appear to be necessary. The want of these was felt along both sides
of the Tugela. A belt of country, some five miles wide on either
side, needs attention, though that is by no means the only region in
Natal that is difficult of access. Only narrow and inexpensive roads
are required. These, in time of peace, would be of assistance to
the inhabitants in facilitating conveyance of produce to available
markets, and generally developing the locations.
MISCELLANEOUS.
The lesson to be learned from the poll tax is, of course, that no
taxation should be imposed on Natives without previously consulting
them in some way or another. It is, however, unnecessary to obtain the
views of more than a few of the leading and most influential advisers.
These would speedily reveal the attitude likely to be taken up by the
majority towards any such proposal.
The advisability of securing uniformity when promulgating measures
closely affecting the Natives is so obvious as to call for no special
comment.
The likelihood of some of the Native police (Government) taking part
in the Rebellion was realized at the outset, consequently, at such
places as Krantzkop and Mapumulo, men connected with the divisions
were removed to another part of the Colony, their places being taken
by others. Native police from such stations as Insuze, Kearsney,
Glendale, Umhlali and Stanger rebelled. Sixteen were recognized, by
their finger-prints, among the rebel prisoners, whilst at least four
were killed. About eighty Durban Borough police are said to have taken
up arms.
On the other hand, out of the whole of the Nongqai, whose members and
ex-members numbered some thousands, only one man, who left the force
some twenty years previously, is known to have joined the enemy. Full
and careful inquiry was made in the matter by Chief Commissioner
Mansel. This highly creditable state of affairs may be accounted for by
the fact that, during the many years Mansel had control of the force,
he never allowed any one to serve as 'substitute' for a regular member.
An account of the Nongqai will be found in Appendix XI.
The part taken by Christian Natives in the Insurrection was a large
and prominent one. The teaching of many Native preachers, generally
belonging to Ethiopian denominations, was of a distinctly seditious
character. Here, for instance, is a type of an address frequently
repeated in 1906 in a location within the vicinity of Greytown: "The
end of the age is at hand! On the black race did God originally bestow
the right of governing. The race, however, failed to acquire the art.
Now is the time drawing to a close. The right to govern is reverting
to its original possessors. Authority will be conferred on the black
race, and they will now be exalted to a position above the whites. You
shall enjoy complete ascendancy over Europeans, for the power has at
length been restored to you by the Almighty. Even were actual conflicts
to occur between you and the whites, you will surely put them to
flight, for God is standing by you." The services were usually held in
out-of-the-way places, and always out of hearing of Europeans or their
Native agents. It was found exceedingly difficult to obtain sufficient
evidence to prosecute, even though sedition was known to be constantly
preached. When hostilities actually broke out, many of these men
determined to practise what they had preached; they accordingly broke
away from mission stations, notably in Mapumulo, Ndwedwe and Umsinga
divisions, and joined the rebels.
In July, 1907, it was found that of the Native prisoners then in
Natal gaols, 418 were Christians. Of this number, 204 were ordinary
criminals, whilst 214 had been convicted of rebellion.[308] Of the
latter figure, seven were preachers. The foregoing totals, which are
below the actual numbers, owing to the difficulty of ascertaining who
were converts, were obtained subsequent to the release of about 500
rebels, among whom other so-called Christians would probably have been
found.
In addition to the above, several preachers and many members of
different denominations were shot during the operations. Hunt and
Armstrong, it will be remembered, were murdered by a band of mission
Natives.
It is but fair to add that many of the Christian Natives who rebelled
were not attached to any recognized missionary body at the time they
did so.
A number of other matters, which might have been noticed here, have
already been sufficiently dealt with in preceding chapters. The Native
Affairs Commission drew attention to various reforms in administration,
many of which have already been introduced, such as the appointment
of a Council for Native Affairs and Commissioners,[309] limitation
of interest on loans, various problems connected with labour, and
compulsory service on public works.
