yesternight I learned from a great person here, that our affairs,
blessed be God, are not desperate. There is no Scotsman that is of
the King’s council. The five or six English that are, Cottington,
Culpepper, Hyde, Long, and some more, are divided. The most are of
Prince Rupert’s faction, who caress Montrose, and press mightily to
have the King to Ireland. Culpepper, and some bedchamber-men, as
Wilmot, Biron, Gerard, and the master of the horse, Piercy, are of
the Queen’s faction, and these are for the King’s joining with us;
but all of them are much averse from the league and covenant. The
Prince of Orange, and by him all the nobles here, are for the last;
and by their means we are hopeful yet to carry his Majesty to our
covenant, and the most of our desires for religion; but I dare not
promise so much: yet the greatest stick, I suspect, shall be our
severe acts of parliament. It seems all here, even our best friends,
will be peremptory for a greater mitigation than, I fear, shall be
granted by you there. It were verily a great pity of the King. He
is one of the most gentle, innocent, well-inclined princes, so far
as yet appears, that lives in the world; a trim person, and of a
manly carriage; understands pretty well; speaks not much; would God
he were amongst us. I send you herewith the copy of what I said to
him. Because it was but a transient speech, I give out no copies of
it here at all; yet that we spoke so, it did us much good; for heavy
slanders lay upon us here, which the report of our speeches helped
to mitigate. Our enemies have great hopes, by the French peace, to
get powerful assistance from France. I verily think, if the King and
we shall agree, assistance shall be got from this state, and the
Marquis of Brandenburg, and some others, for good purpose. I pray God
guide you there to put no more impediments to our agreeance than are
necessary. My heart bleeds to think of a necessity for Scotland to
have any friendship for the English sectaries, the worst of men, and
a war with our King and countrymen in our own bowels. What relaxation
you may grant, with conscience and safely, let it be done freely and
publickly with this express. It will admit of no longer delay.
* * * * *
_For Mr William Spang. September 14, 1649._
—— I thought to have sent you a particular account of the general
assembly as I had done of some others; but the diary I wrote in the
time I lost; so I cannot now do it; neither were there much in it
worth the remembrance. The leeting of two for the moderator fell to
Mr Robert Douglas, the ante penult moderator; Mr Gillespie, the last,
was departed, and Mr Blair never thoroughly well since his English
journey. He was not able to come to Edinburgh, whereof I was very
sorry. The two Mr Robert leeted were, Mr Andrew Cant in earnest, and
Mr Mungo Law for a fashion. The three the assembly added were, Mr
Robert Douglas, Mr John Livingston and, by equal voices, Mr David
Dickson and me; so, without question, the voices for moderation fell
on Mr Douglas, whereof my heart was exceeding glad; for I was very
feared for it, and it had done me great hurt. The committees were
framed according to the custom by the moderator and clerk in private,
and read at the next session, without any change considerable. We
spent very much time; whole five weeks: I thought a fortnight less
might have done our turn. Transportations took up much time, and
deposition of ministers. There had been divers commissions, east,
west, north, and south, who had deposed many ministers, to the pity
and grief of my heart; for sundry of them I thought might have, for
more advantage every way, with a rebuke, been kept in their places;
but there were few durst profess so much; and I, for my ingenuous
freedom, lost much of my reputation, as one who was inclining to
malignancy.
