him, and Bassompierre told Tréville that he must

accompany him to Piquecos to thank his Majesty. Tréville, however,

refused the commission offered him, saying that he did not wish to leave

his regiment, and that he “intended to conduct himself so well in future

that the King would feel obliged to give him one in the Guards.” This he

not long afterwards obtained, and eventually rose to be captain of the

company of Musketeers of the Guard and to be governor of the district of

Foix.

A few days later, 1,200 of the Cévennes mountaineers succeeded in

eluding the vigilance of the covering force and throwing themselves into

Saint-Antonin, a town eight leagues north-east of Montauban, obviously

with the intention of marching through the Forest of Gréseigne and

reinforcing the beleaguered garrison. The folly of Luynes in refusing to

listen to the advice of Lesdiguières to enclose the town within lines of

circumvallation was now apparent to all. The Constable’s ineptitude,

however, was already a by-word in the army; and “both he and his brother

the Maréchal de Chaulnes showed such ignorance of the military art, that

the King, who, at any rate, understood the rudiments, perceived it and

made game of them.”

In consequence of this disconcerting move on the part of the enemy, it

was necessary to send out a strong force of cavalry every night to guard

the roads between the forest and Montauban, which Bassompierre and the

other generals commanded in turn.

On the 13th, Mayenne delivered another assault on the outworks of

Ville-Bourbon, with the same result as had attended his previous

efforts. “This,” says Bassompierre, “put great heart into the enemy and

disheartened his troops. As for him, he was beside himself with rage.”

A day or two later, there was a comic interlude in the siege, of which

Bassompierre was the hero. We shall allow him to describe it in his own

words:--

“It had been resolved some days before to break by cannon-shot the

bridge of Montauban,[173] in order to stop the reinforcements which

those in Montauban were sending to Ville-Bourbon. The Maréchal de

Chaulnes, who was newly returned from Toulouse, where he had been

lying ill, had charged me to bring a battery to bear upon the

bridge. But, since it was a great way off and five hundred shots

caused but little damage, which could easily be repaired with wood,

I remonstrated against the little utility and great expense of this

bombardment; and I was told not to persist in it. At the same time,

two hundred women who were in the habit of washing linen and

kitchen-utensils under or near this bridge, and who were incommoded

by the cannon-shot, aware that I was in command in the quarter from

which the firing came, and that I had always made war upon women in

kindly fashion, sent me a drummer to beg me, on their part, not to

incommode their washing. This request I granted them readily, since

I had already received an order to that effect; and so pleased were

they with me, that they demanded a truce in order to see me, and a

great number of the principal women of the town came on to the top

of the ramparts to look at me. And I, on that day alone, during the

whole of the siege, dressed myself with care and adorned myself, so

that I might go and talk with them.”

All this was very charming, but, a few days later, Bassompierre was to

meet the women of Montauban in much less agreeable circumstances.

On the 17th, Guise, who had arrived in the camp some days earlier,

accompanied by a great number of gentlemen from his government of

Provence, came to see Bassompierre and persuade him to go and dine with

Mayenne. Bassompierre, however, who had to attend a council of war which

Praslin had summoned, excused himself and, at the same time, warned the

duke to be on his guard against Mayenne, “who had no greater pleasure

than to make the enemy fire on him or on those whom he took to view his

works, and was burning his fingers in order to burn others.”

“To my great regret,” he continues, “my prophecy was in a certain

fashion a true one, for, after dinner, as he [Mayenne] was showing

them his works, a ball from an arquebus, which had first pierced M.

de Schomberg’s hat, struck him in the eye and killed him.”

Mayenne had possessed amiable qualities, and had enjoyed in Paris a

popularity which recalled that of the great Guises. The news of his

death caused a riot in the capital, where an infuriated mob fell upon

the Huguenots one day when they were returning from their temple at

Charenton. The Huguenots were armed, and several persons were killed on

both sides, while the temple was burned.

The King and the Constable had recourse to a singular expedient to

avenge Mayenne and take the town. The famous Spanish Carmelite monk

Domingo de Jesu Maria, who had marched at the head of the Imperial army

on the day of the Battle of Prague, and to whom the devout attributed

the victory, was passing through France on his way from Germany. Luynes

sent for him to come to the camp, and asked him what he ought to do to

reduce this heretic stronghold, upon which the monk assured him that if

he caused four hundred cannon-shots to be fired into the town, the

terrified inhabitants would undoubtedly surrender. The King thereupon

sent for Bassompierre and ordered him to fire the four hundred shots,

which were to deliver Montauban into his hands. “This I did,” says

Bassompierre; “but the enemy did not surrender for all that.”

Matters continued to go badly with the besiegers, which is scarcely

surprising, having regard to the gross ineptitude of the amateur

warriors who commanded them. At Ville-Nouvelle, where alone any real

progress had been made, a mine had been prepared which was intended to

demolish the inner face of the advanced-work of which the Guards had

carried the outer. On the day before it was to be fired, Ramsay, the

officer in charge of the mine, came to the Maréchal de Chaulnes to

inquire how he wished it to be charged. Chaulnes, who was entirely

ignorant of such matters, turned to the officers about him for

information; but he misunderstood what they said and ordered the charge

to be made four times as large as that which they had suggested. The

astonished engineer remonstrated, but was curtly told to carry out his

orders. On the following day, however, Chaulnes appears to have

discovered his mistake, and told Bassompierre to go and have the mine

charged as he judged best. It was too late; for, just as he reached the

entrance to the gallery, Ramsay came rushing out and shouted to him to

run for his life, as he had ignited the fuse and feared that the

explosion would be terrible.

“I needed no second bidding,” writes Bassompierre, “and ran back

forty paces as fast as I could to get away. The mine exploded with

a greater violence than I have ever seen, and all the entrenchment

under which it was laid was carried into the air. It was a long

time in descending, when it came pouring down into the trench upon

us.”

Bassompierre, who had had the presence of mind to thrust his head and

the upper portion of his body into an empty barrel which happened to be

lying near him, was fortunate enough to escape injury, though he had

considerable difficulty in extricating himself, as there were “more than

a thousand pounds of earth upon his loins, his thighs and his feet.”

When he at last succeeded, he found that the effect of the explosion had

been most disastrous, more than thirty men having been killed by the

falling débris, amongst them being the unfortunate engineer Ramsay. The

mine had also demolished a great part of their own defences, and placed

them in a most dangerous position.

The enemy did not fail to seize their advantage, and, having discharged

a storm of grenades and fire-balls at them, sallied out and fell upon

two companies of the Guards on the left of the line. Bassompierre, with

a body of gentlemen-volunteers, hurried to their assistance, and the

assailants were repulsed. But, as he was returning, he met Praslin, who

begged him to go at once to their four-gun battery, which was being

heavily attacked. As he approached the battery, he saw that it was on

fire, and that while some of the fifty Swiss who guarded it were engaged

in extinguishing the flames, the rest were defending themselves with

their pikes and halberds against a large force of the enemy, who were

evidently determined to capture the battery at all costs.

