yet are in a case of thriving, if the accommodating of the King did
permit men but to draw up their fainting spirits. The fear of that
miscarriage lets no man mind any thing else. London and Lancashire
goes on with the presbyteries and sessions but languidly. Sundry other
shires are making to; but all the errors of the world are raging over
all the kingdom. God save Scotland from that pest! In the ordinance
against that evil there is some little progress made. To-morrow, by
God’s help, we expect a farther. Our assembly for one twenty days
posted hard; but since have got into its old pace. The first half, and
more, of the Confession, we sent up to the House. The end of these who
called for it, was the shuffling out the ordinance against errors; yet
our friends have carried to go on with that. But others have carried
the putting of scriptures to the margin of the Confession, which may
prove a very long business, if not dextrously managed. It will be yet
a fortnight before the other half of it be ready; for sundry necessar,
but scabrous propositions, were added in the review. We have passed
near a quarter of the Catechism; but we will not in earnest win to it
till Confession be off our hand. I am near ready to speak a word with
the Anabaptists. I dare say, too much ease has not been hitherto in me
or my colleague’s disease.
* * * * *
_To Mr David Dickson. October 27, 1646._
The peace of the kingdoms is still in a great uncertainty. We fear
every other day, that the Houses impatience of the King’s infinite
delays break off in a fury against him, and then that he be brought to
consent to all but to no purpose, unless to engage our poor kingdom
in his quarrel, for the joining of our ruin to his own. It is also
whispered, that he is coming off to grant all things but the covenant,
and church-government, and that it is like the parliament here will
close with him in these terms, without much regard to our complaints
and miscontentment this way.
* * * * *
_To ——._ [_This letter is, I suppose, for Mr Robert Blair._] _November
3, 1646._
I hear that not only the chief of the sectarian party, but some others,
seem in private to give their readiness to welcome the King, if the
other propositions be granted, though the covenant be shifted. The
sectarian party, and divers others who profess most to oppose them,
seem to be in a way near a disposition to admit, unanimously enough,
of a charge against the King’s person, which they say is in readiness,
and that the great stop to this, all fear from the Scots and the city
will be removed. If they find that the King in his answer give not
quick and full satisfaction in the covenant, I really believe the King
is greatly abused if he dream that either the Scots or the city will
make any considerable opposition to any course the parliament shall be
pleased to take with his person, if there be any more hesitations in
establishing that covenant.
It is to me marvellous, that no experience, how dear, or frequent
soever, will learn his Majesty that one point of prudence, to do in
time for his great advantage, what he must and will do ere long,
without any thanks, and that with a great addition. The covenant now
will do all his business. Will he scruple it till the ordinance pass,
the next debate will be about his negative voice in the parliament; and
very readily that shall be put in an ordinance; and without it also
there shall be no admittance of him, or any of his, to the throne.
To many here it seems a great measure of imprudence, and (as some call
it) induration and dementation, to be content that the parliament here
should run out into the greatest extremities, and to hope that those
shall be the readiest means to obtain to the King all his desires; for
I verily think that if the parliament shall once go on to the hardest
courses with the King, upon his refusal to pass the covenant, and to
do these duties which the most of the good men in both kingdoms are
persuaded he ought in reason, he will never get, either here or in
Scotland, any considerable force for his defence.
* * * * *
This people’s patient waiting for the King’s last answer, is very near
a final period: and all are afraid that one of these days the House of
Commons doors be closed, and some high vote pass that never shall be
recalled.
* * * * *
Again, I tell you, from all I converse with, the covenant is his
safety; nothing less will do it; and this will do it, by God’s help
abundantly.
* * * * *
_To Mr George Young. December 1, 1646._
The £200,000 was all told on Friday last. All this day our
commissioners have been agreeing upon the way of its receiving, and
the going of our army. Great haste will be used upon all hands, no
stop is expected. We have had sore labour these weeks bygone, to put
on many things in the Houses, assembly, and city, much ado to get the
great sum; but when once it was on a way, it ran faster than it could
be received. It was my dear friend Dr Burgess’s singular invention,
that all who contribute to this sum, would have as much of his old
debt, with all the annualrents counted to him, and for all make a
good pennyworth of the bishops lands; so the bargain being exceeding
advantageous, the strife was, who should come in with his money
soonest. By this means we got the bishops lands on our back, without
any grudge, and in a way that no skill will get them back again.
