that he was looked upon as one who would employ himself for the
advancement of religion, and that now, if ever, the reformed religion
was in danger; that there were no probable means to prevent the utter
extirpation of it, but by espousing the young King’s quarrel; and
that he, for his part, could not but pity the young King, torn as it
were betwixt such contrary counsels; that the reasons produced by
all parties seemed to be specious, yet how fair soever men did shew,
he thought it madness for a Protestant to chuse rather to trust to a
Papist, than a Protestant who minded truly.” “And if ever,” said I,
“any state minded truly, it is our present state; their hastiness in
proclaiming, that chearfulness of all joining together, do witness
this; and now their readiness to espouse the King’s cause, if he
first will espouse God’s cause, though they know any undertakings
of this kind to be joined with great dangers.” “But what,” said he,
“maybe expected of the ministers?” And here he spoke much of the
great influence their advice has on the estates. To this I answered,
“That whatsoever any Prince can expect of good subjects, that may our
King look for at the hands of the ministers, if he employ his power
for the honouring of God; and that all the power they have in the
hearts of the people will be for the King’s advantage.” Here he spoke
something of the great preciseness of our ministers, who would not
be content with that about religion which our late King had granted,
and wherewith the parliament of England was well nigh satisfied. Here
I was ready to have answered; but he passed this, and spoke of the
conditions we require of the King, viz. his accepting and entering
into the covenants. And I, at his desire, having explained what these
covenants were, and how distinguishable. “Then,” said he, “he will
be easily brought to subscribe this covenant which concerns Scotland
alone;” (he meant our national covenant;) “but the other covenant
betwixt Scotland and England, he feared should find greater difficulty:
1. Because all the King’s counsellors, viz. these four English, would
be against it: 2. Because it required a delivery up to justice those
who are called malignants: 3. Because, as by subscribing it the King
would please us, so he would displease the Papists in Ireland, and
all foreign Popish princes, who will not be so foolish as to favour
him, whose advancement is the ruin of their religion in his dominions.
Other reasons,” says he, “are urged, and I shall propone them ere
ye go.” So I began to answer: and, first, “I shewed, that the first
covenant of Scotland only provides as great security for religion as
the second doth; and therefore the King’s counsellors, who advise him
to subscribe the one, and not the other, for fear of displeasing the
Papists, speak they know not what; for there is not a Papist who is not
more displeased with the first than with the second.” And he asking,
“Why are the King’s counsellors so much against it?” I answered, “That
they durst not do otherwise than dissuade our young King from the
solemn league, since they had ever dissuaded his father from it. If
they would now change, the young King, and your Highness, who are so
greatly interested, should have reason to look upon them as men whose
consciences did condemn them for abusing the father.” Here I took
occasion to represent to his Highness, “the great inconvenience of the
abode of such counsellors about the King’s person; that if a course was
not taken to banish them from his presence, they would readily prove
as unhappy instruments to the son as they have been to the father; and
that they, or any who advise the King to slight the preservation of
Scotland, and to go to Ireland, choosing rather he should not reign
than that they should not reign with him; men of whose religion, the
world, to this hour, was never satisfied.” So far as I could mark,
his Highness seemed not to be displeased with this. “As for the King
delivering up of all malignants to justice,” I answered, “the covenants
do not require that all malignants should be punished, but only tried,
and left to the judgement of the parliament.” “But,” says he, “ye call
any man a malignant whom ye please, though he profess he adheres to the
covenant, and all his aims are for the ends of it.” Here he brought
in, for instance, the acts of our present parliament, declaring all
who had any hand for the engagement incapable of any place of trust
during their whole lives; “and yet,” says he, “the world did read
their declaration, which spake very fair, and the parliament did own
that work: I would therefore gladly know who are the malignants; for
I find, that there is no argument that so works upon his Majesty as
that.” Here I profess I was at a strait. For to have given him such a
character of a malignant as the commissioners of the general assembly
did give some two years since, that would not have served the turn, the
case being now altogether altered, is so far, that he is to be thought
