us divers days, and will do so divers more, coming upon the article of
the church and the church-notes to oppose the Erastian heresy, which
in this land is very strong, especially among the lawyers, unhappy
members of this parliament. We find it necessary to say, “That Christ
in the New Testament had institute a church-government distinct from
the civil, to be exercised by the officers of the church, without
commission from the magistrate.” None in the assembly has any doubt
of this truth but one Colman, a professed Erastian; a man reasonably
learned, but stupid and inconsiderate, half a pleasant, and of small
estimation. But the lawyers in the parliament, making it their work
to spoil our presbytery, not so much upon conscience, as upon fear
that the presbytery spoil their market, and take up the most of the
country-pleas without law, did blow up the poor man with much vanity;
so he is become their champion, to bring out, in the best way he can,
Erastian arguments against the proposition, for the contentment of the
parliament. We give him a free and fair hearing; albeit we fear, when
we have answered all he can bring, and have confirmed with undeniable
proofs our position, the Houses, when it comes to them, shall scrape
it out of the Confession; for this point is their idol. The most of
them are incredibly zealous for it. The Pope and King were never more
earnest for the headship of the church than the plurality of this
parliament. However they are like for a time by violence to carry it,
yet almost all the ministry are zealous for the prerogative of Christ
against them. We are at this instant yoked in a great and dangerous
combat for this very thing. We have been often on the brink to set up
our government; but Satan to this day hindered us. The ministers and
elders are not willing to set up and begin any action, till they may
have a law for some power to purpose; all former ordinances have been
so intolerably defective, that they could not be accepted. The Erastian
and Independent party joining together in the Houses to keep off the
government so long as they were able, and when it was extorted, to make
it so lame and corrupt as they were able; yet at last yesterday an
ordinance came forth to supply the defects of all the former, that so,
without further delay, we might go to work.
* * * * *
The Independents have the least zeal to the truth of God of any men
we know. Blasphemous heresies are now spread here more than ever in
any part of the world; yet they are not only silent, but are patrons
and pleaders for liberty almost to them all. We and they have spent
many sheets of paper upon the toleration of their separate churches.
At the last meeting we concluded to stop our paper-debates, and on
Thursday next to begin our verbal disputation against the lawfulness of
their desired separation. When we have ended, the Houses will begin to
consider this matter. The most there, and in the army, will be for too
great a liberty; but the assembly, the city, and the body of all the
ministry in the kingdom, are passionately opposite to such an evident
breach of our covenant.
* * * * *
_A Postscript. March 31, 1836._
For the time our Commissioners can think on no private thing; for
every day they attend, five or six hours together, a solemn debate,
with a number of the chief of both Houses of parliament, about the
propositions of peace to be sent to the King. A little time will
shew much. We are in great doubts. The leaders of the people seem
to be inclined to have no shadow of a king; to have liberty for all
religions; to have but a lame Erastian presbytery; to be so injurious
to us, as to chase us home with the sword. These things to you three
alone. The Prince is landed in France, which will be a sentence of
foreign war. This day the House of Commons have appointed a committee
to secure the King’s person, if he should come to London. Our great
hope on Earth, the city of London, has played nipshot: they are
speaking of dissolving the assembly.
* * * * *
_To Mr William Spang. April 3, 1646._
The last letter of the King being more taking than the former, offering
to be advised by the parliament, if his followers may be secured of
their estates, has drawn an answer yesternight, which his five or six
former were not able to do. The answer is, That they conceive it not
for his good, nor the good of his people, to come hither, till first
the propositions be granted which they are preparing to send. In the
meantime the city-guards are multiplied, and a committee appointed to
secure his person, and seize on his followers, if he should come hither.
* * * * *
_April 23, 1646._—Matters here are in a very ambiguous posture. Exeter
is capitulating, if not already rendered. The Prince is yet in Scilly.
The Houses have voted 10,000 foot and 2,000 of horse to be raised in
the north. Sir Thomas Fairfax’s 21,000 men are voted to continue other
four months. They are speaking of other 10,000 for the west: 40,000 men
are a great army when there is not one man in the fields against them.
The most think they intend to force us to what they will. The common
word is, that they will have the King prisoner.