* * * * *
The body of this people would gladly embrace the King and peace; but if
one month longer he go on to dally, they will reject him for ever; and
if he then run to us, to draw a perpetual war upon our backs, he cannot
be very wellcome. Our commissioners here, twice every week, write such
long, free, and true scrolls, as will absolve them from any guilt, if
persons obstinate in madness will needs destroy themselves. I think
all here shall either come home with me, or at my back. A base scurvy
pamphlet came out against our papers, which by order of parliament this
day was publickly burnt; yet the House of Commons answer to us was sent
us this day also, little better than that which they burnt.
* * * * *
_For Mr James Robertson of Bedlay. December 8, 1646._
Some few of the most active men of the House of Commons and army are
for too general a liberty for all consciences; but the most of both
Houses are right and sound, and the body of the city are zealous
against all errors and confusions, as the world will see in their new
petition yet before this week end. Generally the ministers over all
the kingdom are orthodox; and the sectaries except a very few, are but
heady, illiterate persons. If peace were settled, and the army down,
all here think that the noise of heresies, which now is very loud,
would evanish. This night I count us as good us agreed for the sending
down of our money, and the return of our army. I think, on Monday, and
not sooner, it will go. We receive at Northallerton, £100,000, and the
other beyond the Tine, when Newcastle is delivered.
* * * * *
_To my Lord——._ [_This, I suppose, is to the Earl of Loudon,
Chancellor of Scotland._] _December 25, 1646._
If it please God the King come hither, who shall be his ministers?
By all means it must be provided, that he be not permitted to have
any service either from Episcopal men or sectaries. There will be
difficulty to get these eschewed. If the King have his choice, without
rules from his parliament, he will take no other than Episcopal men. If
some have the power either of nomination or effectual recommendation,
without doubt the prime sectaries shall be planted about him. For the
preventing of this, were it not meet, while the King is with us, to
be thinking what ministers we could wish to wait on his family and
children? In the mean time, while the King is on his journey, and while
he is a-settling here, were it not meet to move his Majesty to require
Mr Blair to attend him; and if it may be, to have the spiritual care of
the children?
* * * * *
_To Mr William Spang._
The treaty for our army, and so the committee of both kingdoms,
being ended, and the next deliberation about the King, being of that
importance, that our commissioners think meet to remit it to the
parliament of England, the Chancellor and Lauderdale purpose to go home
the next week, and I, God willing, with them. Our assembly, with much
ado, at last have wrestled through the Confession, and the whole is now
printed. The House of Commons require to put Scripture to it before
they take it to consideration; and what time that will take up, who
knows? We have passed a quarter of the Catechism, and thought to have
made short work with the rest; but they are fallen into such mislikes,
and endless janglings, about the method and the matter, that all think
it will be a long work. The increase of all heresies here is very great.
* * * * *
At last his [the King’s] answer is come to us, and this day was
communicate to both Houses. It is but a mere general, that he desires
to come here to be heard, for the loosing of his scruples. The Houses
have voted his coming to Holmby house near Northampton, in quality
little better than a prisoner; which he will never agree to. It will
be endeavoured that the two parliaments may agree in some course of
his restraint, if he continue in his unhappy courses. His warrant the
other day was produced for stealing away the Duke of York to France.
If either he could be moved to agree with his parliament, or they to
agree among themselves in any course for him, it seems we might have
here, both in church and state, all our desires; but neither of these
being likely, our dangers both in church and state are very great and
imminent.
