the Transvaal and Cape troops, the Natal Police and other forces,
shows that a very high standard of efficiency existed at the beginning
of the hostilities, indicating that organization in the hands of
the Commandant, and of the authorities in the sister Colonies, was
everything that could have been desired. Throughout the campaign, all
units, under their respective commanding officers, discharged the
duties allotted to them in a cheerful, soldier-like and exemplary
manner. Many of the operations and actions engaged in from time to time
were of a particularly severe and difficult nature. Especially was
this the case in regard to what is known as the thorn country, which
is very extensive and broken, and at Nkandhla, where forest-driving
had to be repeatedly undertaken, often under the most disheartening
conditions. If the men were not obliged to undergo privations to an
abnormal extent, it was only because of the general excellence of the
other branches of the service, _e.g._ transport, supplies, medical,
ordnance, etc., each of which, again, was strongly supported by all
ranks of the Natal Government Railways Departments.
Foremost among individuals who contributed to the success were the
Governor, Sir Henry McCallum, G.C.M.G., the Natal Ministry (Messrs.
Smythe, Maydon, Hyslop, Watt, Winter and Clayton), and Colonels
Bru-de-Wold, McKenzie and Leuchars.
Attention has already been called to the eminent services rendered by
Sir Henry McCallum. That he should have made a point of discussing
the position with his Ministers, as he did, _daily_ from the day the
trouble started to its close, is proof, if any were wanting, of his
extreme solicitude for the welfare of the Colony. Valuable assistance
was afforded him throughout the campaign by Sir Charles Saunders, for
the time being his deputy in Zululand.
The Ministry are deserving of the greatest praise for the cool,
resolute and statesmanlike manner in which they controlled the
affairs of the Colony. They met the extraordinary difficulties that
confronted them from time to time with courage and success. The stand
made when the suspension of the Richmond executions was ordered is
alone sufficient to cause their administration to be remembered and
respected. A further measure of credit is due to Sir Thomas Watt,
who, as Minister of Justice and Defence, was, of course, primarily
responsible for the excellent state of military organization at the
beginning of the campaign.
It is unnecessary to recapitulate what has already been said about
Colonel Bru-de-Wold. The Militia was exceedingly fortunate in having
so enthusiastic and experienced an officer as Commandant. The same
applies to that distinguished soldier Major-General Sir John Dartnell
who, for a time, relieved Colonel Bru-de-Wold.
That Colonel (now Brigadier-General Sir Duncan) McKenzie did more than
come up to the high expectations formed of his capacities as a soldier
was generally acknowledged. But few opportunities for distinguishing
himself arose during the demonstrations in February and March. When he
assumed command at Nkandhla, however, early in May, with Colonel Sir
Aubrey Woolls-Sampson as Chief Staff Officer, they became numerous.
It was due mainly to his generalship, ably supported by the column
and other commanders, that the decisive results at Nkandhla and
elsewhere were brought about. Every operation or action taken in hand
by him during the campaign was planned with the greatest care and
circumspection. He was fortunate in being provided with excellent
intelligence. His policy was always to strike hard, and to afford no
chance of escape. It was, in the main, owing to this method, and the
vigour and resolution with which it was followed, that hostilities were
brought to an end as soon as they were.
A fine horseman, with an unerring eye for country, his performances in
the field were invariably marked by swiftness of action, and brilliancy
and thoroughness of execution.
Colonel Leuchars commanded all troops in Natal proper and Nqutu
district, though, after 30th May, he did so under McKenzie. Much
useful and solid work was done by this popular officer, with Major
(now Lieut.-Col.) S. Carter as Staff Officer. He proved himself to be
a judicious, capable and reliable commander. The disturbed area over
which he had control included no less than five magisterial districts.
As these all abut on the Tugela, it can be seen that the command was
one of exceptional difficulty, and this not only in a geographical, but
a diplomatic, sense.
The first lesson of the Rebellion may, therefore, be said to have been
(_a_) the happy conjunction of capable statesmen and soldiers, one and
all ready to serve the Colony to the utmost in its time of need; and
(_b_) the thoroughness of military organization.