“I saw, for the first time in my life,” he says, “women in a fight,

throwing stones against us with far more strength and animosity

than I should have conceived possible, or handing them to the

soldiers to throw.”

He arrived only just in time, for the Swiss, many of whom had already

been killed or wounded, were being desperately hard-pressed, and in a

few minutes the battery must have been taken. But he placed himself at

their head with his volunteers, and led a charge which drove the enemy

back a little distance. They continued, however, to assail them with

missiles of every description, and a large stone striking Bassompierre

in the face--let us hope it was not thrown by one of the ladies with

whom he had been conversing so amiably a few days before!--brought him

to the ground insensible. Some of the Swiss raised him up, and carried

him out of the _mêlée_, when he soon came to himself and returned to the

fight. Finally, Praslin came up with two companies and forced the enemy

to retire.

Their troubles, however, were not yet over, for meantime the enemy had

made a sally in another quarter. Bassompierre and his noblesse again

went to the rescue, and taking the assailants in the rear, obliged them

to retreat, leaving several prisoners behind them.[174]

Bassompierre was certainly a person of extraordinary energy, for after

this strenuous day he volunteered to take command of the force which was

detached each evening to watch for the approach of the enemy’s

reinforcements from Saint-Antonin, in place of Praslin, who was

suffering from the effects of a slight wound, and spent the whole night

in the saddle.

“Next morning,” he says, “as I was returning with my thousand men

to camp, the King sent for me to come to him at Picqueos. I did not

alight from my horse, and, in the dirty and disordered condition in

which I was, after having been on the watch all night, and with the

clotted blood from the wound on my head spread all over my face and

round my eyes, I was unrecognisable. On my arrival, the King and

the Constable told me that M. de Luxembourg,[175] who had command

of 600 horse who went out every night to watch for the arrival of

the reinforcements, had fallen ill, and that I must take charge of

them, until the reinforcements had either made their way into the

town or had been defeated. This I accepted willingly. While I was

talking to them, the Queen arrived from Moissac.[176] The King

sent the Constable to receive her and remained talking to me. As

she entered, she asked who was that frightful man talking to the

King. He told her that it was a nobleman of that part of the

country called the Comte de Curton. ‘Jesus!’ she exclaimed, ‘how

ugly he is!’ The Constable said to the King as he approached the

Queen: ‘Sire, present M. de Bassompierre to the Queen, and tell her

that he is the Comte de Curton.’ And this the King did. I kissed

the hem of her gown, after which the Constable presented me to the

Princesse de Conti, Mlle. de Vendôme, Madame de Montmorency and

Madame la Connétable, his wife. I saluted them and heard them say:

‘This is a strange-looking man, and very dirty; he does well to

stay in the country.’ Then I began to laugh, and, from my laugh and

my teeth, they knew me, and had great pity upon me, and still more

after dinner, when, on an alarm being raised that the enemy’s

reinforcements were coming, we went out to fight.”

The alarm proved to be a false one; but in the night of September 26-27,

just as Bassompierre was looking forward to the enjoyment of the first

night’s rest he had had for more than a week, his equerry Le Manny came

in with the news that the reinforcements from Saint-Antonin were

approaching. There could be no doubt about the matter this time; the

officer who had arrived with the news had seen them marching through the

forest.

Bassompierre awoke the Duc de Retz and Créquy’s son Canaples, who slept

in his room, and told them that the enemy were at hand; “but they

thought he was playing a jest on them, as they had been up ten

successive nights watching and waiting.” And they positively refused to

accompany him. Leaving them, he went into a gallery near his room, where

some thirty gentlemen slept, but could only persuade two of them to go

with him. “The cry of ‘Wolf!’ had been raised so often without any

justification that they vowed they would answer it no more.” But the

wolf from the Cévennes was really coming this time, and a very fierce

wolf he proved to be.

Hurriedly getting together some 1,200 men, of whom 200 were Swiss,

Bassompierre marched away and took up his position in a sunken road

intersecting the plain of Ramiers, which lies between the Forest of

Gréseigne and Montauban, where it had been decided to await the enemy.

Learning that they were approaching in three bodies, he detached the

Baron d’Estissac with 400 men to his right; the Comte d’Ayen, who was in

command of the cavalry that night, was already in position on his left.

It was a very dark night, and when presently the forms of men began to

loom out of the blackness ahead, he was uncertain whether they were the

enemy or a party of the Royal troops. But he shouted, “_Vive le Roi!_”

and the answering cry of “_Vive_ Rohan!” settled the question.

His position was protected by a barricade, but the agile mountaineers

quickly swarmed over it and jumped down into the road, where a furious

struggle began. So intense was the darkness there that it was often

impossible to tell friend from foe, and not a few must have died by the

weapons of their comrades. Bassompierre, lunging with a halberd at one

of the enemy, stumbled and fell; the Huguenot, killed by the Swiss, fell

on top of him, as did two other men who had shared his fate; and he was

pinned down and unable to rise. At length, Le Manny and one of his

servants, hearing his cries for help, came and extricated him; but

scarcely was he on his feet again, than he narrowly escaped being run

through the body by a Swiss, who mistook him for an enemy. The _mêlée_

continued for some time, but at length numbers prevailed, and

practically all the brave mountaineers were either killed or made

prisoners. The dead had not died in vain, however, for, though their

comrades on the right had been routed by d’Ayen, those on the left, to

the number of some 600 men, had contrived in the darkness to elude

d’Estissac, and throw themselves into Montauban.

Among the prisoners taken by Bassompierre[177] was the Sieur de

Beaufort, the commander of the Cévennais. He was treated as a prisoner

of war and imprisoned in the Bastille, from which he was released on the

conclusion of peace. His humble comrades, however, were less fortunate,

and those who recovered from their wounds were sent to the galleys.

END OF VOL. I.

PRINTED BY THE ANCHOR PRESS, LTD., TIPTREE, ESSEX, ENGLAND.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Most of the places of the German part of Lorraine had two names,

of which one was the approximate translation of the other. The future

marshal’s family would not appear to have adopted definitely the

French form of the name until the end of the sixteenth century; but,

for the sake of convenience, we propose to use it throughout this work.

[2] Agrippa d’Aubigné, in his _Histoire universelle_, cites a letter

from Guise to Christophe de Bassompierre, dated May 21, 1588, which is

signed “l’amy de cœur.”

[3] She was the daughter of George le Picart de Radeval and Louise de

la Motte-Bléquin.

[4] Of Bassompierre’s two brothers, the elder, Jean, Seigneur de

Removille, after serving as a volunteer in Hungary against the Turks,

entered the service of France, and took part in the invasion of

Savoy, in 1600. In 1603, having quarrelled with Henri IV, he quitted

his service for that of Philip III of Spain, and died the following

year of a wound received at the siege of Ostend. The younger, George

African, was destined for Holy Orders, but renounced this intention

on learning of his brother’s death, and assumed the title of Seigneur

de Removille. He married in 1610 Henriette de Tornelle, daughter of

Charles Emmanuel, Comte de Tornelle, by whom he had six children. He

died in 1632, on his return from the campaign of Leipsic, on which he

had accompanied Charles IV of Lorraine.