* * * * *
They make the word to go, that the King resolves to go to the Scots
army, knowing their compassionate hearts, and love to the King, if
he would do his duty. They have belaid all the ways, that they may
catch him if he should essay to go any where out of Oxford, till
Cromwell come and take him up. No appearance of settling religion or
the kingdom, yet God may do both quickly. We are in great grief and
perplexity; we pity it that a very few persons should be enabled to
keep all in a dangerous confusion, when all might be so easily settled.
* * * * *
_For Scotland. April 24, 1646._
The Houses put out an ordinance for the erecting of presbyteries; but
so defective, that while it was in doing, the city drew up a petition
against it; which the Houses voted a breach of their privileges. While
we were in great hopes that the city would for all that stand to their
petition, that we should learn to trust in no flesh, they shamefully
succumbed: by a few fair words from the Houses, they were made as mute
as fish. Yet the assembly were bold to petition the Houses against that
ordinance; for which also they are voted breakers of their privileges.
The assembly yet say, they will be stouter than the city, and mind
not, by a few, whether fair or foul, words, to acknowledge any fault
where none was. And we also, for our exoneration, do give in a fair
remonstrance against that ordinance; whereunto as yet we have got no
answer, and scarce expect any good one. But the eyes of all are most
on the propositions of peace. Our state-commissioners had many and long
debates, both by word and writ, with a committee of the Houses, upon
the alterations of the former propositions, whereupon both kingdoms
had agreed long ago. It came at last to this, that however by treaty
they were obliged not to make peace without us, yet they might send
what propositions they pleased for their own kingdom; and that, for
religion, they would send no particular at all, but only require the
King’s consent for a power to the parliament here to establish religion
in England and Ireland as they thought fit; also they required him to
consent, that for time coming the power of the militia should be in the
Houses allenarly, and no part of it in the crown. To neither of these
we would consent.
* * * * *
All the Royalists in Scotland could not have pleaded so much for the
crown and the King’s just power, as the Chancellor and Wariston did for
many days together. All will be presently printed either here or there.
Sir Thomas Fairfax’s army will now be near Oxford. They would have made
us believe, that the King had resolved to have broke through to our
army for protection from prison; but I suspect the chief spreaders of
these reports know well enough how they keep him fettered in Oxford
with 4000 or 5000 horse, beside their daily treaties with Ashburnam,
and these who have absolute power over him, to keep him still till they
deliver him to Sir Thomas Fairfax, and to be disposed upon as Cromwell
and his friends think it fittest for their affairs.
* * * * *
You see how things stand here. We are on the brink either of a happy
peace, or of a more unhappy war than yet we have felt. The madness
of these unnatural men, who continue to let out the blood of their
country, when it had most need of strength, is inexcusable. Scotland,
for ever, must curse the memory, not only of these wicked murderers,
but also of all these unhappy self-seeking fools who have or do
contribute any thing to our divisions and heart-burnings.
* * * * *
_For Mr Henderson, being at Newcastle with the King._
You will have it from many hands, and I cannot but advertise you
also, that the prevalent party desires nothing so much as the King’s
refusing of any one of the propositions. It is the sense of all I meet
with, that if the King should but delay to grant the propositions,
this people will declare against him, and reject him for ever from
being King. The Prince his going to France does much imbitter them,
and further that which is the design of many, to abolish monarchy, and
settle themselves in a new kind of popular government. If the King will
presently pass all the propositions, I find the most very willing that
he should return, and be received with so much power and honour, as
may in a little time bring him to all his just and pious desires. He
deceives himself exceedingly, if he expect any divisions here in haste.
All will agree, if he remain obstinate, to ruin him and his family, and
all who adhere to them. While this fear be secured, by appearance this
people will be one. Divers, from whom least I expected it, are for the
putting away of the whole royal race. The natural respect I have to all
great families, and the great love and reverence that I ever carried to
the King’s person, makes me grieve and fear much at this time. When I
look upon the disposition of all men I know, I see nothing but ruin for
poor Scotland, except the God of heaven help you there to save that
poor prince from destroying of himself and his posterity.