[_See continuation of the Account of the Westminster
Assembly, appended to the Acts of 1647._]
_Note of Proceedings in the Convention of Estates relative to the
Church, betwixt the Assemblies of 1646 and 1647._
_Nov. 14._ Letter from the Parliament to the King, desiring a
Settlement of Religion, and a happy and well-grounded Peace in all his
Majesties Dominions, according to the Oath and Covenant, p. 231.
1647.
_Jan. 16._ Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland concerning the King’s
Majesty’s Person, p. 239. Desires of the Kingdom of Scotland, p. 240. A
Letter from the Parliament of Scotland to the Parliament of England, p.
241.
_Jan. 23._ Ordinance anent the answering of the King’s Majestie’s
Letter, direct to the Earl of Crawford. _Ib._
_Feb. 11._ Answer of the Parliament to the Remonstrance of the Church,
p. 247.
_Feb. 12._ Act for Transporting of the Kirk of Dunscore, p. 249.
_March 12._ Act Erecting the Kirk of Glencorse, p. 264. Act Erecting
the New Kirk of Glenluce. _Ib_. Act Erecting the West Kirk of Calder.
_Ib_. Act for Transporting the Kirks of Logie-Montrose, and Peant. _Ib._
_March 18._ Act against Excommunicate Persons, ordaining that, after
the lapse of forty days, they shall be put to the Horn, and Letters of
Intercommuning and Caption issued against all who refuse the Covenant,
&c., p. 267. Act Discharging Observation of Superstitious Days, p. 268.
Answers of Parliament to the Overture given in to the Parliament by the
Commissioners of the Assembly. _Ib._
_March 19._ Instructions from Parliament to their Commissioners in
London, p. 268.
_March 20._ Act and Commission to the Committee of Estates. _Ib._
_March 23._ Act Lord Huntlie upon the Production of the Articles of
Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms of Scotland and England, p. 272.
_March 24._ Act Renewing the Commission for Plantation of Kirks and
Valuation of Teinds. _Ib._
_March 26._ Act concerning the Education of Children under Popish
Parents and Tutors, p. 276.
_March 27._ Commission for Visiting the University of Aberdeen, p. 288.
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, AT EDINBURGH, 1647.
In resuming our narrative of public events, in which the Church of
Scotland acted an important part, we commence, on this occasion, at
the beginning of June, 1646, when the King was in the Scottish Camp
at Newcastle, and when the Assembly met at Edinburgh. From the Acts
of that Assembly, it will be seen that his Majesty addressed a letter
to it, (28th May,) promising “to maintain religion _there_ as it
is established, in doctrine, worship, and church government;” that
the Assembly, on the 18th of June, responded to this in vague and
general terms, but renewed its commission for “prosecuting, advancing,
perfecting, and bringing the said work of uniformity in religion, in
all his Majesty’s dominions, to a happy conclusion;” and addressed
letters to the English Parliament, the Westminster Assembly, and the
City of London, all to the same effect.[337]
On the 25th of that month, at a meeting of the Grand Committee of
both Houses of the English Parliament, Argyle delivered a document
containing the acquiescence of the Scottish Commissioners in the
propositions for peace, which had been suggested by the English Houses;
and delivered a speech in which uniformity in the three kingdoms,
the Covenant, and intolerance to all Dissenters, formed the leading
topics. The English Parliament, however, still sheltered itself under
the convenient verbiage, that the church government in England should
be modelled “according to the Word of God, and the example of the best
reformed Churches.” At the same time, a petition from the officers
and soldiers of the Scottish army, addressed to their general, Lord
Leven, was got up. This was followed by a declaration of the Lord
General, the general officers, and soldiers of that army, on the 29th
of June, intimating their adherence to the Covenant, but intimating
too, that, having come to England in support of their allies in that
cause, they expected their pecuniary recompense, and that being given,
they would then willingly retire into Scotland. A petition to the King,
pressing on him the adoption of the Covenant and the enforcement of it
in England, was also presented; so that Charles was assailed on all
hands by a combined pressure from the Parliaments of both kingdoms—the
Westminster and General assemblies—the Scottish army—to relinquish at
once the last of his prerogatives and his conscientious principles.