My speech to the King, speaking so sharply of his father’s death,
and the commendations I gave to himself, in the preface of my book,
but especially a passage of a letter wrote from Holland, wherein,
to a familiar friend, I spoke of the act of classes as so severe,
that it will be needful to dispense with some part of it for the
peace of the country: For these things, before the assembly, sundry
spoke of me all their pleasure; yet I comforted myself in this, that
I knew I was far from the calumny imposed, and that all the wise
men I knew professed their agreement with me in the three things
named. My unacquaintance with obloquy made my skin at this first
assay more tender than needed; for I had so oft in print declared my
sense against, not sectaries alone, but malignants also, and that
so liberally, in my last book, that I thought in reason I should
have been reputed above all suspicion of that crime; yet I was
necessitated to drink more of that cup than I did truly deserve: for
however in my sermon to the parliament I was as clear as needed,
and in my report of our treaty obtained the unanimous approbation
and thanks of the whole assembly, now in print; yet I behoved, in
sundry voices of the assembly, either to quit the liberty of my
mind, or endure the whisperings of my malignancy to continue. This
last, though to my great grief, I behoved to chuse. I could not vote
to depose Mr William Colvil upon his libel. The man indeed had, in
my judgment, been an evil instrument in time of the engagement;
yet all that was libelled against him was for mere silence in that
engagement. For that alone I could depose no man, for the reasons I
gave in the committee of the former assembly, when that act passed to
depose for silence alone, if continued in. My mind did never go along
with that act; though therefore I knew the whole assembly almost was
otherwise minded, and, foresaw the mistake of my voice by some, yet
I behoved to vote his suspension to continue, and no farther. As
for Mr Andrew Ramsay, more was libelled and proven against him, and
all this year he carried himself in a cankered untoward way; yet I
told, I could not voice to depose a man of such age and parts; so in
that vote I was silent, to the peace of my own mind, though some of
my friends wrote sharp letters to me for it. I had also some contest
with my neighbours in Mr William Wilkie’s process, whom I judged
more hotly pursued than there was cause. But my sharpest contest was
for the principal whom I found some men to pursue still, without
any ground at all considerable. Contrary to their design, I got him
reasonably fair off. These contests, and wrack of my friends, were
very bitter to mind, and, joining with the obloquy in the ear against
me by some, troubled my spirit sometimes, till I got my grief and
wrong vented and poured out to God: for there was no other whom I
found able and willing to help me. It was a piece of comfort to me,
that the best of the land were, on more probable grounds, taxed for
compliance with sectaries than I with malignants, whom yet I knew to
be innocent; and that I remembered the cloud of infamy under which
super excellent Mr Henderson lay, to my knowledge, till God and
time blew it away. I have been ofter and sorer afraid for the wo of
Christ to them, whom all the world love and speak good of, than I was
grieved for any reproachful speeches which some were begun to mutter
against me; but this now is our condition, that the chief in church,
state, and army, how innocent soever, are whispered to favour either
sectaries or malignants.
* * * * *
I wished earnestly, and so did the Chancellor intreat Mr Robert
Douglas, but out of time, that the framing of the declaration should
have been committed to another hand than that it fell in; who, how
able soever, yet was generally thought to be among the most severe of
the company to the King; but this could not be helped. Some clauses
we got altered in the committee; yet, as it stands, I much fear it
shall prove a division-wall betwixt the King and us for ever. We
were always expecting the promised expresses from him, and for that
end, some of us held off all we could, determinations of every thing
concerned him; but when none did appear, and when at last William
Murray had come without any letter or instruction, either private or
publick, then there was no remedy, but the declaration and letter,
in the style you see it, and the act about the engagers, went out
without contradiction, which, as I foresaw and foretold in the Hague,
puts harder and more peremptory conditions on the King than there
would have given satisfaction. We had greatest debate for an act
of election of ministers. Mr David Calderwood was peremptor, that
according to the Second Book of Discipline, the election should
be given to the presbytery, with power to the major part of the
people to dissent upon reason to be judged of by the presbytery.
Mr Rutherford and Mr Wood were as peremptory to put the power and
voices of election in the body of the people, contradistinct from
their eldership; but the most of us were in Mr Gillespie’s mind,
in his Miscellanies, that the direction was the Presbyteries, the
election the sessions, and the consent the peoples. Sundry draughts
were offered. Mr Woods, most studied, was refused; Mr Calderwoods
also. Mr Livingston came nearer our mind, yet was laid aside. Mine
came nearest the mind of all, and almost had past; but for avoiding
debate, a general confused draught (avoiding, indeed, the present
question, but leading us into so many questions thereafter as any
pleased to make) passed with my consent. But Mr D. Calderwood and Mr
John Smith reasoned much against it in face of the assembly; where,
against my mind, the Book of Discipline was pressed against them, and
a double election made, one before trial, and another after, as if
the election before, and the trial by the Second Book of Discipline
were given to the people, and that after-trial, before ordination, to
the presbytery. This I thought was nothing so, but was silent, being
in my mind contrary to Mr David in the main; though, in this incident
debate of the sense of the Book of Discipline, I was for him.