[5] See the author’s “The Brood of False Lorraine,” Vol. II., p. 545.

[6] Don Cesare d’Este, grandson of Alphonso I and Laura Eustachia, had

caused himself to be proclaimed Duke of Ferrara on October 29, 1597.

Pope Clement VII claimed the duchy as devolving on the Holy See by the

extinction of the legitimate line of Este.

[7] Pietro Aldobrandini, nephew of Clement VII. He had been created

cardinal in 1593 and subsequently became Archbishop of Ravenna. He

died in 1621.

[8] By a capitulation, signed on January 13, 1598, Don Cesare

renounced the duchy of Ferrara in favour of Clement VIII and remained

only Duke of Modena and Reggio.

[9] The Archduke Albert, who had taken Holy Orders and been created a

cardinal, had renounced that dignity in order to marry the Infanta.

[10] Peter Ernest, Count von Mansfeld. He was subsequently created a

Prince of the Empire by Maximilian II. He died in 1604.

[11] Daughter of René, Vicomte de Rohan, and Catherine de Parthenay,

Dame de Soubise. She married in 1604 Johann of Bavaria, Duke of

Zweibrücken.

[12] Claude de Lorraine, younger son of Henri I de Lorraine, Duc de

Guise, and Catherine de Clèves. He bore at first the title of Prince

de Joinville, but in 1606 became Duc de Chevreuse, in consequence of

his elder brother having resigned that duchy to him. He died in 1657.

[13] Charles, Comte d’Auvergne (1573-1650), natural son of Charles IX

and Marie Touchet. He was created Duc d’Angoulême in 1620; but before

this period Bassompierre, in his _Mémoires_, frequently speaks of him

as M. d’Angoulême.

[14] The Grand Equerry, the Duc de Bellegarde.

[15] Charles Auguste de Saint-Lary, brother of Bellegarde, whom he

succeeded in the post of Grand Equerry.

[16] Annibal de Schomberg, second son of Gaspard de Schomberg.

[17] In April, 1599, this boy was legitimated by letters-patent, which

were duly registered by the complaisant Parlement of Paris.

[18] But she had, nevertheless, condescended to ask favours of “the

woman of impure life,” and to regard her as a sister. “I speak to you

freely,” she writes to Gabrielle, on February 24, 1597, “as to one

whom I wish to keep as a sister. I have placed so much confidence in

the assurance that you have given me that you love me, that I do not

desire to have any protector but you near the King; for nothing that

comes from your beautiful mouth can fail to be well received.” She had

also, shortly before signing the procuration, transferred to Gabrielle

her duchy of Étampes.

[19] See the excellent work of Desclozeaux, _Gabrielle d’Éstrées,

Marquise de Monceaux_ (Paris: 1889).

[20] Alphonse d’Ornano (1548-1610), son of the celebrated Corsican

patriot. He was colonel-general of the Corsicans in the service of

France, and had been created a marshal of France in 1596.

[21] Gabrielle, as we have just stated, survived until the following

day (Saturday, April 10); but La Varenne, either to spare the King

the sight of his mistress, whom, Bassompierre tells us, he himself

had seen on the Thursday afternoon, “so changed that she was

unrecognisable,” or to prevent a scandal, had taken upon himself to

announce in advance the event which he knew to be inevitable and close

at hand.

[22] The Parlement of Paris also sent a deputation to condole with the

grief-stricken monarch.

[23] Bassompierre says “a few days”; Tallemant des Réaux “three

weeks.” In point of fact, it was not until the following June that

Henri IV., while on his way from Fontainebleau to Blois, broke his

journey at the Château of Malesherbes, where resided François de

Balsac d’Entragues, governor of Orléans, who had married as his second

wife Marie Touchet, mistress of Charles IX, and mother of Charles de

Valois, Comte d’Auvergne, and there saw Henriette, then a girl of

eighteen, for the first time.

[24] Although so young, Mlle. de Entragues was very much alive to

her own interests, and, counselled by her parents, determined that

the brilliant destiny of which fate had deprived her predecessor in

the royal affections should be hers. The enamoured monarch loaded

her with costly gifts and employed every persuasion he could think

of to overcome her resistance; but the damsel was adamant, until, in

despair, he placed in her hands the following remarkable document,

which Henriette carried about in her pocket and triumphantly exhibited

to all her friends:--

“We, Henri, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, promise

and swear by our faith and kingly word to Monsieur François de Balsac,

Sieur d’Entragues, etc., that he, giving us to be our consort (_pour

compagne_) demoiselle Henriette Catherine de Balsac, his daughter,

provided that within six months from the present date she becomes

pregnant and bear us a son, that forthwith we will take her to wife

and publicly espouse her in the face of Holy Church, in accordance

with the solemnities required in such cases.”

Once more, however, the unexpected came to save the situation.

One night, the room in which the sultana--now become Marquise

de Verneuil--lay, was struck by lightning. The shock caused a

miscarriage, and the King, whose marriage with Marguerite de Valois

had been solemnly annulled, on December 29, 1599, by the commission

appointed by the Pope, holding himself released from his promise,

thereupon decided to send a formal demand to the Court of Tuscany for

the hand of Marie de’ Medici.

[25] Charles de Lorraine, Duc d’Elbeuf (1566-1605).

[26] The Prince de Joinville was, or had been, in love with Henriette

d’Entragues, who, until the King appeared upon the scene, had been

far from insensible to his admiration, and he believed that the Grand

Equerry was endeavouring to prejudice his Majesty’s mind against him

on that account.

[27] Achille de Harlay. He was First President of the Parlement of

Paris from 1583 to 1611.

[28] The brother, mother, and sister of the Prince de Joinville.

[29] Henri, Duc and Maréchal de Montmorency (1534-1614).

[30] Yolande de Livron, demoiselle de Bourbonne, daughter of Erard

de Livron, Baron de Bourbonne, and Yolande de Bassompierre, and

cousin-german of the future marshal, who tells us that he would

probably have married the young lady and “might not have lived

unhappily with her,” had it not been for the opposition of his mother,

whom he did not wish to displease.

[31] Mlle. Quelin. She was the mother of Nicolas Quelin, counsellor to

the Grande Chambre of the Parlement of Paris, who claimed, wrongly it

is said, to be the son of Henri IV.

[32] Marie Babou de la Bourdaisière, daughter of Georges Babou,

Seigneur de la Bon, Comte de Sagonne. She was one of Queen Louise’s

maids-of-honour.

[33] La Côte-Saint-André, on the road from Vienne to Grenoble.

[34] The cause of this quarrel was in all probability the famous

promise of marriage which Henri IV had given to Madame de Verneuil and

the approaching arrival of Marie de’ Medici--“_la grosse financière_,”

as Henriette disrespectfully called her--who was to become Queen of

France.

[35] Basing House, Hampshire.

[36] William Pawlet, Marquis of Winchester.