Whatever, therefore, he subsequently did in the way of concession, can
only be ascribed to absolute and irresistible coercion, while in a
state of thraldom.
The propositions of peace, as they were called, being thus concerted,
with the elements of future discord in their bosom, were passed in the
English Parliament, on the 27th of June; and, as an earnest of their
extirpating tendencies, Morgan, a priest, who had received orders
beyond seas in the Church of Rome, “was drawn, hang’d, and quarter’d at
Tyburn,” on the 30th of the same month.[338]
On the 6th of July, “the Commons voted that this kingdom hath no
further need of the Scottish army, and that the kingdom is unable to
pay them longer; and that a letter should be sent from both Houses to
the Commissioners of Scotland, to desire them to withdraw their army
into Scotland.”[339] On the 10th of that month, the Assembly’s letters,
already referred to, were received; and, on the 13th, the propositions
for peace, which had been previously drawn out, [_Die Sabbathi, 11th
July, 1646_,] were finally adjusted, in order to be offered to his
Majesty.
The main points in these propositions, touching religion and its
establishments, were, that the King should sign and swear the Solemn
League and Covenant, and an act of the Parliaments in both Kingdoms
be passed, enjoining all the subjects in the three kingdoms to do
the same, under such penalties as the respective Parliaments should
enact; that a bill be passed, utterly abolishing Prelacy, in terms
of the treaty at Edinburgh, 29th November, 1643; that the ordinances
as to the Assembly of Divines be ratified by act of Parliament; that
the Reformation of Religion should be settled by act of Parliament,
conformably with the League and Covenant; that an oath be imposed
on all Papists, renouncing their tenets; and declaring that, if the
King should not give his assent to these proposals, then, it being
done by both Houses of Parliament and the Scottish Estates, the same
should be as valid as if such assent had been given. There were other
propositions, such as the King relinquishing the command of the army
for twenty years; but to these it is needless here to allude further
than that a long list of persons was proscribed as not fit to receive
pardon for their proceedings during the troubles.[340]
On the 23d of July, the Commissioners from the English Parliament
arrived at Newcastle, and were attended by Argyle and Loudoun as
Commissioners for Scotland. The King appointed an audience next day,
when the propositions were read to his Majesty, the Commissioners
informing him that they had no power to treat, or to remain above ten
days for an answer. At one of the interviews which the Commissioners
had with the King, Loudoun, in very plain terms, intimated that the
Parliament “are now in such a posture for strength and power, they are
in a capacity to do what they will, both in Church and State; and some
are so afraid, and others so unwilling to submit themselves to your
Majesty’s government, that they desire not you nor any of your race
longer to reign over them; but the people are so wearied of the war and
great burthens they do groan under, are so loth to have monarchical
government destroyed, that they dare not attempt to cast it totally
off, till once they send propositions of peace to your Majesty.” He
added, “If your Majesty (as God forbid) shall refuse to assent to the
propositions, you will lose all your friends in the Houses, lose the
city and all the country; and all England will join against you as one
man: They will process and depose you, and set up another government;
they will charge us to deliver your Majesty to them, and render their
garisons, and remove our armies out of England; * * * and if your
Majesty lose England by your wilfulness, you will not be permitted to
come and reign in Scotland.”[341]
The King, however, was not entirely overwhelmed by the language
of intimidation thus held towards him; but, on the 1st of August,
delivered to the Commissioners an answer, which will be found
annexed,[342] proposing to go to London “upon the publick faith and
security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners,”
there to negotiate the terms of an adjustment on all points; and, with
this answer, the Commissioners returned to London the day following,
and, on the 12th, reported their proceedings to Parliament.
“The spirit of the age,” in any age and in every country, is often
marked emphatically by trivial circumstances. Of this we have an
example at the period now under consideration. The Great Seal of
England, which had been carried to Oxford in 1642, and other Signets
of Royalty, were found there on its surrender, and were ordered by the
House of Commons to be broken in pieces; and, on the 11th of August,
“were, by a smith, broken to pieces at the bar of the Lords’ House, the
whole House of Commons being present.” Such was the morbid fanaticism
at that time even against the symbols of regal authority.