The fact that none of the Magistrates of such districts as Mahlabatini
(H.M. Stainbank, later J.Y. Gibson), Nongoma (G.W. Armstrong), and
Nkandhla (B. Colenbrander), in Zululand, and Umsinga (A.E. Harrington)
and Mapumulo (T. Maxwell), in Natal, were withdrawn, but continued
to discharge the duties of their office throughout the Rebellion,
tended to influence and reassure many European farmers, storekeepers
and others, preventing them from getting into a panic, and, by flying
off to other parts for protection, making matters considerably worse
than they were. With the troops often operating at a distance, there
is no doubt considerable danger was run of any of these magistracies
being attacked and the officials murdered. As very little protection
was immediately available, sometimes even with the Native police
disaffected, it would have been comparatively easy for any band of
determined rebels to have brought about one or more of such results
before assistance could have been rendered.
Much credit is due to Magistrates generally for the admirable manner in
which they retained a hold on the Natives of their districts throughout
the period of unrest. Occasionally, however, scares among Europeans
could not be prevented. Those at Greytown and Nqutu have already been
noticed; another occurred at Pietermaritzburg.
It will already have been gathered that many loyalists, especially
those of tribes within the area of disturbance, stood in an extremely
invidious and dangerous position. Too little consideration is given
to the fact that, unless promptly supported by Government forces,
loyalists are liable to be murdered or their property looted. When an
outbreak occurs, it is almost as important to support the well-affected
as it is to operate against the insurgents themselves. The reason is
clear. If you do not back up those on your side when in danger, do not
be surprised if, in your absence, they are coerced into taking up arms
against you, and so add greatly to your difficulties.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 304: Except to the extent indicated on p. 63.]
[Footnote 305: Perhaps the principal feature of the rebels' tactics was
that the troops _should_ assume the offensive.]
[Footnote 306: General Report. Sept. 1906 (not published).]
[Footnote 307: In his report for 1906, Col. Bru-de-Wold observes:
"The recent operations have shown the absolute necessity for mobile
transport, as rapidity of movement is the secret of success where
Natives are concerned; ox-transport is far too slow to meet the
requirements."]
[Footnote 308: Those convicted of rebellion were about 5·3 per cent. of
the total number of rebel prisoners, less the 500 referred to in the
text.]
[Footnote 309: The Union Government has abolished both the Council
and the Commissioners, so that Natal is now practically in the same
position in which she was before the Rebellion.]
XX.
NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION.--VISIT OF DINUZULU TO
PIETERMARITZBURG.--MURDERS OF LOYALISTS.--ESCAPE OF BAMBATA'S WIFE AND
CHILDREN FROM USUTU.--REMOBILIZATION OF MILITIA TO ARREST DINUZULU.
As far back as June, 1906, the Prime Minister had informed the
Legislative Assembly that certain bills, prepared by the Native Affairs
Department, and of the greatest importance in connection with Native
administration, would be laid on the table of the House. At the same
time, the Government was of opinion that the scope of these should
be extended. It had, accordingly, been deemed advisable to appoint a
Commission to inquire into the whole subject of Native administration
and legislation. In this proposal the Governor concurred; indeed, in
his capacity as Supreme Chief, he had already urged the taking of some
such step.
The appointment of the Commission, however, could not take effect until
September, primarily on account of hostilities in the eastern districts
of Natal, as well as of the dissolution of Parliament and following
general election.
The terms of reference were of the widest range, practically every
aspect of Native legislation and administration being set down for
inquiry. There was, however, one matter which did not fall within the
scope of the inquiry, viz. the actual causes of the Rebellion.
The seven Commissioners appointed included a representative of the
Imperial Government. No time was lost in getting to work.