more a malignant who approveth the bloody acts of that treacherous
crew, now usurping the name of a parliament in England, than any who
did ever fight against them; and therefore I came to the distinguishing
of malignants, “some whose aims appeared evidently to be for their own
selves, either that they might abide in a capacity to tyrannize over
their fellow-subjects, or to raise their fortunes, already desperate,
by the publick troubles. Such malignants were justly unpardonable; and
they had none to blame for the ruin of their families and themselves
but their own obstinacy. As for others, in whom it doth appear, that
private and by-ends have not set them a work, their case is pitied;
and it has ever been the custom of the parliaments of Scotland to fail
rather in too great clemency than cruelty.” “Well,” says the Prince,
“if ye that are ministers will not employ your utmost credit for
uniting of all your country, (I mean not,” says he, “of such who have
been bloody obstinate enemies to you,) ye may lose both yourselves and
the cause; and I know there is nothing that should more confound the
counsels of all your enemies, than to see you forget quarrels among
yourselves; for this, they say, How can Scotland, thus divided, be
able to do any thing of moment, since the forces of the party which
now rules are but little enough to suppress their enemies; I therefore
do as earnestly recommend this to you, that you would acquaint your
ministers with it, as they by you do recommend their business. If I
did not think it tending to the enabling of you to make your party
good, I should not open my mouth about it.” Here he enlarged himself
very pertinently and full upon the project of an act of oblivion; and
told me, “That the party who now rules, will not be so ill advised as
to reject this motion, if they would but consider how suddenly things
may be changed.” I assure you he could tell me faults committed in
our private government, whereof I was wholly ignorant, which he says
he learned from the English council, when they were debating about
the very lawfulness of our Scottish parliament, whether lawfully
indicted, maintaining strongly, that their committee, who called it,
had no power, because they had not subscribed the acts of the former
parliaments; “but,” said he, “I quickly crushed such a motion in the
very shell.”
“But,” says he, “the King, by subscribing that covenant, will disengage
all Papists from his service, both in Ireland and elsewhere, and all
but Presbyterians; for it obliges the King to root out Papistry every
where in his dominions, which he is not able to do in the condition
wherein he is.” I answered, “That same argument our late Sovereign
used; but how damageful his going about to please Papists was, doleful
experience has taught, for Ireland especially. It has been that which
has withdrawn the party of the Protestants from him more than any
thing else. And what advantage took the Irish Papists at the King’s
weakness? When they capitulated with him, what little performances did
the King find of their big promises? and since ever he began to meddle
with them, did not his condition decay daily? That the condition of
Protestants called Presbyterians, in Great Britain and Ireland, is not
so mean, but if the King would chearfully join himself to them, as
_caput et vindex fœderis_, there would be no doubt of great and good
success. As for the particulars, how much they could do, I durst not
take it upon me to speak out. I was sure, that in all Scotland there
was not a man who would not be for the King; and for one Independent,
there would be found three Presbyterians; and the rest, being either
hierachical men, or Papists, if they would not assist the King, they
would far less assist the traiterous sectaries.” “I perceive,” says his
Highness, “what ye mean; but how many Presbyterians soever there be, if
ye live at a distance, as I hear ye do now in Scotland, ye will be able
to do nothing at all. It is a work fitting your calling to unite the
hearts of all the great men whom you know to be Protestants.” And here
I suspecting, that it might be his Highness did mean Montrose, as they
call him, who is frequently at court, and more familiar with many than
welcome, I said, “I hoped his Highness did not mean of that man, whose
apostacy, perjuries, and unheard-of cruelty, had made so odious to all
in our country, that they could not hear of his name.” He presently
gave me to understand, that he meant not him, or any such; for by
the comportment of our Scottish noblemen at court now, he perceives
how odious James Graham must be at home; for they will not salute or
speak to him; nay, not look where they think he is: and this I have
observed with my own eyes. At last, having answered all his questions,
I repeated my desire, and humbly prayed his Highness to continue in
that holy and wholesome resolution; and to improve his credit with our
King, that a satisfactory answer may be given with all haste, shewing
the danger of delay.