[37] Madame de Verneuil gave birth to a son a month later, and, in

the pride of her motherhood, scoffed at “_la grosse financière_,”

who, said she, had indeed got a son, but not the Dauphin. For the

King was her husband--she had his written promise--and it was

SHE who held the Dauphin in her arms.

[38] Jacques de la Guesle, procurator-general to the Parlement.

[39] The Comte d’Auvergne showed the most craven terror, and

offered--king’s son though he was--to play the part of a spy and to

continue to communicate with his confederates, in order to disclose

their plans to the Government.

[40] The Prince de Joinville, having become the lover of Madame

de Villars, who had aspired to succeed Gabrielle d’Estrées in the

affections of Henri IV, and was bitterly hostile in consequence to

Madame de Verneuil, had been cajoled by that lady into handing over

to her the love-letters which he had received from Henriette, some of

which contained expressions of great tenderness and had been written

at the very time when the King was paying the damsel his addresses.

These letters Madame de Villars had the meanness to send to Henri

IV, who was naturally furious at the discovery that his mistress had

had two strings to her bow. Eventually, however, his Majesty allowed

himself to be persuaded by Madame de Verneuil and her friends that

the letters were forgeries, the work of one Bigot, whom Joinville had

suborned; and Henriette was forgiven, while the prince received orders

to leave France.

[41] Rossworm had distinguished himself in 1601 at the capture of

Stuhl-Weissemburg, and in 1602 had taken by assault the lower town of

Buda and the town of Pesth.

[42] Presumably, Ladislaus’s Hall, or the Hall of Homage, constructed

towards the end of the fifteenth century by Rieth.

[43] Lorraine, though its independence had been recognised in 1542,

still contributed its share to the charges which had for their object

the peace and security of the Empire; and, as the troops which

Bassompierre proposed to raise were intended for service in Hungary

against the Turks, it was on this fund, called the _landsfried_, that

the order was drawn.

[44] Jacqueline de Bueil was an orphan who had been brought up by

Charlotte de la Trémoille, widow of Henri I, Prince de Condé. She was

a very astute young lady indeed, and demanded, as the price of her

surrender, a large sum of money, a pension, a title, and a husband,

all of which the amorous monarch conceded. The husband chosen for

her was a needy and complaisant noble, Philippe de Harlay, Comte de

Cess, a nephew of Queen Margaret’s old lover, Harlay de Chanvallon,

who raised no objection to his sovereign exercising _le droit de

seigneur_. Subsequently, the King created the lady Comtesse de Moret

in her own right.

[45] Henri de Lorraine, Duc d’Aiguillon, eldest son of the Duc de

Mayenne, and brother of the Comte de Sommerive.

[46] Among the members of Queen Marguerite’s suite, was a youth of

some twenty summers, the son of one Date, a carpenter of Arles, whom

her Majesty ennobled, “_avec six aunes d’étoffe_,” and who forthwith

blossomed into a Sieur de Saint-Julien. This Saint-Julien, if we are

to believe the chroniclers of the time, was passionately beloved by

his regal mistress, though perhaps, as a charitable biographer of

Marguerite suggests, her affection for him may have been “merely

platonic and maternal.” However that may be, he stood on the very

pinnacle of favour, and was regarded with envy and hatred by his

less fortunate rivals. One of these rivals, Vermont by name--not

Charmont, as Bassompierre calls him--either because he was jealous

of the privileges which Saint-Julien enjoyed, or, more probably,

because he believed that the favourite had used his influence with

the Queen to procure the disgrace of certain members of his family,

suspected of having aided the intrigues of the Comte d’Auvergne, swore

to be avenged. Nor was his vow an idle one, for one fine morning

in April, 1606, at the very moment when Saint-Julien was assisting

Marguerite to alight from her coach, on her return from hearing Mass

at the Célestines, he stepped forward, and, levelling a pistol, shot

him dead. The assassin endeavoured to escape, but was pursued and

captured; and the bereaved princess, beside herself with rage and

grief, vowed that she would neither eat nor drink until justice had

been done, and wrote to the King “begging his Majesty very humbly to

be pleased that the assassin should be punished.” The King sent orders

for Vermont to be brought to trial without an hour’s delay; and he

was condemned to death and executed the following morning in front

of Marguerite’s hôtel, “declaring aloud,” writes L’Estoile, “that he

cared not about dying, since he had accomplished his purpose.”

[47] Although he had resumed his relations with Madame de Verneuil,

and seemed more infatuated with her than ever, his Majesty continued

his attentions to Madame de Moret, and had also fallen in love with a

certain Mlle. de la Haye, with whom he spent a honeymoon at Chantilly,

obligingly placed at his disposal by the Connétable de Montmorency,

under the pretext of enjoying the fine hunting which the neighbourhood

afforded. This affair, however, only lasted a short time. The young

lady, it appears, had persuaded his Majesty that he was the first who

had gained her heart, but, in point of fact, she had begun her career

of gallantry by a _liaison_ with M. de Beaumont, the late French

Ambassador in England, who, however, had soon broken off his relations

with her. Mlle. de la Haye had not forgiven him for this rupture,

and, believing herself more in favour than she was, she endeavoured

to prejudice the King’s mind against him. Beaumont, learning of this,

promptly sent his Majesty the letters which Mlle. de la Haye had

written him when she was his mistress; and Henri IV, indignant at

having been deceived, broke with her in his turn.

[48] Tallemant des Réaux, in his _Historiettes_, gives some details

concerning this _liaison_ of Bassompierre and the part played therein

by Henri, who appears to have been made a fool of, as in several

analogous circumstances. “Bassompierre,” he writes, “had the honour to

have for some time the King as rival. Testu, Chevalier of the Watch,

assisted his Majesty in the affair. One day, when this man came to

speak to Mlle. d’Entragues, she hid Bassompierre behind a tapestry,

and said to Testu, who reproached her with being less cruel to

Bassompierre than to the King, that she cared no more for the former

than for the latter, at the same time striking with a switch which she

held in her hand the place where her gallant was concealed.”

[49] Men whose duty it was to remove the bodies of persons who had

died of the plague or other contagious maladies. During several months

of that year Paris was ravaged by an epidemic, which was either plague

or a virulent form of typhus.

[50] Nearly two centuries later, this adventure of Bassompierre so

impressed the romantic imagination of Chateaubriand, then a young

man of twenty, that he made a pilgrimage to the Rue Bourg-l’Abbé and

“the third door on the side of the Rue Saint-Martin.” But, to the

great disappointment of the future author of _René_, he found himself

confronted, not by the old gabled house which Bassompierre must have

entered and quitted so abruptly, but by a hopelessly modern residence,

the ground-floor of which was occupied by a hairdresser’s shop, with

“a variety of towers of hair behind the window-panes.” And “no frank,

disinterested, passionate young woman” was to be seen, but only “an

old crone, who might have been the aunt of the assignation.”