_Rebels' strategy, tactics, etc._--The primary object of the rebels was
to score victories, however small, at the outset, it being felt that
that was the most effective way of rousing the people from a condition
of apathy or inertia brought on through chronic fear of Europeans. The
masses considered it was useless fighting against a race far better
armed than themselves, and one which, twenty-eight years before, had
defeated the Zulu army when in its highest state of efficiency. If
the Rebellion was not to fall flat, the most strenuous efforts had,
therefore, to be made to secure adherents.
Having regard to their inferior weapons, the only chance of success
lay in selecting a _terrain_ suitable to their tactics. That, at any
rate, would afford breathing-time, for if the theatre of war lay away
from railways and in country difficult for horses, the longer would
hostilities continue. Thus success was recognized as depending largely
on protracting the campaign, by rendering it as difficult as possible
for the troops.
To start hostilities, again, at the most favourable time, _i.e._ about
May, when all the crops had been reaped, was regarded as essential. It
is true that the Trewirgie affair occurred in February, but such must
be regarded as an exception which proved the rule.
The feeling that they could, as it were, "float" a general rebellion
was, no doubt, largely derived from the success achieved by a Zulu
_impi_ against Potgieter's commando at Holkrantz. The ambuscade
at Mpanza, too, was a success, and afforded just the illustration
required to support the cry that European bullets would not "enter."
As Natives in general greatly dreaded rifle fire, it became necessary
to counteract the fear by inventing the "non-entering-bullet"
superstition. Had but one or two rebels been killed at Mpanza, not
nearly so much would have been made of the superstition as was done.
The fact that, at the beginning of June, the position was extremely
serious, only shows that the enemy's tactics had been effective,
differing widely from the free, open methods practised during the Zulu
War. But for the remarkable _coup_ at Mome, the Rebellion might easily
have developed to far greater proportions. As it was, many Chiefs on
both sides of the Tugela had begun to assist directly or indirectly.
And it is clear that the more protracted the fighting, the more Natives
at large would have inferred that the Government had got to the end of
its resources, and was, therefore, unable to cope with the situation.
Once such a notion had been created and been widely believed, anything
up to 100,000 might have risen, and so called for an army corps to deal
with the outbreak at a cost of £10,000,000 or so. That is the prospect
the Ministry had before them at the latter end of May and beginning of
June.
That principles such as the foregoing would be followed in any future
Native war appears axiomatic, particularly as Natives know quite well
that their tactics in 1906 were, on the whole, successful; Mome, though
a catastrophe, was due to accident or carelessness that could easily
have been avoided by a competent commander.
That an outbreak should have occurred at Mapumulo subsequent to the
_débâcle_ in Zululand, is remarkable chiefly as showing lack of
territorial organization. Although a certain amount had been introduced
at Nkandhla, between the arrival of Bambata and the action at Mome, the
army daily becoming more crafty and efficient, it had reference only to
such rebels as had actually massed at that place. A supreme organizer
was wanting, one who, whilst directing at Nkandhla, could have so far
enforced obedience as to control situations such as those at Umsinga,
and especially in Mapumulo and Ndwedwe divisions. That there was this
want was undoubtedly felt by every insurgent. They knew too much
of Tshaka's successes to do otherwise than realize that they were
weak, and see what such weakness was due to. That is why Dinuzulu's
personality and presence was so much in demand. That is why, for
instance, one heard of such talk as that they would seize and carry
him off to lead them whether he willed it or not. To have a visible
leader and to submit to his direction, that was the height of their
ambition. Only then did they feel themselves to be a people, possessed
to some extent of their former solidarity. To sacrifice their lives for
someone is everything, to have to do so for an absent reality, nothing.
Another lesson is the necessity of pursuing the enemy the moment he
starts hostilities. Quick pursuit is what every Zulu holds as a primary
maxim of warfare. Such action inspires loyalists with confidence,
because affording them protection at the time they most require it.