“But,” said he, “when will the commissioners come to his Majesty?” I
answered, “I thought not until the gentleman returned with an answer
to Scotland.” He asked me, “If I knew who they should be?” I answered,
“I knew not.” “Will any ministers come?” said he. I answered, “That I
questioned not but some would come who would be able to satisfy all his
Highness’s scruples better than I possibly could.” “I wish,” says he,
“some ministers would come, for several reasons.” I replied, “That they
shall come the more chearfully, when they shall understand how much
your Highness doth engage yourself for persuading the King’s Majesty
to go to Scotland, with a resolution to subscribe both the covenants.”
Then said the Prince, “Ye may confidently assure them, that I shall do
my utmost endeavour; and come ye to me to-morrow, and I shall tell you
what you may expect.”
So away went I, and to-morrow, being admitted to his presence, he
told me, “He had made it his work yesternight to persuade the King’s
Majesty, that the resolution was taken to satisfy the desires of the
parliament of Scotland, and that in all haste, letters were to be
written of that in answer to what the King received.” And here again
he recommended the care of uniting all our noblemen in one, in passing
by what faults have been the last year; and told me, it should be most
welcome news to him, if I should let him know that any thing was done
in reference to this.
Thus, cousin, ye have the substance of that discourse, by which ye
may see I have obtained the end of your letter, and that in a fitter
way than ye prescribed. I most earnestly intreat you, that you would
represent to the reverend brethren of the commission, how much the
fame of rigidity, used by them against the last year’s engagers, is
like to endanger the reputation of our kirk abroad, and like also to
make presbyterial government hateful. My heart trembles when I think
of this; for I am certainly informed, by a printer, that that infamous
person, who goes under the name of ——, has a big volume ready, of the
late practices of the Scottish kirks in the exercise of discipline,
which ye may think are willingly furnished to him by some banished
Scotsman. 2. That all lovers of our cause and nation do unanimously
judge, that there are no probable means of our safety, if we unite
not, and pack not up all quarrels amongst ourselves; if there be not
an amnesty for the last year’s engagement; for such had reason to
challenge the English army overpowering the parliament, for breach
of covenants, and that your fears of mischief against the King were
not causeless, he is blamed who shall not. If there were faults in
the compassing your votes, as I doubt not but there have been very
great ones, yet let not desire of justice against these circumstantial
failings, lead us to seek the ruin of these men; or, by excluding them
from government, deprive the kingdom of their abilities, and weaken
ourselves so, that we shall not be able to oppose these treacherous
and bloody sectaries to purpose. If any of our reverend brethren had
been here to have been ear-witness what three of these Lords, now put
in our first classes, did here, in opposition to the English council
and Montrose, and all others who were for Ireland, sure I am you would
have blessed God who brought them hither in this nick of time. If any
commissioners shall come, I entreat you, see that some of the ablest
of our ministers come also, who may be able to stand against Dr Stuart
and such like, if occasion should serve, and may serve for the honour
of our kirks with the Dutch also.
* * * * *
_March 19, 1649._—You are not disappointed of your hopes of noble
Lauderdale and Lanerk, and I assure you of the Earl of Callender, who
told me, in plain terms, that the King may with greater assurance
confide in these who now rule with you than in others; ye know whom I
mean. If ye come hither, and do not bring a full rescinding of what
the parliament has decreed against them, ye will be looked upon as
most ingrate men; and none would be more glad of your misery than
the English malignants and James Graham, because they do and have so
opposed their plots. Likewise, it would be needful that ye remitted
much of that rigor which, in your church-assemblies, ye use against
ministers who have proven your great friends ever before. It will be
better to let your sails fall somewhat lower in time, before a storm
compel you; or ye, who think God so highly glorified by casting out
your brethren, and putting so many to beggary, making room through such
depositions to young youths, who are oft miscarried with ignorant zeal,
may be made, through your own experience, to feel what it is, which
now, without pity, is executed upon others. Generally the great power
which the commission of the kirk exercises, displeaseth all. It is but
an extraordinary meeting, and yet sits constantly and more ordinarily
than any synod; yea and without the knowledge of provincial synods and
presbyteries, deposes ministers, injoins _pro auctoritate_, what writs
they please to be read, inflicts censures upon those who will not read
them. If the kirk of Scotland look not to this in time, we will lament
it when we cannot mend it. They say four or five rule that meeting;
and is not the liberty of the kirk come to a fair market thereby? We
have an act, that nothing shall be brought to a greater meeting which
has not first been treated of in a smaller; but now your compend of
the general assembly, or deputes of it, at the first instance, judge
of matters which might be better handled in lesser meetings. For God’s
sake, look this course in time be stopped, else the commission of the
kirk will swallow up all other ecclesiastick judicatories, and such
ministers who reside in and about Edinburgh, shall at last ingross
all church-power in their hands. I know their is a piece of prudence
hereby used, to get the power in the hands of those who are good; but
what assurance, have we but what they may change, or others, following
this course, creep into their places? We meet with daily regrets that
the ancient ministry are condemned, and the insolence of young ones
fostered, the very forerunner of Jerusalem’s destruction. The Lord make
us wise in time.