* * * * *
_For Mr Spang. May 15, 1646. From London._
The other week, by appearance by a secret instruction, our letters at
the city-guards were taken, and broken up, and read in the House of
Commons. One of John Cheesly’s has caused much noise. For ourselves
we are all well; neither do we fear any hard usage for any thing that
can fall out. There is no appearance of any such wrong; but there was
great appearance of surrounding our army at Newark, with all the forces
they had, at least with 26,000 well-armed men, to take the King from us
to prison, or to cut us off. This made us, after the capitulation for
Newark, to retire with speed. We are now out of their danger in haste.
The faction’s great design is to continue the war; a peace is their
quick and evident ruin. The King’s being with us makes them mad; but
all good people are very joyful of it.
* * * * *
The good party has now the plurality in the House of Lords; many in the
House of Commons are falling off our unfriends. It is hoped the city
may yet remonstrate against the sects, and that to purpose shortly; but
our great perplexity is for the King’s disposition. How far he will be
persuaded to yield, we do not yet know. I hope Mr Henderson is with him
this night at Newcastle.
* * * * *
_For Mr Henderson. May 19, 1646._
There is much talk here by all sorts of people of the King’s obstinacy;
that he is the longer the worse, and refuses all reason. The faction
rejoices herein. This disposition contributes exceedingly to their
wicked design. All our friends are very sorry for it. Except God help
you, that you have occasion to let us know shortly there is a great
change, we will not know whither to turn us. Our perplexity for him and
ourselves for the present is very great. If he would do his duty, in
spite of all knaves, all would in a moment go right; but if God have
hardened him, so far as I can perceive, this people will strive to have
him in their power, and make an example of him. I abhor to think of it,
what they speak of execution.
* * * * *
_For Glasgow. July 14, 1646._
On Sunday, in all congregations of the city, the elders are to be
chosen. So the next week, church-sessions in every parish, and twelve
presbyteries within the city, and a provincial synod are to be set
up, and quickly, without any impediment that we apprehend. The like
is to be done over all the land. They go to this work unanimously and
chearfully at last, I mean all but the sectaries. That it may the
better succeed, there is on Thursday next a general fast over the city,
which both the assembly and parliament do countenance. The work of the
assembly, these bygone weeks, has been to answer some very captious
questions of the parliament, about the clear scriptural warrant for
all the punctilio’s of the government. It was thought it would be
impossible to us to answer, and that in our answers there should be no
unanimity; yet, by God’s grace, we shall deceive them who were waiting
for our halting. The committee has prepared very solid and satisfactory
answers already, almost to all the questions, wherein there is like
to be an unanimity absolute in all things material, even with the
Independents. But because of the assembly’s way, and the Independents
miserable unamendable design to keep all things from any conclusion,
it is like we shall not be able to perfect our answers for some time;
therefore I have put some of my good friends, leading men in the House
of Commons, to move the assembly to lay aside our questions for a time,
and labour about that which is most necessary, and all are crying
for the perfecting of the Confession of Faith and Catechism. If this
motion take, I hope we shall end shortly our Confession, for there are
but a few articles now to go through. It will be a very gracious and
satisfactory Confession when you see it. We made, long ago, a pretty
progress in the Catechism; but falling on rubs and long debates, it was
laid aside till the Confession was ended, with resolution to have no
matter in it but what was expressed in the Confession, which should not
be debated over again in the Catechism. If these two pieces, and the
Catechism, were out of our hands, our long work were at an end. All the
corrections of Mr Rous’s psalms and advices which come up from thence,
were very friendly received, and almost all of them followed. It is
like the assembly and parliament here will, ere long, authorise the use
of that oft corrected Psalter. Whether you think meet to make use of it
or not, it shall be absolutely in your own power.