“What a fine story, that story of Bassompierre!” he writes. “One of

the reasons which caused him to be so passionately loved ought to be

understood. At that time, France was divided into two classes, one

dominant, the other semi-servile. The sempstress clasped Bassompierre

in her arms as though he were a demi-god who had descended to the

bosom of a slave: he gave her the illusion of glory, and Frenchwomen

alone amongst women are capable of intoxicating themselves with

that illusion. But who will reveal to us the unknown causes of the

catastrophe? Was the body which lay upon the table by the side of

another body that of the pretty wench of the Two Angels? Whose was the

other body? Was it the husband or the man whose voice Bassompierre

had heard? Had the plague (for the plague was raging in Paris) or

jealousy reached the Rue Bourg-l’Abbé before love? The imagination can

easily find matter for exercise in such a subject as this. Mingle with

the poet’s inventions, the chorus of the populace, the approaching

grave-diggers, the ‘crows’ and Bassompierre’s sword, and a magnificent

melodrama springs from the adventure.”--_Mémoires d’Outre Tombe_, Vol.

I.

[51] Louise Pot, second wife of Claude de l’Aubespine, Seigneur de

Verderonne.

[52] Mlle. de la Patière, daughter of Georges l’Enfant, Seigneur de la

Patière, and of Françoise du Plessis-Richelieu. The La Patières were

friends and neighbours of Bassompierre.

[53] Jean Louis de Nogaret de la Valette, born 1554; created Duc

d’Épernon, 1581; died 1642.

[54] The Duc de Montpensier died on February 27, 1608; the ballet

appears to have been danced about the middle of January.

[55] Charlotte de Montmorency, daughter of the Connétable Henri

de Montmorency, by his second wife, Louise de Budos. She was born

in 1594 and was at this time only fourteen. By his first wife,

Antoinette de la Marck, the Constable had two daughters: (1)

Charlotte de Montmorency, married in 1591 to Charles de Valois, Comte

d’Auvergne, died in 1636, at the age of sixty-three; (2) Marguerite de

Montmorency, married in 1593 to Anne de Lévis, Duc de Ventadour, died

December 3, 1660, aged eighty-three.

[56] Jean du Fay, Baron de Pérault, lieutenant of the King in the

Bresse. He was married to Marie de Montmorency, a natural daughter of

the Constable.

[57] See the author’s “The Fascinating Duc de Richelieu” (London,

Methuen; New York, Scribner, 1910).

[58] The exception was Renée de Lorraine, Mlle. de Mayenne, daughter

of Charles, Duc de Mayenne.

[59] Charles de Montmorency. He was at first known under the title of

Seigneur de Méru, then as Baron de Damville, and, in 1610, was created

Duc de Damville. He died in 1612, after having filled the offices of

Colonel-General of the Swiss troops in the French service and Admiral

of France.

[60] Henri II, Duc de Montmorency and de Damville, only son of the

Constable by his second wife, Louise de Budos; born August 30, 1595;

beheaded for high treason at Toulouse, October 3, 1635.

[61] Gabrielle Angélique, legitimated daughter of Henri IV and the

Marquise de Verneuil, married December 12, 1622, to Bernard de

Nogaret, Duc de la Valette; died December 24, 1627.

[62] Diane de France, Duchesse de Montmorency and d’Angoulême,

legitimated daughter of Henri II by a Piedmontese girl called Filippa

Duc, whom he had met during the campaign of 1537 in Italy. Born in

1538, she was brought up at the Court of France, and married in 1553

to Orazio Farnese, Duke of Castro, who was killed a few months later,

whilst defending Hesdin against the troops of Charles V. In 1559 the

young widow married François, Duc and Maréchal de Montmorency, elder

brother of the Constable, who died in 1579. A beautiful, accomplished

and highly intelligent woman, and a singularly loyal friend, Diane

was greatly esteemed by the last Valois sovereigns and also by Henri

IV. Her half-brother, Henri III, gave her the duchies of Angoulême

and Châtellerault, the county of Ponthieu, and the government of the

Limousin; and it was she who in 1588 brought about the reconciliation

between that monarch and Henri of Navarre. She died in 1619, at the

age of eighty, having seen no less than seven kings on the throne of

France.

[63] As son of Éleonor de Montmorency, a sister of the Connétable

Henri de Montmorency.

[64] Henri II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, son of Henri I, Prince de

Condé, by his second wife, Catherine Charlotte de la Trémoille. He was

officially styled _Monsieur le Prince_, and as such is always referred

to in Bassompierre’s _Mémoires_.

[65] Catherine Charlotte de la Trémoille, Princesse de Condé, was a

daughter of Jeanne de Montmorency, sister of the Constable, who was

therefore Condé’s great-uncle.

[66] Anne de Lorraine, Duchesse d’Aumale, daughter and heiress

of Charles de Lorraine-Guise, Duc d’Aumale, and of Marie de

Lorraine-Elbeuf; married in 1618 to Henri de Savoie, Duc de Nemours;

died in 1638.

[67] The favour which Henri IV was offering Bassompierre consisted,

strictly speaking, not in the re-establishment of the duchy of Aumale,

of which the title remained by right to Mlle. d’Aumale, but in uniting

once more the peerage to the duchy, the old peerage having become

extinct through the failure of male heirs.

[68] Although the King always alluded to the Prince de Condé as his

nephew, he was really only a nephew _à la mode de Bretagne_, a first

cousin once removed.

[69] Pierre de Beringhen, Seigneur d’Armainvilliers et de Grez, first

_valet de chambre_ to the King.

[70] Jeanne de Scepeaux, Comtesse de Chemillé, Duchesse de Beaupréau,

only daughter and heiress of Guy de Scepeaux, Comte de Chemillé, Duc

de Beaupréau. She had married early in that year Henri de Montmorency

(Monsieur de Montmorency, as he was officially styled), only son of

the Constable; but Henri IV, being desirous of marrying the heir of

the Montmorencys to his daughter Mlle. de Vendôme, caused this union

to be declared null and void a few months later. In May, 1610, Mlle.

de Chemillé married Henri de Gondi, Duc de Retz.

[71] On March 25, 1609, John William, Duke of Clèves, Juliers and

Berg, had died childless. The question of the succession to his

dominions was of vital importance, as they connected the bishoprics

of Münster, Paderborn, and Hildesheim, with the Spanish Netherlands,

and, during the reign of the late duke, who was a Catholic, had

interrupted the communications of the Protestants of Central Germany

with the Dutch. Their transference to a Protestant prince would be

a fatal blow to the North German Catholics and would threaten the

security of the Spanish Netherlands. A number of claimants appeared,

the most prominent of whom were two Protestant princes, the Elector of

Brandenburg and the Count Palatine of Neuberg, who claimed through the

two elder sisters of John William. They came to an agreement to occupy

part of the country and establish a provisional government; but the

Emperor maintained that the duchies were male fiefs which could only

descend in the direct male line, pronounced them sequestrated, and

called upon the two princes to submit their claims to him as “feudal

lord and sovereign judge.” On their refusal to do this, he placed them

under the ban of the Empire, and ordered the Archduke Leopold to take

possession of the territory as Imperial Commissioner (July, 1609).

Henri IV protested vigorously against the Emperor’s action, declaring

that he was determined not to permit any such addition to the power of

the House of Austria, and that, if it came to war, he would prosecute

it with all the resources of his kingdom.