The labours and area covered by this important body are succinctly set
forth in the following extracts from its own report:
"The design of the inquiry being both general and particular, the
powers conferred have been used in the manner intended and to the
fullest extent by collecting information from all sources, European,
official and unofficial--Native and others; all being invited who could
further the investigation, by advice or suggestion, or the results
of their observation or experience.... The Commission held its first
meeting on the 16th October, 1906, ... evidence was received from
time to time up to the 18th June, 1907. To facilitate this object,
thirty-four places were visited, at which statements by 301 Europeans
were received, together with those of 906 Natives and others, who
addressed the Commission personally or by delegation. So highly did the
Natives appreciate the opportunities afforded them of expressing their
views that at least 5,500, including Chiefs and headmen, exempted and
Christian Natives, attended, and, on the whole, spoke, as they were
invited to do, with remarkable freedom."[310]
The recommendations of the Commission will be referred to later.
Colonel Bru-de-Wold was unfortunately obliged to retire from the
position of Commandant of Militia, as well as from the public service,
at the beginning of 1907. He had served in several capacities,
chiefly as a soldier--always with benefit to the Colony and credit to
himself--for upwards of thirty years. In recognition of the splendid
work done by him before and during the Rebellion, the honour of
D.S.O. was conferred on him by the King. The Natal Militia, moreover,
presented him with a sword of honour, formally handed to him by
the Governor. Colonel Sir Duncan McKenzie, K.C.M.G., succeeded as
Commandant.
A general election took place towards the end of 1906, when Mr.
Smythe's Ministry, finding itself without a sufficient working
majority, resigned in November. The Right Hon. Sir Frederick R. Moor,
P.C., K.C.M.G., was then called on to form a ministry. This he did, the
portfolio of Premier and Minister for Native Affairs being taken by
himself.
In connection with many of the courts-martial referred to in the
preceding chapter, a considerable amount of evidence was led more
or less implicating Dinuzulu in the Rebellion. Moreover, a Native
who had visited Usutu kraal on private business in January, 1907,
reported having seen being harboured there twenty-eight rebels he knew
by name and some hundred or more others. The men, it was averred,
had been formed into three companies and called the Mbambangwe
(leopard-catcher) regiment, because, for the most part, they consisted
of those who had almost annihilated a small portion of Royston's Horse
at Manzipambana.[311] In these circumstances, the Government arrived
at a decision in August to hold an inquiry into Dinuzulu's conduct.
Although action followed, it was soon suspended in favour of the Chief
himself paying the Governor a visit. The making of such visit arose
out of a conversation Sir Charles Saunders had with Dinuzulu (then at
Nongoma) over the telephone. The latter had wished to 'unburden his
heart.' After doing this as well as he could through the telephone, he
asked that what he had said might be transmitted to the Government.
This, the Commissioner replied, it was obviously impossible to do,
although he promised to forward a summary, and suggested Dinuzulu's
paying the Governor a visit and setting forth at a tête-a-tête all
he wished to say. As, by this time, the Imperial Government wanted
Sir Henry McCallum to assume the Governorship of Ceylon at an early
date, suggestions were made to Dinuzulu that he should proceed to
Pietermaritzburg for the purpose of unburdening himself, and, at
the same time, bidding His Excellency good-bye. After some delay in
arranging preliminaries, he proceeded to the railhead at Somkele. At
various stopping-places on the way to Pietermaritzburg, he was visited
by Natives, who not only accorded him the highest royal salutes, but
laid at his feet other tokens of devotion and humble allegiance. This
triumphal progress continued until he had reached Pietermaritzburg. At
this place, too, the Natives treated him in a manner that could not
have been outdone by the most servile subjects of an eastern potentate.
On the 20th and 21st May, he was summoned to Government House, where
he, with his indunas, Mankulumana and Mgwaqo, and others, had lengthy
interviews with Sir Henry McCallum in the presence of the Minister for
Native Affairs and other officials. After saying all that was on his
mind, Dinuzulu was spoken to straightly in respect of his misbehaviour
and offences, real and imaginary, so far as these were then known. He
parried too searching inquiries with his usual dexterity, not unmingled
with _suppressio veri_, but there were certain accusations which he
was unable, even with the assistance of his counsellors, Mankulumana
and Mgwaqo, to quite brush aside. For instance, his having received
messengers from Chiefs in all parts of the country in connection
with the poll tax and not reporting them to the local Magistrate, as
required to do by standing instructions.