* * * * *
_For Mr William Spang. August 7, 1646._
We were lately in some good hopes of an happy end of our long troubles,
but now we are very near desperate of that. After all possible
endeavours by all unanimously, Scots, English, French, so far as yet
we know, the King refuses the propositions. We expect on Monday the
Chancellor and Argyle, with the English commissioners. After their
report to the Houses, we fear sad votes. It will be our endeavour to
keep them from sudden conclusions. They take very long time to the
smallest affairs: I fear they be too quick in deposing the King, and
setting a day to the Prince. We are at a great nonplus, in very great
grief and perplexity. We know not what either to say or do. There is
before us a thick cloud of confusion. Many of the King’s greatest
friends think his obstinacy judicial, as if, in God’s justice, he were
destroying himself. I fear he will down with him all his posterity, and
monarchy. Also in this isle we have very small hopes of doing any more
with him, and many thousands more of his best subjects. This is the
great joy of the prevalent party, the thing they panted for with all
earnestness. Our griefs and fears are great, and for the time we are in
a great stupidity and astonishment. It will be our endeavour to keep
the nations together, albeit we scarce see the possibility of it. Mr
Henderson is dying most of heartbreak at Newcastle.
* * * * *
_For Mr Henderson. August 13, 1646._
It seems the most here are inclined to declare against the King, and
that without much regret. I know no remeid, but a quick message from
him to grant all. I wish our meeting at Edinburgh would yet send to him
for that effect; but I fear it be too late.
* * * * *
In the assembly we were like to have stuck many months on the
questions; and the Independents were in a way to get all their
differences debated over again. I dealt so with Mr Rous and Mr Tate,
that they brought us an order from the House to lay aside the questions
till the Confession and Catechism were ended. Many took it for a trick
of the Independents and Erastians for our hurt; but I knew it was
nothing less. We are now near an end of our Confession. We stick on the
article of synods, upon the proposition of their coercive power, or
their power to excommunicate. If this were over, we apprehend no more
long debates on the Confession. The Committee for the Catechism has
well near ended their work.
* * * * *
_For Mr Robert Blair. August 18, 1646._
With much diligence, and art, and great perplexities, we strive every
day to keep the House of Commons from falling on the King’s answer. We
know not what hour they will close their doors, and declare the King
fallen from his throne; which if they should once do, we put no doubt
but all England would concur; and if any should mutter against it,
they would be quickly suppressed. Do not expect, that ever any more
messages will come to you [meaning the King] from this. If within a
very few days you send not hither a simple and absolute grant of all
the propositions, without any _if_, or _and_, you will quickly obtain
your desire. A martyrdom, a perpetual close prison at least, will be
your portion; and that without the pity of many. If yet you would do
what within a few weeks you will on your knees beg to be permitted to
do, but in vain, you might save all.
* * * * *
_For Mr David Dickson. August 18, 1646._
The King’s unhappy refusal of the propositions has put us here in a
great deal of confusion and perplexity. The sectaries do exceedingly
rejoice; the rest are in great sadness. The great danger was, that the
House of Commons presently without any more, should declare against
the King. Our great care was to prevent that great mischief; for if
they once had passed a vote to demand the King, to remove our army, to
send their army northward, there was no remeid. Therefore we made ready
a paper before their commissioners returned, and presented it at the
very back of their commissioners report, of our willingness to disband
our army, and give up the garrisons upon reasonable satisfaction;
and our desire to take, by common advice, a course for settling of
the kingdoms. The noise of our very good carriage at Newcastle, the
great equity of our paper, our private dealing with our friends in the
Houses, made our motions taken: so we have got them to consider first
the matter of our army before they came to the King’s answer. We hope
to keep on this for some days, till the King have a little more time to
be better advised. And such diligence has been used, that we hear he is
coming near us.
* * * * *
Their first offer to us was of £100,000 Sterling for the disbanding of
our army. We, this day, gave them in a paper wherein we were peremptor
for more than double that sum for the present, besides the huge sums
which we crave to be paid afterward. They have appointed a committee to
confer with us; we are in some hopes of agreement.
* * * * *
_For Glasgow. To Mr Robert Ramsay. London, August 18, 1646._
We are here, by the King’s madness, in a terrible plunge. The powerful
faction desires nothing so much as any colour to cast the King and all
his race away, to have a quarrel with us; this they will get if the
King stick but for a few days many of the propositions. Many here will
regret it; but none will oppose. With great difficulty we drive over a
little time, and to our utmost labours with the King. He never did any
good turn in due time; our people, I fear, be a snare to him. Divisions
are like to increase, and the best to be borne down most. Worse evils
hang above the head of poor Scotland than yet we have suffered, except
the Lord prevent, and such as I cannot see their end. Blasphemous
heresies rage here every where, without any controul, to this day.