However, already we find the defect of our act; for, as I conceive
and expressed it, so in my draught so much direction in this is due
to presbyteries, that they ought to recommend to the session men
to be elected, without prejudice of their liberty to add whom they
think fit: but I find it the design now of leading brethren, that the
presbyteries shall not meddle at all with any recommendations, but
leave that wholly to any particular busy man of the presbytery, to
whisper in the ear of some leading man of the parish, to get voices
to any young man, though never heard in privy exercise, that he, by
desires of the people to the presbytery, may be put on trials for
such a church. This I find will be the way of our elections, which
I think not orderly. However, Mr D. Calderwood entered a very sharp
protestation against our act, which he required to be registered.
This is the first protestation we heard of in our time; and had it
come from any other, he had not escaped censure.
There was a design, at the last assembly, to have got the hands of
many ministers to a supplication for moderating, in some things,
the power of the commission of the church, which was expounded by
this assembly truly to have been the overthrowing, in favour of the
malignant party, the power of the kirk. Great din was made for this
supplication, to try what was the bottom of it, and a very severe
act was made against the thing; yet Mr Douglas carried it so, that
no man at all, even the chief contrivers, did suffer any thing for
it, upon what ground I could never learn to my satisfaction; whether,
because to Mr Robert Laurie, the confessed penner of the principal
supplication, impunity was promised for his ingenuous and early
confession, and he being secure, others less guilty could not be got
punished; or because others foreseeing what necessity there might
be for themselves to do more than supplicate a general assembly,
had no will that any supplication whatsoever, especially being only
intended, and never offered, should be a ground of church censure.
However, albeit a terrible act was made against the thing, contrary
to my mind, yet no man was to this day called to any account for it,
nor, as I hear, shall ever be.
I was much afraid that the subscription required of the engagers
should have made many prime men in our land desperate; but I am
now very glad that so many offer themselves to do all that is
required, as I expect there shall be very few who shall stick upon
it, so I wish from my heart that Lauderdale may be moved to do
what I found Callender and Dumfermline ready for, when I was there
with you; and what I saw in the assembly, Middleton very near, and
others, as Galloway, Linlithgow, Ogilvie, Baillie, Innes, Cochran,
Kenmure, Fleming, &c. actually to offer. I do not expect now above
three or four persons in Scotland who shall make scruple of that
subscription, which, I hope, may be a mean to teach that man (for
whom alone my love makes me afraid) some more wisdom. Mr Hary
Guthrie, in his appeal to the assembly, had used some sharp and
reflecting reasons, for which they summoned him to appear, resolving
to have excommunicated him, if they did not find submission: but
quickly his spirit was daunted. In all humility he appeared, and
passed from his appeal, which obtained him favour not to be farther
proceeded against. Mr William Colvil took his sentence of deposition
submissively. Mr Andrew Ramsay professed his suffering. Some would
have been at the present processing of both, as guilty of all the
blood, and all the consequences of the engagement; but Mr R. Douglas
quashed these motions, which otherwise easily had been carried on.
It was all our minds to have had transportations better regulated
than they had been; for indeed their needless frequency was
intolerable, yet Mr R. Douglas got all that shifted till Edinburgh
once again he provided both of ministers and professors. For their
university they moved for Mr Rutherford, but that was thought absurd.
It seems they would be at Dr Colvil, but he will not be given them,
as a man demi-malignant. They who judge so of that man, would give
them Mr James Wood, or Mr D. Dickson; but in my mind, neither of
these may be transported without greater hurt to the places they are
in than benefit to Edinburgh, though they could get them; but as yet
Edinburgh desires neither, and on whom they will fall yet, it does
not appear. We fear they trouble us one way or other.
One day I escaped, to my sense, one of the greatest burdens ever
was laid on me. Our committee, after many motions, had resolved for
drawing up of the history of the times, to propone to the assembly
a leet of three or four; Mr James Wood, Mr John Livingston, Mr Ja.
