MR. SEWARD’S CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE NORTHERN STATES.
During the first half year of the American civil war, the policy of
the English government toward that of the United States appeared to be
one of studied unfriendliness. The numerous semi-hostile acts which
have already been narrated followed each other in rapid succession. In
the summer of 1861 troops were continually pushed into Canada by the
British government. When asked for an explanation Lord John Russell
said that he regarded it as necessary “in the present disturbed
condition of things in the United States,” as he did not know but
that the Americans “might do something.”[1] In September of that year
twenty-five thousand fresh troops were ordered to be sent to Canada for
distribution along the southern frontier of that province. At the North
these continued acts of unfriendliness seemed to indicate a strong
desire for recognition of the Confederacy and early intervention in
American affairs by the British government. To the friends of the Union
this was a source of great fear and uneasiness; to the disloyal it was
the cause of much hope; to the Confederates it was an inspiration to
greater efforts and renewed enthusiasm for their slave republic.
The popular anxiety of the loyal people concerning this matter was also
shared in no small degree by the president and the various members of
his cabinet. After due consideration of the matter it was decided to
do something to provide against foreign interference. Accordingly a
circular was addressed by Mr. Seward to each of the governors of the
loyal states bordering on the ocean or the great lakes. The circular
was as follows:
“DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
“WASHINGTON, Oct. 14, 1861.
“_To His Excellency, the Governor, etc._:
“SIR--The present insurrection had not even revealed itself in arms
when disloyal citizens hastened to foreign countries to invoke their
intervention for the overthrow of the government and the destruction
of the Federal Union. These agents are known to have made their
appeals to some of the more important states without success. It
is not likely, however, that they will remain content with such
refusals. Indeed it is understood that they are industriously
endeavoring to accomplish their disloyal purposes by degrees and by
indirection. Taking advantage of the embarrassments of agriculture,
manufactures and commerce in foreign countries, resulting from the
insurrection they have inaugurated at home, they seek to involve our
common country in controversies with states with which every public
interest and every interest of mankind require that it shall remain
in relations of peace, amity and friendship. I am able to state for
your satisfaction that the prospect for any such disturbance is now
less serious than it has been at any previous period during the
course of the insurrection. It is, nevertheless, necessary now, as it
has hitherto been, to take every precaution that is possible to avoid
the evils of foreign war, to be superinduced upon those of civil
commotion which we are endeavoring to cure.
“One of the most obvious of such precautions is that our ports
and harbors on the seas and lakes should be put in a condition of
complete defense, for any nation may be said to voluntarily incur
danger in tempestuous seasons when it fails to show that it has
sheltered itself on every side from which the storm might possibly
come.
“The measures which the executive can adopt in the emergency are such
only as congress has sanctioned, and for which it has provided.
“The president is putting forth the most diligent efforts to execute
those measures, and we have the great satisfaction of seeing that
those efforts are seconded by the favor, aid, and support of a loyal,
patriotic and self-sacrificing people, who are rapidly bringing
the military and naval force of the United States into the highest
state of efficiency. But congress was chiefly absorbed, during
its extra session, with those measures, and did not provide as
amply as could be wished for the fortification of our sea and lake
coasts. In previous wars the loyal states have applied themselves,
by independent and separate activity, to the support and aid of
the Federal government in its arduous responsibilities. The same
disposition has been manifested in a degree eminently honorable by
all the loyal states during the present insurrection.
“In view of this fact, and relying upon the increase and continuance
of the same disposition on the part of the loyal states, the
president has directed me to invite your consideration to the subject
of the improvement and perfection of the defenses of the state over
which you preside, and to ask you to submit the subject to the
consideration of the legislature when it shall have assembled. Such
proceedings by the state would require only a temporary use of its
means.
“The expenditures ought to be made the subject of conference with
the Federal government. Being thus made, with the concurrence of the
government, for general defense, there is every reason to believe
that congress would sanction what the states should do and would
provide for its reimbursement.
“Should these suggestions be accepted, the president will direct
the proper agents of the Federal government to confer with you, and
to superintend, direct and conduct the prosecution of the system of
defense of your state. I have the honor to be, sir,
“Your obedient servant,
“W. H. SEWARD.”