Warnings are clear and zealous; but a few that make it their work to
patronise and advance a horrible liberty, mars all. This nation also is
in a temper to fall in a worse war than the former. God help us, we had
need to pray. Never people nearer to a bottomless pit of horrible evils.
* * * * *
_To Mr David Dickson, September 22, 1646._
Reverend and Dear Brother,
—— We have ended the Confession of Faith for the matter, and have
perfected the most half of its nineteen chapters. The other seventeen,
I hope, in a ten or twelve days will be perfected, and so all be
sent up to the Houses. It will be, I hope, a very sweet and orthodox
piece, much better than any Confession yet extant, if the House of
Commons mangle it not to us. We are now upon the Catechism. We hope
that also shall be a very good and plain piece. We are now at work,
thanks to God, in earnest much more than ever. If the race hold, I
trust this also in a month shall be over, and then Mr Rutherford and
I will supplicate the commission for a demission. Mr Gillespie will
be abundance to attend the queries. It will be a great question when
you shall think meet to call a general assembly. We yet know not what
to advise. It will be necessary to have the Confession and Catechism
approven in a general assembly, as the Directory was; but we fear
the condition of your affairs at this time, will scarce permit you
to hazard to call one. Always be thinking on this; for it will be a
great deliberandum shortly. To-morrow, the House of Commons debate the
ordinance against heresies and blasphemies; we are very solicitous
for it. The orthodox and heterodox party will yoke about it with all
their strength, the Lord be among them; for the right or wrong carrying
of that business is of a huge consequence, and nothing beyond it but
another question which this day is handled, How to dispose of the
King’s person? Great need had you there, as in my last I warned you,
to see to the election of commissioners to the parliament, both in the
burghs and shires. If that choice fall wrong, Scotland is in hazard to
be ruined.
* * * * *
_For Mr Spang. October 2, 1646._
They have passed a vote of disposing the King’s person as their two
Houses shall think fit, without any reference to us. We press, by many
unanswerable reasons, our joint interest. They deny it. It is like
we may join in advising, and get the question of power laid aside;
but when we come to advise, we know not what to say. We expect one of
these days William Murray with the King’s last answers. We are certain
they will not satisfy. Their course thereafter with the King will be
more summar than we readily can join in peace. We see an inundation
of evils; except the great God arise we are undone. These things were
the subject of yesterday’s full debate betwixt the two Houses and our
commissioners. We expected £200,000 to have been put in our army’s hand
within a fortnight, and the sectarian army disbanded, and that party
humbled, government presently set up, the ordinance against sects and
heresies that now is in debate to pass, and be execute; but the King’s
obstinacy is like to mar all. And having done all we can, we know not
what to do with him next. The good Chancellor is distempered with
grief, and I with him also, and others of us; God help us. When we get
better news ye shall get part; for the time I am not well neither in
body or mind.
_For Mr George Young. October 13, 1646._
The unreasonable vote of disposing of the King’s person as their
two Houses of Parliament think meet, without the least reference
to Scotland, they still adhere to. In three solemn meetings, the
Chancellor, Wariston, and Lauderdale, did so out-reason them, that all
the hundreds of hearers did grope their insolent absurdities; but for
no other purpose, than to draw from them another very unexpected vote,
of keeping up the army for six months more. The keys, the sword, and
money, and preferments, in the hands of the sectaries. With much ado
have we kept the report of these three conferences from the Houses,
to be made in four or five sheets, on Thursday, by ourselves. The
King’s answer cannot be here till Monday. In the meantime they are
so peremptor, that they may pass a vote, declaring the King, for no
scant of faults, incapable to govern while he lives. If this nail be
once rooved, we with our teeth will never get it drawn. If we get it
delayed a few days, till the answer come, it is well; but when that
much-expected answer comes, if it be not satisfactory, as we are
extremely afraid for it, then, by all appearance, this people, without
more delay, will strike the fatal stroke; the consequences whereof I am
oft troubled to think upon. If the answer were satisfactory, as some
hope there is that at least in time it may be so, if the patience of
this people, by all diligence we can use, may be kept but for a few
weeks unbroken, all would go well.