Guthrie, and me. My profession made me secure of all danger, as I
thought; and I minded it no more: but in the end of the assembly,
when it came to be voiced, it ran wholly betwixt Mr John Livingston
and me; and had not the opinion of my malignancy diverted some
voices, I had undoubtedly been oppressed with that charge. As it
was, I escaped it but by two or three voices; but I blessed the
Lord for it; for to me it had all the days of my life been a burden
intolerable, for many causes.
The assembly, for the full purgation of the church, as in former
years, so in this also, has appointed divers committees; one in
Angus, one in Stirlingshire, one in the Merse, one in Ross, one in
Argyle, with most ample power. On these committees the most zealous
men are put, which some few can chuse (even of very young men lately
admitted ministers) for deposing such as presbyteries and synods do
spare. I acknowledge the disinclination of my mind to so frequent
depositions of ministers, and to all courses that further that, to me
so severe an action; but this is a great part of my malignancy.
I think at last we shall get a new Psalter. I have furthered that
work ever with my best wishes; but the scruple now arises of it in my
mind, the first author of my translation, Mr Rous, my good friend,
has complied with the sectaries, and a member of their republick.
How a Psalter of his framing, albeit with much variation, shall be
received by our church, I do not well know; yet it is needful we
should have one, and a better in haste we cannot have. The assembly
has referred it to the commission to cause print it after the last
revision, and to put it in practice.
These were the chief things of our long and tedious five weeks
labour; only we appointed a letter to be drawn for our brethren of
England for their encouragement. The draught was Mr James Durham’s.
It was his first, but did not so fully please us to pass, but was
referred to the commission to perfect. Our brethren of Ireland had
sent Mr John Greg to us, to have our advice about their carriage in
my Lord of Aird’s defection. No publick advice was given; but Mr
Livingston and Mr Maclellan were appointed to confer with him on all
his propositions.
All this while the parliament did sit, though ready to rise at our
first downsitting, more than at our rising. Their main cause of
sitting was to see what we brought from the King. Thereafter, being
to rise, constant reports, week after week, of Cromwell’s purpose to
bring down the army on us before it went to Ireland, made them sit
still to see to the defence of the country. To increase the levies,
was to put the country to a farther burden, while the present was as
great as could be borne, and caused dangerous grumbling every where;
also, if a greater army had been on foot, the world would not keep
them out of England, which we did not intend, being far from any
agreement with the King; so nothing considerable was done, or could
be done, though the English had come on us. They had written a letter
with a messenger, to desire a treaty with us. Our answer was, that
we could not acknowledge the present authority. This drew from them
a paper, in reasonable soft words; but clearly enough renouncing all
former treaties as broken by our parliament’s invasion, an advantage
which they would openly make that use of, as to have it a breach of
all their obligations to us. To this we made no reply; for what needs
paper-debates at such a time?
1648.
_2. Instructions by the Committee of Estates sent by their
Commissioners to the English Parliament._[419]
You shall repair to London, and deliver our Letter to the Honourable
Houses of the Parliament of England.
You shall excuse the long delay in sending to them, and in the mean
time let them know, we hold Correspondence with the Commander in
Chief of their Forces.
You shall give them a Narrative of our whole Proceedings according
to the Declaration of the Kirk, and our own; particularly you
shall acquaint them with our Proceedings in opposition to the late
unlawful Engagement, and what Industry was used on the other part,
for the Election of Malignants to be Members of Parliament, and how
unlawfully some were admitted to sit in Parliament; and great numbers
of Malignants were brought in from England, to over-awe the honest
Party, and how many of the Army were corrupted.
And you shall farther represent particularly the great Sufferings
and Oppressions of honest men, and that before they heard any thing
of the Defeat of the Forces under Duke Hamilton in England, they had
resolved on the manner and time of their Rising in Arms here in this
Kingdom, against the Promoters and Abettors of that Engagement, and
their Adherents, You shall also shew them the result of the Treaty
betwixt us and those Armies about Sterlin, and how useful their
Forces have been to us by being at so near a distance.