This circular at once caused great comment both in Canada and England.
The Canadian press declared that fortifications along the northern
frontier of the United States were a menace to their dominions, and
would be immediately equaled by defenses which they proposed to erect
just opposite. The press and authorities of England pretended to regard
it as a menace and pronounced it “ill-timed,” and “a foolish confession
of fear.” The London Post was the ministerial organ at that time. The
following extracts from an editorial in that journal probably best
represent the current English view of the circular. It was entitled,
“Is Mr. Seward seeking a quarrel?” Comments were made as follows: “Mr.
Seward, the secretary of state, is a distinguished disciple of the
American school, and during the present unhappy contest he has had
abundant opportunity of writing those long-winded and pretentious state
papers which appear to console the American people for the absence of
liberty and the ordinary administration of the law. Three documents
have recently emanated from the pen of this gentleman, in all of which
English interests are deeply concerned.” The documents were then
enumerated, and among them was “the circular addressed to the governors
of the northern states recommending the immediate construction of coast
and lake defenses extending over the frontiers several thousand miles
in length.”
It was said of the circular that “it may fairly be supposed to be
a revival of the Monroe doctrine, which, originally was a protest
against the European Holy Alliance of some forty years back, has,
notwithstanding the bluster of the United States government on various
occasions, never received the countenance or sanction of any foreign
country. In fact the doctrine was founded upon an erroneous assumption,
because it ignored the authority of Great Britain, which, in right of
its American provinces, has as much to do with the balance of power
upon the North American continent as the United States themselves. As
it is understood that the Federal government has been invited to take
part in the joint expedition which England, France and Spain are about
to dispatch to Mexico, it scarcely can be believed that Mr. Seward has
answered this invitation by a circular, the object of which is to place
the whole coast of the republic in a state of defense against some
threatened invasion.
“Does Mr. Seward imagine that the Canadians are about to ally
themselves with the South, or that any foreign power is disposed to
take advantage of the present condition of American affairs to threaten
or insult the United States government? We doubt very much whether
the conventions which make the great lakes neutral, and prohibit the
employment of armed vessels in their waters, would justify either
England or the United States in constructing fortresses along their
coasts, which, in reality, could only be constructed as standing
menaces, because they could not answer the end desired, that of
protecting a frontier which, not at a hundred, but at a thousand points
must always be accessible to an enemy. It suits Mr. Seward’s present
purpose to arouse the American mind with one of those periodical
and offensive exhibitions toward England which the statesmen of the
republic have on former occasions found useful. As no foreign power,
in all probability, has the slightest desire to hold permanently a
foot of Mexican soil or to invade the Unites States, either from
the lakes or the Atlantic, Mr. Seward’s circular may be regarded,
if successful, as another illustration of the maxim, ‘_Populus vult
decipi, decipiatur_.’[2]”[3]
English journals found nothing to criticise in the conduct of their
own government as long as troops were being pushed into Canada to
menace the United States. When the Federal government decided to resent
this action in some degree by preparing for a foreign invasion, the
British press immediately gave vent to its hatred for the northern
cause and abused Mr. Seward for what it termed an act of menace and an
exhibition of inconsistency.
It will be noticed that Mr. Seward’s circular was issued within three
days after the escape from Charleston of Messrs. Mason and Slidell,
the Confederate commissioners extraordinary to England and France. The
objects of their mission had been well understood at Washington for
some time, and this probably had something to do with the issuing of
the circular.
The Federal government at all times pursued a policy of the most
determined and unyielding opposition to any foreign intervention in
behalf of the insurgents, and it may safely be presumed that this firm
and confident course exerted a much more powerful influence abroad than
even the English government would care to admit.
AUTHORITIES AND REFERENCES.
1. Diplomatic correspondence with Great Britain, 1861.
2. London Post, November 6, 1861.
3. Senate Ex. Doc.: 2d Session 37th Congress, Vol. I.
4. Text of the circular itself. See Indianapolis Sentinel and other
northern newspapers of October 19, 1861.
5. Victor, O. J.: History of the Southern Rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Adams to Seward, June 14, 1861.
[2] The people like to be deceived, let them be deceived.
[3] The London Morning Post, November 6, 1861.