The policy of the rebels having been to avoid conflict whenever the
conditions were unfavourable, meant that the campaign resolved itself
into one where the troops had _always to assume the offensive_.[305]
The enemy deliberately invited being hunted in the forests in which
he took refuge. There was no other alternative but to 'hunt' him. His
perpetual and masterly evasiveness was resorted to just because felt to
be the most telling and safest tactics to adopt. He knew that, man for
man, he was infinitely better acquainted with forests, streams, dongas,
caves, hills and valleys than the Europeans, most of whom had spent the
greater part of their lives in towns at a distance and in sedentary
occupations. But, whilst practising these methods, the motive was
invariably to draw the troops on after him in the hope of small parties
becoming detached when the opportunity was smartly seized, and the
severest blow possible struck. This being the game, can it be wondered
at that the rebels were severely punished whenever they were come upon?
For it must be remembered that, up to the moment of Mome, nothing had
been further from their minds than to surrender. Ample opportunities
for so doing, notably when the troops first went to Cetshwayo's grave,
were afforded, but the negotiations fell through because they felt, and
even publicly stated that they had not had enough fighting. From their
point of view, it was in their interest to continue.
This watchful evasiveness, then, was the essence of the situation at
Nkandhla. Hence it sometimes happened that the troops drove one or
other of the bushes in the belief the enemy was there, whereas, as a
matter of fact, he was not there at all, but at Macala ten miles off or
elsewhere, having slipped away during the night.
In these circumstances, it was soon realized that, not 2,500, but
10,000 men were required to deal with Nkandhla alone, although the
rebels themselves did not exceed 2,000 in number. In no other way was
it possible to put a cordon round the forests, and, by confining the
enemy, speedily starve him into submission.
Connected with the same tactics was the waylaying of a force when on
the march. This generally took place at a carefully-selected position,
from which there was an immediate and safe line of retreat. Instances
of this occurred at Mpanza, Bobe, Macrae's store, Peyana, Insuze and
Ponjwana. At all, except Mpanza and others not here named, the method
was to divide the _impi_ into two bodies, one to attack the front,
and the other the rear, of the advancing column. And the principle
was observed, although the ground rendered the application thereof
extremely difficult. On no occasion did attack take place in the open,
as often happened during the Zulu War.
The only standing camp attacked was that of Leuchars at Mpukunyoni.
This took place at dawn, there being no shelter for the troops except
their saddles.
At Macrae's store, the attack came just after sunset and later--the
only instance of night attack. When the offensive is assumed by Zulus,
the proper time to do so is just before dawn, unless the force be a
strong one, when battle would be given in broad daylight.
The rebels moved about to get food and seize cattle chiefly at night,
sometimes going ten or more miles for the purpose. Those wounded in
action, too, were removed after dark.
A close watch was always kept on each column, especially by spies
posted on hills, where, if out of rifle range, they did not mind
whether they exposed themselves or not.
Occasionally it happened that those who had fought against the
troops, but had been obliged to surrender, took up arms against their
own people. Several of such men were utilized as spies, and proved
invaluable.
_European troops._--Having regard to the number of troops in the
field, the importance of the campaign, and the wide area covered by
the operations, it would seem the officer in supreme command should
have been given the rank of Brigadier or Major-General. The O.C. Troops
was, of course, a full Colonel, but, on being appointed over Natal and
Zululand, it would, perhaps, have been more in accord with the general
duties he had to perform, to have conferred on him a rank conspicuously
higher than that of any one else in his command. The rank, however,
seeing the campaign was being conducted by Colonial troops, could have
been conferred only by the local authorities.
The want of a trained staff was much felt by each column.
"It is," says Sir Duncan McKenzie,[306] "of great importance that an
intelligence department should be formed on the soundest of bases....
It is not sufficient that an intelligence officer should simply be
able to speak the language of the country. He should have all the
available information at his instant disposal and also be able to guide
or conduct his O.C. anywhere.... Intelligence officers should not be
attached to any regiment in peace-time, but in the event of a force
being required in any district, the intelligence officer from that
district should be placed at the disposal of the column commander." All
the columns were supplied with excellent intelligence. To the fine work
done by Lieut. Hedges and Sergts. Calverley and Titlestad at Nkandhla
must be attributed much of the success met with in that district.