[72] Alexandre d’Elbène, gentleman of the chamber-in-ordinary to the

King, colonel of the Italian infantry in the service of France, and

first _maître d’hôtel_ to the Queen. It was he who, with the Captain

of the Watch, had been the first to break the news of the flight of

the Condés to Henri IV.

[73] Damian de Montluc, Sieur de Balagny. He was governor of Marle.

[74] Brulart de Sillery.

[75] Henri IV had meanly stopped the payment of Condé’s pensions.

[76] For a full account of this episode, see the author’s “The Love

Affairs of the Condés.” (London; Methuen. New York: Scribners. 1912.)

[77] The Queen’s entry was to have taken place on May 16.

[78] Bassompierre carried at the _Sacre_ the train of the Princesse de

Conti, who herself carried that of the Queen.

[79] But, according to a contemporary account of the ceremony, Henri

IV was in an unusually sombre mood, and, on entering the church and

beholding the vast silent assemblage, observed: “It reminds me of the

great and last judgment. God give us grace to prepare well for that

day!” (_Cérémonial français_, Tome I., p. 570.)

[80] Pierre Fougeu, Seigneur d’Escures, Quartermaster-General of the

camps and armies of the King.

[81] Bernard Potier, Seigneur de Blérencourt. He was

Lieutenant-Colonel of the Light Horse of which Bassompierre was

Colonel.

[82] Méry de Vic, Seigneur d’Ermenonville. He was appointed Keeper of

the Seals in 1621.

[83] This was no idle threat, for Madame de Bassompierre’s will

contains a clause providing that, in the event of her son espousing

the demoiselle Marie Charlotte de Balsac, “she disinherited him and

deprived him of all her property, having expressly forbidden him to

contract a marriage with her.”

[84] “Five giants took part in the procession, of the race of those

whom Hercules slew in the war which they waged against the gods, in

the valley of Phlegra, in Thessaly.”--Laugier de Porchères, _le Camp

de la Place-Royale_ (Paris, 1612).

[85] “The five challengers styled themselves the Knights of Glory.

M. de Bassompierre made his entry among them under the name of

Lysander. He had for his device a lighted fuse, with these words: _Da

l’ardore l’ardire_ (_De l’ardour la hardiesse_), in allusion to a love

avowed.”--_le Camp de la Place-Royale._

[86] The Prince de Conti’s troupe called themselves the Knights of the

Sun; the Duc de Vendôme’s the Knights of the Lily.

[87] François de Noailles, Comte d’Ayen (1584-1645). He was governor

of Rouergue, Auvergne and Roussillon.

[88] Jacques du Blé, Baron, afterwards Marquis d’Huxelles.

Bassompierre, conforming without doubt to the pronunciation, writes

the name sometimes d’Ucelles and at others Du Sel.

[89] Henri II, Duc de Longueville, Comte de Dunois (1595-1643). He

married in 1642, as his second wife, Anne Geneviève de Bourbon-Condé,

who was the celebrated Duchesse de Longueville, of the Fronde.

[90] Under the name of the Knight of the Phœnix.

[91] The Nymphs were: the Comte de Schomberg, hamadryad; Colonel

d’Ornano, wood-nymph; Créquy, dryad; Saint-Luc, naiad; and the Marquis

de Rosny, oread.

[92] Antoine Coeffier, called Ruzé, Marquis d’Effiat, who was created

a _maréchal_ de France in 1631. He was the father of the ill-fated

Cinq-Mars.

[93] This entry is called, in _le Camp du Place-Royale_, that of

the illustrious Romans. According to this relation, there were but

seven of them: Trajan, Vespasian, Paulus Æmilius, Marcellus, Scipio,

Coriolanus and Marius. There also entered on this day a troupe of

Knights of the Air, which, however, was incomplete, owing to one of

the “Knights,” the Seigneur de Balagny, having been wounded in a duel.

[94] The young Duc de Mayenne, son of the old chief of the League, who

had died in October, 1611.

[95] Saint-Paul, a soldier of fortune, was one of the four marshals

created by the Duc de Mayenne in 1593. He was lieutenant of Charles,

Duc de Guise in his government of Champagne, and rendered himself

intensely unpopular with the inhabitants of Rheims by various acts

of oppression. Guise killed him with his own hand, in the Place

de la Cathédrale there, on April 25, 1597. For a full account of

this incident and also of the affair of the Chevalier de Guise and

the Baron de Luz, see the author’s “The Brood of False Lorraine”

(Hutchinson, 1919).

[96] The Duc de Guise was Governor of Provence.

[97] After the death of his elder brother, the Cardinal de Bourbon,

the Prince de Conti had been placed in possession of the Abbey

of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, which had been one of the cardinal’s

benefices. The Queen was offering to the Princess de Conti, in the

event of her widowhood, the reversion of these revenues.

[98] _Histoire de France jusqu’en 1789._

[99] They did not fail of their reward, Bassompierre tells us, for

one of them, Masurier, was presently appointed First President of the

Parlement of Toulouse, while the other, Mangot, became First President

of that of Bordeaux, and was afterwards made Keeper of the Seals.

[100] “This dignity, formerly so respected, had been conferred

lavishly since the Wars of the League, but it had not been degraded

to this point. Concini having never borne arms, they were obliged to

renounce in his case the ancient custom of the new marshal of France

presenting himself to the Parlement, accompanied by an advocate,

who expounded his claims and his valiant deeds. There is a limit to

everything, even to the impudence of flatterers.”--Henri Martin.

[101] Malherbe’s letters contain some interesting observations

concerning the Queen and Bassompierre: “20 October [1613]. I am told

that 51 [the Queen] has not spoken to him [Bassompierre] for a week.

It is believed that 65 [Concini] has done him a bad turn. The affair

is patched up to some extent, to which 59 [Guise] has contributed

much. I have seen him [Bassompierre] to-day in the cabinet, but much

less impudent than he usually is, and 51 [the Queen] never spoke to

him at all. It will pass.

“27 October. The disfavour of 66 [Bassompierre] continues visibly;

the cause is the alliance of 55 [Concini] and 69 [Villeroy], who

have both told 51 [the Queen] that, when they were on bad terms, 66

[Bassompierre] betrayed them both, and, besides, had given her to

understand that he boasts of her favour.

“24 November 66 [Bassompierre] is in less disfavour; but I fear that

he will never be again as he has been.

“27 November. I have seen 66 [Bassompierre], so that I believe the

disagreement is patched up, or will be patched up.”

[102] The Duc de Rohan was not a prince, but he was descended on his

mother’s side from two sovereign houses, those of Navarre and Scotland.

[103] Gaspard Gallaty had fought as a captain at Moncontour and as a

colonel at Arques and Ivry. He was ennobled in 1587.

[104] The Duc de Guise and his brother the Prince de Joinville.

[105] Gabriel de la Vallée-Fossez, Marquis d’Everly. He was governor

of Montpellier.