The Governor's object, however, was not to punish him for such misdeeds
as had come to light, or to probe too deeply into others that rested
merely on suspicion, but to show him that the Government was in
possession of information which clearly proved misbehaviour on his
part, and to afford friendly counsel as to his conduct in the future.
Little did the Governor or the Government know that the man then being
addressed and urged to make a clean breast of his grievances, as he
had himself requested to do, had already committed several serious and
unpardonable acts of high treason.
After another interview, this time with the Acting Prime Minister and
other Ministers, the Chief returned to his kraal.
By this time, the Native Affairs Commission was touring in Zululand,
holding meetings at most of the magistracies with Chiefs and followers,
under conditions the most pleasing to the Natives. Zulus rejoiced at
having that opportunity of laying their grievances before the official
delegates. Not so Dinuzulu. And yet the Governor's words to him,
through the interpreter, were that he would "have an opportunity of
laying his views before the Commission. I ask him to do so, because I
can assure him that any recommendations which that Commission may send
in will receive the earnest consideration of the Government."[312]
When Dinuzulu got to Somkele by rail, the Commission happened to be
there too. This Dinuzulu knew, and yet although compelled for some
hours to be at the station, he was unable to leave his railway carriage
and walk a hundred yards to tender evidence, general in character,
which it was well within his power to give, and which, in the interests
of the people one would think he would rejoice to have tendered.
By reason of the fact that interviews had taken place with Dinuzulu,
the Governor decided to arrange others with the most influential of
those Natal and Zululand Chiefs who had behaved loyally during the
Insurrection. Some of these men controlled tribes as large or larger
than that of Dinuzulu. It was, indeed, for that particular reason that
no differentiation was shewn between him and them. The interviews,
held on the 3rd and 4th June, helped materially to allay much of the
nervousness then still prevalent among the people at large, and to
restore the former amicable relations between them and the authorities.
This proved to be the last of many useful services Sir Henry McCallum
was called on to perform as Governor of Natal. With the greatest regret
did Natalians of every class take leave of this public officer, for he
was one who had very closely identified himself with their interests,
in times of peace and of war. The energy and ability with which he had
grappled with the numerous issues of the Rebellion were at all times
conspicuous and conspicuously successful. Difficulties of the most
serious nature arose, sometimes with surprising force and suddenness,
only to be met with coolness and courage, and invariably surmounted.
The Colony prided herself in having him as her Governor. In his hands
she felt safe. So satisfied was she with him in command, as to accord
him every privilege in connection with internal affairs as it was
possible to do. In parting with him, after more than the normal term of
years, she rejoiced to know that his services and experience, which had
been of such intrinsic value to her in times of stress and of peril,
would not be lost to the great Empire of which she formed a part.
Until the new Governor's arrival at the beginning of September, Mr.
(now Sir William H.) Beaumont, one of the judges of the Supreme Court,
acted as Administrator.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, K.C.M.G., who had served with
distinction as Governor on the Gold Coast and Hong Kong, arrived at a
critical time to preside over the affairs of the Colony. He at once
addressed himself to the situation which, as will be seen, had been
rapidly developing during Mr. Beaumont's tenure of office.
During Dinuzulu's visit to Pietermaritzburg to see Sir Henry McCallum,
reference had been made to certain two murders in regard to which the
Chief was said to have rendered no assistance to the Government. He
explained, though not at that moment, that one of the men had 'died' in
his ward and the other (Mnqandi) outside it. The latter who, up to the
time of his death, had been living at Usutu kraal, had had his throat
cut, but after walking a long way, died some eight miles from the
kraal. This incident occurred about the same time that Stainbank was
murdered. Dinuzulu declared he was unable to offer any explanation as
to how the crimes had come to be committed.
These murders, both of which took place during the first half of 1906,
are mentioned because it was owing to them and similar mysterious
occurrences in 1907, again associated with Dinuzulu, that the Colony
came once more to be placed under martial law, and a large portion of
the Militia mobilized for the purpose of restoring order.