The two points on which attention was, perhaps, chiefly concentrated
were (_a_) methods of dealing with the enemy when concealed in forests,
and (_b_) advanced guards. That such matters assumed the importance
they did, was due to the enemy habitually leaving the initiative to
be taken by the troops. The troops never went out to drive forests,
but some catastrophe was possible. The greatest circumspection had
invariably to be exercised, not so much because unable to afford the
loss of men, as because the loss would have been absurdly magnified by
the enemy to obtain further recruits.
The principal authority as to dealing with the enemy in the Nkandhla
forests is, of course, Sir Duncan McKenzie. "A General Officer
Commanding," he says, "at a place like Nkandhla should have 10,000 men
at his disposal. I, however, derived confidence from the fact that not
above 2,000 rebels were in the bush, consequently greater risks were
taken than would have happened had they been more numerous. The chief
aim as to the drives was this: I fitted my force to the bush, not the
bush to my force. It was impossible to do the latter, so I did the
former. As soon as the intelligence, which was good, showed in what
part of the forests the enemy was, it was at once driven.
"The forests could never have been completely driven at one time,
_i.e._ in one day. Empandhleni and a number of other places had to
be garrisoned, whilst the different camps had to be protected during
the actual operations. Such calls naturally greatly reduced the force
available for driving.
"I do not see how the driving could have been carried out more
effectively than was done with the men at my disposal. My tactics,
of course, would have been considerably altered had there been, say,
10,000 troops. I would, in that event, have put the men in a line as
skirmishers, with small supports at intervals of every 500 yards, and
larger ones at points that appeared more dangerous.
"So long as there was no reverse or tight corner, I felt the levies
were all right, hence their being sent in with the troops, as they were
to assist in the drive.
"I always made a point of driving downhill as much as possible, so that
when the enemy was come upon, he would be obliged to charge uphill."
Barker, who was more frequently attacked when actually on the march
than any other column commander, says of advanced guards: "I would
never allow the guard to be more than 300 yards from the main body as,
if further, I would not have been able to gallop up in time on its
being suddenly attacked.
"I had only one squadron as advanced guard between Noodsberg camp and
Dalipa (wattle plantation). It was formed of two troops in front in
sections of four (in close touch with each other), with two troops
close up on either side in support. The head of the main column was, at
the same time, marching in the centre, not more than 200 yards away.
This order was adopted as I expected to be attacked. The guard, in this
way, were able to at once deliver a counter attack, instead of falling
back on the main body. Had they been weaker, they would have been
obliged to fall back.
"It is, moreover, necessary to have the guard so arranged that the
main body can be pushed forward to support whichever side the attack
comes from. In Native warfare, one can never tell what flank will be
threatened.
"I fully realized that the whole essence of the position lay in the
advanced guard. Hence, before the action at Ponjwana, having seen
Natives collecting the previous day along the route to be traversed, I
warned the officer in command to be on the alert. When the attack came,
sudden though it was, his men were ready in a moment to engage the
enemy."
One of the surprises of the campaign, in the opinion of competent
judges, was the prominent part played by infantry, _e.g._ D.L.I.,
N.R.R. and N.R. Because a less showy arm, infantry has been apt to be
underrated in connection with Native warfare. It is, however, not too
much to say that any such opinions as existed in Natal have had to be
considerably modified on account of the consistently fine work that
was done at Nkandhla, and in the actions of Bobe, Mome and Izinsimba.
Not only was it found that a well-trained corps could march twenty
or even thirty miles a day, but able to take a share in the fighting
as effective as that of troops conveyed on horseback to the scene
of action. As Native wars of the future will probably be fought on
difficult and out-of-the-way ground, similar to that chosen in 1906, it
would be well to bear this fact in mind.
In going through thick bush held by the enemy, as the N.P. had to do at
Mpanza, it would appear advisable for the advanced guard to dismount
and hand horses to Nos. 3, as, in the event of attack, men would then
be able to reply at once, as well as stand together to resist the rush.