* * * * *
You will do well to consider of the letter, which anno 1646, the
assembly wrote to our late king; for the Independents make it a part
of the rule they walked by. And, 2dly, They say, that in your last
assembly, you have declared that these words of the covenant, where
ye speak of defending the king’s person and authority, in defence of
religion and liberties, are explained to be a limitation and excluding
your obedience to him, except in such acts. And what say these bloody
Independents? “Their putting the King to a violent death is not against
the covenant: for they have put him to death, not for his defending
religion, and the parliament’s liberties, but for going about the
overthrow of both.” Think of this.
* * * * *
_The Commission’s letter to the King, with Sir Joseph Douglas.
Edinburgh, February 7, 1649._
May it please your Majesty,
As we did always acknowledge your royal father his just power and
greatness, and poured forth our supplications and prayers to God on
his behalf, and do abhor these unparallelled proceedings of sectaries
against his Majesty’s person and life, so we do willingly and
chearfully acknowledge your Majesty’s most just right of succession
to reign as king over these kingdoms; and do resolve, in the power
of the Lord’s strength, to continue in prayer and supplication for
your Majesty, that you may fear the great and dreadful name of the
Lord your God, and reign in righteousness and equity, and the Lord’s
people under you, live a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness
and honesty.
These kingdoms, now for many years past, have been involved in
many calamities and confusions, by which the Lord’s work hath been
obstructed and retarded, and the blood of his people shed as water
spilt upon the ground; and we cannot but look upon the counsels of
the ungodly as a main cause of all these evils. It hath been the
cunning of the Popish, Prelatical, and malignant party, to traduce
Presbyterial government, and the Solemn League and Covenant, as
destructive to monarchy, and with so much wit and industry they
manage those calumnies, that your royal father, to our exceeding
grief, was kept at a distance, in his judgement, from these things
that do much concern the kingdom of Jesus Christ, the peace and
safety of these kingdoms, and the establishing of the king’s throne,
and was estranged in his affection from them who tendered his person
and authority.
And seeing the Lord now calls your Majesty to succeed to one of the
greatest and most important employments upon the earth, which is much
heightened by the present condition, it is our earnest desire your
Majesty, in the name of the Lord Jesus, whose servants we are, that
you would not only shut your ears against calumnies, but avoid the
company, and shun the counsels of the ungodly, who study to involve
your Majesty’s interest, and that which concerns the preservation of
your royal person, and the establishing of your throne with their
private interests and ends, and to make your loyal subjects odious,
that they only may be gracious; and that your Majesty would avoid all
the temptations and snares that accompany youth, and humble yourself
under the mighty hand of God, and seek him early, and labour to
have your senses exercised in his word; and that your Majesty would
establish Presbyterial government, and allow and injoin the Solemn
League and Covenant, and employ your royal power for promoting and
advancing the work of uniformity in religion in all your Majesty’s
dominions. It is by the Lord, who bears rule in all the kingdoms of
the sons of men, that kings do reign; and whatever carnal policy
suggest to the contrary, there is nothing can contribute so much for
securing the kingdom in their hand, as being for his honour, and
studying to do his will in all things. Therefore we know not so sure
and speedy a way for securing of government in your Majesty’s person
and posterity, and disappointing all the designs of enemies, both on
the right hand and on the left.