Following on a charge of having committed adultery with one of
Dinuzulu's wives (a charge which was not substantiated), and on that
account, believed to have caused Dinuzulu to become ill, another man,
Gence _alias_ Nsasa, formerly employed by the Chief as a doctor, was
murdered in Nkandhla district in April, 1907.
The latter incident, however, because of deceased's low rank, did
not excite nearly as much attention as the murder of a prominent and
conspicuously loyal Chief, also of Nkandhla, named Sitshitshili. This
man had materially assisted the Government to the utmost of his ability
during the Rebellion. Many years before he had saved Dinuzulu's life,
when the kraal at which the latter was staying was suddenly attacked
by Zibebu's _impi_. Sitshitshili's murderer, who professed to be a
messenger, was a stranger to deceased. He was allowed to spend a couple
of days at the kraal. Seizing his opportunity when his host was alone
at night, and after drinking a cup of coffee with him a few minutes
before, he shot him in the chest and stomach with a revolver and,
though pursued, escaped in the dark. The effect instantly created on
the Native mind by this revolting and brutal murder is best stated in
the words of Sir Charles Saunders, written but two weeks after the
occurrence:
"Several of the loyal Chiefs from different parts have either visited
or sent representatives to me to express their regret and horror at
what has happened, and emphatically assert that the life of no loyal
person is now safe.... There appears to be no doubt in their minds
that this murder, as well as others, was inspired at the Usutu kraal.
Some say so openly, whilst others, who are not so frank, insinuate
in unmistakable terms that they share the same view, and it is not
difficult to perceive that they hold Dinuzulu, either directly or
indirectly, responsible for the whole."
[Illustration: MVELI,
Chief.]
[Illustration: SITSHITSHILI,
Chief.]
[Illustration: SIBINDI,
Chief.]
[Illustration: MANKULUMANA,
Dinuzulu's principal induna.]
[Illustration:
SIYEKIWE,
Bambata's chief wife.]
To show the people that the Government was alive to the necessity of
preventing such crimes, the Police at Nkandhla magistracy immediately
set to work to try and discover the murderer. Everything that skill
or perseverance could accomplish was attempted. But these exertions
did not escape the attention of specially interested parties. Sergeant
Wilkinson, the officer who was in charge of the investigations, retired
to his room about midnight on the 8th of September. Barely a minute
after blowing out his light, two shots were fired at him through a hole
in a window-pane with a revolver. One struck about eight inches above,
and the other under, the bed. Being very dark, no clue could be got of
the would-be murderer, except that the bullets closely resembled those
fired at Sitshitshili. As, except in a very limited degree, Natives are
not allowed to possess firearms, and, when permitted, almost invariably
procure guns, the fact that a revolver was used on Sitshitshili and
Wilkinson at once attracted general attention.
Orders were now issued by the Government for the country to be
thoroughly patrolled by a strong Natal Police Force, with the object of
restoring public confidence. Some such action was sadly needed, but,
in the opinion of Native loyalists, far wide of the mark. These and
many other people held but one opinion, namely, that Dinuzulu himself
was the _fons et origo_ of all the mischief. If not he, then puppets
directly or indirectly instigated by him or his indunas.
The long dispensation or lease of immunity Dinuzulu had enjoyed was,
however, fast coming to a close. Oppressed with the feeling that his
misdeeds were gradually coming to light, in spite of all his profound
and subtle influence on Zulus in general, in spite, too, of the
terrorizing tactics above referred to or still to be described being
traceable to his kraal, if not to his personal attendants and himself,
he had done his best to enlist the Governor's sympathies on his own
behalf. Those of Sir Charles Saunders he felt he could still count on,
though he failed to give that officer credit for being able to see
through his prevarication, and affectedly innocent pose.
For some months past, rumours to the effect that Bambata's wife and
children were being deliberately harboured by him at his kraal had
come to the notice of the Government. As, however, it was extremely
difficult for any official Native messenger--a European one would have
been hopeless--to obtain information on such point by visiting Usutu,
all that could be done was to mark time and watch developments.