[106] The Commandeur de Sillery, _chevalier d’honneur_ to Marie de’

Medici, had been disgraced shortly before his brother, the Chancellor,

was dismissed.

[107] Créquy was Colonel of the French Guards.

[108] He was Captain-Lieutenant of the Gensdarmes of the King’s Guard.

[109] La Curée was Captain-Lieutenant of the company of Light Cavalry

of the Guard instituted by Henri IV in 1593.

[110] In response to the summons he had received from the

Queen-Mother, Condé was making his way along a narrow passage which

led from her Majesty’s chamber to her cabinet, when he was suddenly

confronted by Thémines, at the head of several of the King’s Guards

“Monseigneur,” said the old noble to the astonished prince, “the

King having been informed that you are giving ear to sundry counsels

contrary to his service, and that people intend to make you engage in

designs ruinous to the State, has charged me to secure your person, to

prevent you falling into this misfortune.” “What?” cried Condé, “do

you purpose to arrest me? Are you then captain of the Guards?” And he

laid his hand upon his sword. “No, Monseigneur,” rejoined Thémines,

“but I am a gentleman and obliged to obey the command of the King,

your master and mine.” His followers forthwith surrounded the prince

and led him into an adjoining room, where he found d’Elbène and a

party of soldiers, each of whom held a pistol in his hand. Never

remarkable for his courage, though in his youth he had once been

provoked into challenging the Duc de Nevers to a duel, Condé believed

that his last hour had come. “Alas,” cried he, “I am a dead man. Send

for a priest. Give me time at least to think of my conscience!” His

captors, however, assured him that his life was in no danger, and

conducted him to an upper apartment of the palace, where it had been

arranged that he should be confined, until it had been decided what

should be done with him.

[111] In the Rue de Chaume, at the corner of the Rue de Paradis.

[112] Charles Alexandre, Duc de Cröy, Marquis d’Havré. He was related

to Bassompierre through his mother, Diane de Dommartin.

[113] Enrico Concini, who was at this time a boy of thirteen. Arrested

after the tragic end of his father, he remained five years in prison,

and then returned to Florence, where he lived until 1631, under the

name of the Count della Penna.

[114] This refers to the manifesto issued by Condé in July, 1615, in

which he had stigmatised Concini, the Chancellor Sillery, his brother

the Commandeur de Sillery, and the Counsellors of State, Bullion and

Dolet, as the authors of the evils which afflicted the realm.

[115] The word is, of course, here used in the sense of a man who owed

his fortune to him, and not in its vituperative sense.

[116] Fedeau appears to have been a banker or usurer of the time, the

terms being often synonymous.

[117] Lavisse, _Histoire de France_.

[118] Probably Gilles de Souvré, Marquis de Courtenvaux, who was also

Baron de Lézines.

[119] Charles de Lameth, Seigneur de Bussy. He was killed at the siege

of La Capelle in 1637.

[120] Richelieu assures us that Luynes showed Louis XIII forged

letters purporting to have been written by Barbin, “full of designs

against the person of the King,” and, considering the position

occupied by Déageant, this appears very probable.

[121] Vitry had been created a marshal of France the day after the

assassination of Concini. “Thémines had recently been given the bâton

of marshal for having adopted the trade of a bailiff; Vitry had it as

his reward for plying that of a bravo. Who would have thought that

this high dignity, after having been abased to Concini, would have

descended yet lower still?”--Henri Martin.

[122] François de l’Hôpital, Seigneur du Hallier. He was created a

marshal of France in 1643, under the name of the Maréchal de l’Hôpital.

[123] Luynes had two younger brothers: (1) Honor d’Albert, Seigneur de

Cadanet, afterwards Duc de Chaulnes and Marshal of France; (2) Léon

d’Albert, Seigneur de Brantes, afterwards Duc de Piney-Luxembourg.

[124] _Journal historique et anecdotique de la Cour et de Paris._

MSS. of Conrart, cited by Victor Cousin, _la Jeunesse de Madame

de Longueville_. The chronicler speaks frequently of the prince’s

ill-treatment of his wife, for which he appears to think there was no

justification.

[125] Bournonville was brought to trial and condemned to death,

while Persan was sentenced to be banished from France; but both were

subsequently pardoned.

[126] _Journal historique et anecdotique de la Cour et de Paris._

[127] It would appear, from an anecdote related by Bassompierre, in

March, 1618, that Luynes had not hesitated to falsify history in his

efforts to inspire the King with fear of his mother:

“At that time, the King, who was very young, amused himself with many

little occupations of his age, making little fountains in imitation

of those of Saint-Germain, with pipes of quill, and little inventions

for hunting, and playing on the drum, in which he succeeded very

well. One day I told him that he was clever at everything which he

undertook, and that, although he had never been taught, he played the

drum better than the master of that instrument. ‘I must begin to blow

the hunting-horn again,’ said he, ‘which I do very well, and will blow

it for a whole day.’ ‘Sire,’ said I, ‘I do not advise your Majesty

to blow it too often, for it causes ruptures, and is very injurious

for the lungs; and I have heard that, through blowing the horn, the

late King Charles broke a blood-vessel in his lungs, and that caused

his death.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ he rejoined; ‘it was not blowing the

horn that killed him; it was because he quarrelled with the Queen

Catherine, his mother at Monceaux, and left her and went to Meaux.

But, if he had not been persuaded by the Maréchal de Retz to return to

the Queen-Mother at Monceaux, he would not have died so soon.’ As I

answered nothing to this, Montpouillan, who was present, said to me:

‘You did not think, Monsieur, that the King knew so much about these

matters, but he does, and about many others besides.’ This convinced

me that he had been inspired with great apprehension of the Queen, his

mother, whom I took care never to mention to him in future, not even

in common discourse.”

[128] Asked what spell she had employed to make herself mistress of

the Queen-Mother’s mind, the prisoner is said to have replied: “Only

those which a clever woman employs towards a dunce.”

[129] The Duc de Mayenne quitted the Court, which was then at

Saint-Germain, on March 29, 1620, and went to Guienne, of which he was

lieutenant-general.

[130] Louis de Bourbon, son of Charles de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons

and Anne de Montafié. Born May 4, 1604; killed at the battle of la

Marfée, on July 6, 1641. He was called _Monsieur le Comte_, as his

father had been.

[131] There were two kinds of regiments in the French Army at

this period: permanent regiments, which usually bore territorial

designations, Champagne, Picardy, and so forth, and temporary

regiments, which might be disbanded in time of peace, and which bore

the names of their commanding officers.

[132] Luynes and his two brothers.

[133] Nerestang died some ten days later, a victim, if we are to

believe Bassompierre, to the professional jealousy of the surgeons:--

“The King went to visit M. de Nerestang, who, seeing how severely he

had been wounded, was not doing badly, and would have been cured if

they had left him in the hands of the surgeon Lion. But the other

executioners of surgeons importuned the King so much, when he was at

Brissac, that seven days after he was wounded, when he was going on

well, they took him out of Lion’s hands to place him in those of the

King’s surgeons; and he only lived two days longer.”

[134] Créquy was colonel of the French Guards, and in this action was

in command of a brigade.