It cannot be deemed foreign to this compilation to state, that, in the
course of this month, (19th August,) the most distinguished leader
of the Covenanters died; we need scarcely add the name—ALEXANDER
HENDERSON. During the time that the King was at Newcastle, he had held
an amicable controversy with his Majesty, on the relative qualities of
Episcopacy and Presbytery, with the view of reconciling his antagonist
in argument to the adoption of the latter; but this controversy, the
records of which have been preserved, and which was conducted with
great courtesy and talent on both sides, failed in the accomplishment
of its object by the conversion of the King; and Henderson soon after
returned to Scotland, where, suffering under a shattered constitution
and broken spirit, he died, lamented by his friends and honoured by his
opponents. The best tribute to his worth and talents is to be found in
the pages of his contemporaries.
The settlement of the propositions, sent by the Parliaments to the
King at Newcastle, did not form the only subject of perplexity to the
ruling powers at the period now referred to. The same day that his
Majesty’s answer was laid before the English Parliament, a paper was
given in to the House of Peers by the Scottish Commissioners, declaring
that the Scotch were “willing forthwith to surrender the garisons
possessed by them in this Kingdom, [England,] (which they did keep for
no other end but the safety and security of their forces,) and without
delay to recall their army; reasonable satisfaction being given for
their pains, hazards, charges, and sufferings; whereof a competent
proportion to be presently paid to the army before their disbanding,
and security to be given for the remainder.” Upon this a conference was
held by the two Houses, and, two days after, the Commons voted £100,000
for the Scottish army, and promised an early audit and adjustment
of their accounts. The demands of the Scotch amounted to about two
millions; but, at length, after some cavilling, it was agreed, early
in September, that they should be modified to £400,000, of which one
moiety to be paid ere the army left England, and the remainder in
future instalments. And, about the same time, Commissioners were sent
from the Estates of Scotland to the King to persuade him to accede
to the propositions already adverted to. The King’s answers to these
are so important in a historical point of view, and as illustrating
the relative position of all parties at that critical juncture, that
we give them in our appendix of documents to which we refer.[343]
And it may be here noted that, on the 3d of September, Montrose, by
the Special orders of the King, relinquished, though reluctantly,
his warlike position in the Highlands, and, along with some of his
followers, embarked at Stonehaven for Norway.
On the 18th of September, “the House of Commons took into consideration
how his Majesty’s person should be disposed of; and voted, 1. That
whatsoever consultation and debate the Scots Commissioners should
have concerning his Majesty’s person, the same should not in any ways
impede the march of the Scots armies out of this kingdom, nor violate
or trench upon the treaties between both nations. 2. That his Majesty
shall be disposed of as both Houses of the Parliament of England
shall think fit; and afterwards ordered that these Votes should be
communicated to the Scots Commissioners, who pretending to a joint
right of disposing of his Majesty’s person, a committee of both Houses
was appointed to treat with them about it, who had sundry conferences
thereupon.”[344] In the conferences which ensued, Loudoun, the Lord
Chancellor of Scotland, in various eloquent speeches,[345] which
reflect honour on his character and memory, contended for the perfect
freedom of the royal person, and his restoration to all the honours of
his station, or that he might go to Scotland; asserting the coequal
right of the Scottish Parliament to regulate this matter: but the
English Commissioners and Parliament maintained “that the Kingdom of
Scotland hath no right of joint exercise of interest in disposing of
the person of the King _in the Kingdom of England_”—overlooking, in the
maze of the sophistries by which this doctrine was sustained, that the
King was at the time under the protection of his Scottish subjects, and
though in England for the moment, that, by removing him into Scotland,
the whole argument would have been overthrown by a single day’s march,
under a guard of cavalry, across the Tweed. They adhered pertinaciously
to a prior and paramount right to the disposal of the King’s person,
and, as will be seen in the sequel, they prevailed in the tedious
written and oral controversy which took place on that subject.