Horses are startled by the shouting inevitable on such occasions, with
the result that a man's time is taken up in trying to keep his seat,
thereby becoming practically _hors de combat_ at a very critical moment.
The following miscellaneous extracts are taken from an unpublished
general report by Sir Duncan McKenzie:
_Transport._--"The majority of the transport was ox-transport; for
military operations, mule-transport is absolutely necessary....
Expense should not be considered in such an important matter.[307] ...
The necessity of good conductors was apparent." Closer supervision
should be exercised by O.C. units than was done to ensure that only
the regulation weight per man is put on the waggons. "Pack transport
is absolutely necessary in rough country, and the saddles should be
carried on the waggons, so that they can be used when the country will
not permit of waggons accompanying the troops."
_Remounts._--"The loss of horses from hard work, exposure and want of
suitable food is bound to be heavy.... Steps should be taken to enable
the remount officer to know exactly where he can put his finger on
suitable horses when required.... The establishment of a proper remount
depôt is strongly recommended."
_Boots, clothing, etc._--"These should be issued on repayment at cost
price and the articles should be of really good quality. The wear and
tear on clothing, and more especially on boots, was very heavy.... A
man without boots is useless."
_Searchlights._--"Their usefulness for defensive purposes is of the
greatest value.... They should be so arranged that with one engine and
dynamo, two or more lights could be placed at different positions in
the defences."
_Maxim Transport._--"Having seen practical results with the C.M.R.,
who carried their Maxims on pack mules led by Cape boys, and the Natal
Militia regiment, who carried theirs on pack horses led by a mounted
man, I certainly recommend that we should follow the C.M.R. in this
respect."
_Stretcher-bearers._--"These are indispensable when fighting takes
place in the bush or rough country. There was no organized supply until
too late." Natives had to be employed at exorbitant rates.
_Native levies._--Their value was largely discounted by the fact that
parts of many tribes had joined the rebels. "Their services came in
useful in clearing up after an engagement, collecting and driving
cattle, etc., and also using up the enemy's supplies. They require to
be led by experienced officers who are known to them and who are also
well acquainted with Native habits and customs. For operations, they
need to be stiffened with a good proportion of European troops."
Colonel Leuchars, who had exceptional opportunities of observing them,
is of opinion that "as a fighting force, they were useless, though
those under Sibindi (a Chief quite above the average) were, as far as I
know, keen to help the Government. The use I expected to make of them
was in skirmishing down broken, bushy valleys, but my experience goes
to show that for this work they were useless as, although I succeeded,
after some trouble, in extending them, they would always, a little
further down the valley, collect and march along in groups. As scouts
and camp followers, they were useful. In a lager, through not being
armed with rifles, they are only an encumbrance. Their only use would
be to skirmish through rough country known to be occupied by the enemy,
and this, as pointed out above, they failed to do."
_The Rexer guns._--"This arm," says McKenzie, "gave most satisfactory
results. Handiness and portability in rough country are its chief
advantages. It does not afford a large target for the enemy, as is the
case with the Maxim. No cases of jamming occurred. The number of spare
parts to be carried is few. On more than one occasion, the gun was
caught up by the gunner and used from the shoulder when, owing to scrub
and long grass, the tripod could not be used. The present equipment for
carrying the gun is not satisfactory.... Every squadron of mounted men
and company of infantry should have three of these guns."
_Branding of loot stock._--"It is imperative that all captured stock
should be at once branded with a distinctive mark. A responsible
officer with each column should be detailed for this purpose."
_Miscellaneous._--No epidemic or cases of serious illness occurred. The
organization of the medical department was so carefully planned and
carried out that only four died from disease out of over 9,000 men in
the field.
"Generally speaking, veterinary surgeons had more animals to look after
per man than it was possible to deal with."
"The establishment of a field bakery and consequent supply of fresh
bread was an excellent innovation."
Sufficient transport was always available, although at times the
demands were very heavy.