[135] The property of the Catholic Church in Béarn and Lower Navarre

had been confiscated by Jeanne d’Albret in 1569, and applied to the

maintenance of pastors of the Reformed faith and works of public

utility.

[136] Jacques Nomper de Caumont (1558-1652). He greatly distinguished

himself in the Thirty Years’ War, and was made a marshal of France and

subsequently duke and peer.

[137] This son, who received the names of Louis Charles and to whom

Louis XIII stood godfather, became the second Duc de Luynes, and

enjoyed some celebrity in the latter part of the seventeenth century

through his connection with Port-Royal. He translated into French the

_Méditations_ of Descartes, wrote under a _nom de guerre_ several

books of devotion, and was the father of the pious Duc de Chevreuse,

the friend of Fénelon.

[138] Don Diego Zapata.

[139] Doña Maria Sidonia, second wife of the count.

[140] Don Pedro Acunha y Tellez-Giron, third Duke of Ossuña

(1579-1624). He had been Viceroy of Naples, and one of the three

chiefs of the conspiracy against Venice which was to have delivered

the city into the power of Spain on Ascension Day, 1618. Suspected

of having aspired to make himself King of Naples, he was recalled in

1620. He died in prison in 1624.

[141] The late King, Henri IV.

[142] Enrico de Avila y Guzman.

[143] Antonio de Toledo, fifth duke of Alba, grandson of the

celebrated Duke of Alba.

[144] Rodriguez de Mendoza, second son of Diego de Mendoza, Count of

Saldagna. He became sixth Duke del Infantado by his marriage with Anna

de Mendoza, Duchess del Infantado, daughter of his elder brother.

[145] The office of mayor-domo mayor was equivalent to that of Grand

Master of the King’s Household in France.

[146] A convent of the barefooted Carmelites in the centre of the town.

[147] He was a Dominican monk and filled the office of Grand

Inquisitor.

[148] Philip III’s eldest son, afterwards Philip IV. Born on April 8,

1605, he had not yet completed his sixteenth year.

[149] The King’s second son; born September 14, 1607; died in 1632.

[150] Fernando, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, third son of Philip

III; born May 17, 1609; died in 1641.

[151] The new Queen, Élisabeth of France.

[152] A convent of Hieronymite monks, situated a little way from

Madrid.

[153] Gaspard de Guzman, third count, and afterwards Duke, of

Olivarez. Favourite of the new king, he shared power with his uncle,

Don Balthazar de Zuniga, until the latter’s death in 1623, from which

time up to 1643 he was Prime Minister. He died in 1645.

[154] Charles de Clermont d’Amboise, Marquis de Bussy. He was killed

in a duel in the Place-Royale in Paris, in April, 1627.

[155] The _loba_ was a long sleeveless robe; the _caperuza_ a hood;

and the _caperote_ a short cloak fitted with a hood.

[156] The Crowns of Spain and Naples, etc.

[157] Don Carlos.

[158] To demand _lugar_ of a lady was to request permission to pay

one’s respects to her at a time and place to be named by her.

[159] Diego de Sandoval y Rojas.

[160] Aloysia de Mendoza. She was Countess of Saldagna in her own

right, and her husband assumed the title of Count of Saldagna.

[161] Saldagna had been a widower since 1619.

[162] Catherine de Zuniga y Sandoval, widow of Fernando de Portugal y

Castro, sixth Count of Lemos.

[163] See p. 287, _supra_.

[164] The celebrated Duke of Alba.

[165] The fourth Duke of Alba.

[166] “I have paid the compliment of condolence with which the King

charged me, so well, that, save that I did not weep, my countenance

presented every indication of grief and sadness. Now it lays aside

this false mask, since nothing can further retard my return to France,

whither I am going with infinite joy, and infinite desire to serve my

master well in war, or my mistress, if we have peace.”--Bassompierre

to Puisieux, May 10, 1621.

[167] Titled persons; that is to say, noblemen who were not grandees

of Spain.

[168] Municipal officials.

[169] The principal magistrate of the town.

[170] In July, 1639, during his captivity in the Bastille,

Bassompierre was obliged to part temporarily with Philip IV’s gift,

which is described as “the diamond of the King of Spain,” as security

for a loan of 6,300 livres. He redeemed it in May, 1641, but as, after

his death, it does not figure in the inventory of his jewels, he would

appear to have pledged it again, or perhaps have sold it.

[171] Louis de Marillac, Comte de Beaumont-le-Roger. He was created a

marshal of France in 1629, and was executed for high treason on May

10, 1632.

[172] This faubourg had been called Ville-Bourbon, since Henri IV had

surrounded it with fortifications.

[173] This was the old fourteenth-century bridge already mentioned.

[174] Bassompierre received next day a letter from the King,

complimenting him on the courage and resource he had shown.

[175] The Duc de Luxembourg, the Constable’s youngest brother.

[176] The Queen had established herself at Moissac, on the right bank

of the Tarn, where she remained during the greater part of the siege.

[177] Louis XIII., in a letter to Noailles, bears testimony to

Bassompierre’s services in this affair: “In this defeat and action we

may recognise, as I have told you, the Providence of God, Who has so

fortified the courage of my men that they have performed wonders, and

_notably the Sr. de Bassompierre_, the colonel, and the Swiss and the

Regiment of Normandy, who have boldly sustained the charge.”

* * * * *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: they left

Lambrogiono=> they left Lambrogiano {pg 9}

Pietro Aldrobrandini, nephew of Clement VII=> Pietro Aldobrandini,

nephew of Clement VII {pg 12 n.}

and Gabrielle d’Estrêes=> and Gabrielle d’Estrées {pg 19}

the affections of kinds=> the affections of kings {pg 26}

Oct. 6, 1900, arrived at Lyons=> Oct. 6, 1600, arrived at Lyons {pg 34}

preceeded to Harouel=> proceeded to Harouel {pg 59}

Bassompiere took the road=> Bassompierre took the road {pg 76}

he depatched Bassompierre=> he despatched Bassompierre {pg 77}

Charles III of Loraine=> Charles III of Lorraine {pg 95}

Diane de France, Duchessé de Montmorency=> Diane de France, Duchesse de

Montmorency {pg 104 n.}

against the Emperor’ saction=> against the Emperor’s action {pg 124}

along the Rue Saint-Honore=> along the Rue Saint-Honoré {pg 159}

through it might suffice, for the moment=> though it might suffice, for

the moment {pg 226}

_lèse-majeste_=> _lèse-majesté_ {pg 227}

March 29, 1720, and went to Guienne=> March 29, 1620, and went to

Guienne {pg 236 n.}

arrested and haled off to prison.=> arrested and hauled off to prison.

{pg 275}

Nuestra Señora de Attoches=> {pg 283}

Nuestra Senora de Constantinopoli=> Nuestra Señora de Constantinopoli

{pg 288}

an done ball went=> and one ball went {pg 307}

bastion of La Moustier=> bastion of Le Moustier {pg 310}

the enemy and disheartend=> the enemy and disheartened {pg 312}