We trust it shall yet afterwards be no grief of heart to your Majesty
to hearken unto us in these things, (we have hitherto obtained
mercy of God to be constant to our principles, and not to decline
to extremes, to own the way either of malignants or sectaries, and
we were faithful and free with your royal father, would to God he
had hearkened to our advice.) The Lord grant unto your Majesty
wisdom to discern the times, and to make use of the opportunity
of doing acceptable service to God, and engaging the hearts and
affections of your people in the beginning of your Majesty’s reign,
by condescending to these necessary things; so shall the Lord bless
your Majesty’s person, establish the throne, and our spirits, and the
spirits of all his people in these lands, shall, after so many years
of affliction, be refreshed and revived, and encouraged certainly to
pray for your Majesty, and to praise God on your behalf; and in their
places and stations, by all other suitable means to endeavour your
honour and happiness, that your Majesty may reign in prosperity and
peace over these kingdoms; which is the earnest desire and prayer of
Your Majesty’s loyal subjects and humble servants,
The Commissioners of the general assembly.
* * * * *
_Excerpt Letter to the Commission, from Holland. Hague, April 3, 1649._
The commissioners of parliament found it necessary to give in, as
previous to their desires, a paper, for removing of James Graham
from court. His Majesties answer under his own hand, was, That he
desired and expected all our propositions together; to which he hoped
to give a satisfactory answer. With this we were not content; but
pressed again our desire. The commissioners of Parliament by another
paper, and we also by one seconded theirs, a copy whereof we send you
herewith. The King’s second answer was an abiding in the first. We
had all of us some discourse with his Majesty about the equity and
necessity of that our desire; but James Graham hath so many and so
powerful friends in the English council, that as yet we cannot get
the King to discountenance him.
On Saturday morning we delivered to his Majesty the National
Covenant, the League and Covenant, the Directory, the Confession of
Faith, the Catechism, the Propositions for government, bound together
in a book so handsome as we could get them. We spoke something on
the matter, and desired of his Majesty more frequent and private
conferences; who shewed his willingness, and promised to send to us
to advertise of his fittest opportunities.
* * * * *
The most part of the council are averse from our desires; yet we
have our friends. His Majesty is of a very sweet and courteous
disposition. It were all the pities in the world but he were in good
company. We hope he is not so far rooted in any principle contrary
to us, but that, by God’s blessing on our friends labours, he may
be gotten to do us reason, whatsoever our fears be for the present.
There is a very evil generation both of English and Scots here,
who vomit out all their evil humour against all our proceedings.
The peace of France, and an unhappy book, Ειχων Βασιλιχη does us
much prejudice. Also the supposed death of Huntly is wrested to our
disadvantage. Dr Bramhall of Derry has printed the other day at
Delft a wicked pamphlet against our church. We have no time, nor do
we think it fit, to print an answer; but by the grace of God, shall
endeavour, with all faithfulness and diligence, to go about our
instructions.
_My Speech to the King, spoken at the Hague, March 27, in the Kings
bed-chamber, Tuesday, three o’clock in the afternoon._
* * * * *
We do declare, what in our own breasts often we have felt, and
generally in the people among whom we live, have seen with our eyes
an mournful sorrow for that execrable and tragick parricide, which,
though all men on earth should pass over unquestioned, yet we nothing
doubt but the great judge of the world will arise, and plead against
every one, of what condition soever, who have been either authors or
actors, or consenters, or approvers, of that hardly expressible crime,
which stamps and stigmatizes, with a new and before unseen character
of infamy, the face of the whole generation of sectaries and their
adherents, from whose hearts and hands that vilest villany did proceed.
We do also profess, in name of them who have sent us hither, the great
joy of all sorts of men in our land for the immediate filling of the
vacant throne with your Majesty’s most gracious and hopeful person,
earnestly praying, that the light of the Lord’s countenance may shine
so bright upon your Majesty’s reign, that the very thick clouds of our
present dangers and fears may flee away, and a new morning may spring
up, to all your three kingdoms, of greater peace and prosperity, of
more righteousness and virtue, especially of more religion and piety,
than hath been seen in the days of any, the most pious, the most just,
the most prosperous, of all your numerous ancestors.
* * * * *
_Mr Robert Baillie to Mr R. Douglas. April 3, 1649._