You shall endeavour to take away all Mis-information or
Mis-constructions of any of our former Proceedings, and settle a
good Understanding betwixt them and the honest protesting Party in
Scotland; and you shall shew them the continued evil Principles,
Malice, and Designs of the Malignant Party in this Kingdom, yet
to trouble our Peace and interrupt theirs, and as they call it,
not to live and outlive the not carrying on so pious and loyal an
Engagement: and that some of them are going to Holland with an
intention, as we are informed, to bring over Forces if they can:
therefore we have caused deliver Berwick to be disposed of for the
Good of both Kingdoms, and give the like Warrant for Carlisle; and
that it is also surrendered, or presently to surrender for the use
foresaid. So we agree during these Troubles, until the Peace of
this Kingdom be settled, that the Honourable Houses may keep some
Forces upon the Borders, and sufficient Garrisons in them both,
upon a two-fold assurance: First, that in case any new Troubles
be raised in Scotland by the Malignants, both they and the Forces
about Newcastle have Directions from the Parliament to come unto
Scotland, to pursue the Common Enemy when they shall be desired by
the Committee of Estates, as it is now constituted of the Protesting
Party in Scotland: and Secondly, that the Parliament shall remove all
Garrisons out of those two Towns, and from our Borders, and put them
in the Condition agreed on by the Treaties betwixt both Kingdoms,
whensoever the Troubles are at an end, and the Peace of the Kingdoms
settled.
You shall shew how desirous and willing we are to harken to any
good Overture that may conduce to prevent any such-like Breaches
again betwixt the two Nations, and that it may not be in the power
of Malignants again either to seduce, or to enforce upon the People
the like Sin and Snare; and for mutual Consultation, we think
it expedient, both that they should have some honest Noblemen,
Commissioners, here to reside at Edinburgh, and that we shall have
some at London, that by Commutation of Counsels, our Common Peace may
be the better settled and continued.
You shall try if the Treaty betwixt the Kings Majesty and the Two
Houses of Parliament be like to take effect, and shall study to
preserve the Interest of this Kingdom in the matter of the settling
of the Peace of these Kingdoms: and if you shall find there are real
Grounds to hope an Agreement betwixt the King and the Two Houses, in
respect both Kingdomes are engaged in the same Cause and Covenant,
and have been, and still are under the same Dangers, and to the end
our Peace may be more durable, you shall endeavour that before any
Agreement of Peace be made, we may be first acquainted therewith,
that we may send up Commissions in relation to the Treaty with the
King, upon the Propositions, and in relation to mutual Advice, for
the settling of the Peace of these Kingdomes, and accordingly as you
find the Two Houses inclined therein, you shall give us Advertisement.
You shall according as upon the place it shall be found expedient,
present the same Desires to the Two Houses of Parliament in name
of this Kingdome, touching the Work of Reformation, as shall be
presented to them from this Kirk.
You shall assist Mr Blair in this Imployment, and take his advice and
assistance in yours, and give us Advertisement weekly how all matters
goe.
You shall publish all Papers either concerning the Proceedings of the
Church, or of the Protesters, which are necessary to be known.
You shall endeavour to keep a good Understanding betwixt us and
the City, and the Assembly of Divines; and strive to remove all
Jealousies betwixt us and them, or betwixt honest men amongst
themselves.
You shall endeavour that honest men who have suffered for opposing
the Engagement be not prejudiced, but furthered in payment of the
Sumes assigned unto them before the Engagement, out of the two
hundred thousand pound Sterling, and Brotherly Assistance, for
publick Debts or Losses.
You shall acquaint the Speakers of both Houses with his Majesties
Letter to this Committee, and our Answer sent to Him.
You shall desire that the Noblemen, and Gentlemen of Quality, and
considerable Officers of the Army that went into England under the
Duke of Hamilton, and which are now there Prisoners may be kept
as Pledges of the Peace of the Kingdomes, especially to prevent a
new Disturbance in this Kingdome, or Trouble from this Kingdome to
England, until the Peace of both be settled.
You shall acquaint the Two Houses with our Answer to that of L.
General Cromwell’s, of the sixth of this Instant, and make use of the
Grounds therein mentioned as you shall find occasion.
* * * * *
1648.—September 16 and 21.
3. _Letters from Oliver Cromwell to the Committee of Estates._[420]
For the Right Honᵇˡᵉ the Committee of Estates
for the Kingdome of Scotland. These.
Right Honoᵇˡᵉ,