This painstaking officer, with an unsurpassed knowledge of the Zulu
language and customs, did a vast amount of useful and varied work under
difficult conditions. During his long tenure of office, which extended
from 1893 to 1909, there were several changes of ministry and, with
each, came a new Minister of Native Affairs, holding views sometimes,
as it happened, widely differing from those of his predecessor. It
seemed so strange to the Natives to have movable ministers in charge
of their affairs, that they tended to focus their attention rather on
Mr. Samuelson than on the minister, with the result that the former
stood constantly in a false light, as unfair to himself as to the
people. This mutation of ministers and frequent introduction of new
policies, were radical defects in the Constitution Act of 1893. They
opened the door, not only to modifications arising out of the personal
predilections of the minister, but, what is far more important, to
those dictated by the party in power for the time being in Parliament.
As this party depended on the support of their constituents, needless
to say, the latter, with brains ever active in devising solutions
of the Native problem, and not unnaturally anxious to promote their
own interests, brought pressure, through their members, to bear on
highly-placed officials, and, through these, on Magistrates and
other established officers, not excluding Native Chiefs--all with
the cumulative effect of unsteadying the entire fabric of Native
administration and imperilling the general welfare of the people.
After Zululand was annexed to Natal (December, 1897), the office of
Resident Commissioner and Chief Magistrate of that territory was
converted into one of Commissioner for Native Affairs. Under the
Under-Secretary and Commissioner came the Magistrates, the thirty[33]
of Natal proper, as _ex-officio_ Administrators of Native law, coming
under the former, and the eleven of Zululand under the latter,
officer. After the Magistrates came the Chiefs of tribes, 238 in
Natal proper,[34] and 83 in Zululand. Salaries and allowances were
paid to 227 of the Natal Chiefs,[35] and stipends to seven of those
in Zululand.[36] All Chiefs were required to control their tribes in
accordance with the tribal system and keep in close touch with the
Magistrates of their respective wards.
Some attempt must now be made to describe the tribal or patriarchal
system (analogous in many respects to that of the ancient Jews), the
very backbone of Native administration and still the most prominent and
radical feature of the South African Native population.[37]
Confining attention to the Zulus, we shall begin by observing that
they are polygamists and occupy circular huts of beehive formation,
invariably constructed of wattles, thatched with grass, and supported
inside by poles. Each wife has a hut of her own. There are, especially
in larger homesteads or kraals,[38] additional huts for the occupation
of young men, storing grain, etc. If, then, a man has four wives, we
shall expect to find him in possession of five or six huts. Now, it
is universal custom to arrange these huts in circular formation, from
which method, indeed, the word "kraal" has evidently been derived. For
sanitary reasons, the rule is to select for the kraal-site slightly
sloping ground, though, when this is done, the floor of each hut is
carefully levelled. At the highest point of the site is built the
hut of the head or principal wife, not necessarily the one first
married, whilst subsequent wives' huts are placed in a sequence
determined by the kraal-owner, who, however, is compelled to act in
terms of rigid tribal practice. The intervals between the huts are
so regulated as to preserve the symmetry of the kraal as a whole.
But, in connection with the circular arrangement referred to, must be
considered the indispensable cattle-pen or enclosure, locally known as
a cattle-kraal. This, too, is invariably round or oval, the gate being
at the lowest, with one or two wickets in the topmost, portion. When
it is realized that cattle are given for every woman taken to wife,
the close association of cattle and their milk with the huts becomes
more intelligible, though the fact of the pen being inside rather than
outside the huts as arranged, is possibly also accounted for by the
numerous lions, leopards and other beasts of prey that existed before
the introduction of firearms, not to refer to human foes.
The cattle handed over by the bridegroom to his bride's father are
known as _lobolo_. For two or more generations it was customary for
five, six or seven cattle to be so delivered (afterwards restricted by
the Natal Government to a number not exceeding ten). This passing of
cattle was not, as is commonly supposed, by way of purchase, but as
compensation for loss of the girl's services, and, further, as a living
and visible guarantee that she would receive proper treatment at the
hands of her husband.
The next essential to consider is this. When a young man marries, he
either continues for a time in his father's kraal (his wife, of course,
having a hut of her own), or moves, along with his mother (if she can
be spared), to some site at a distance, approved by the Chief or his
representative, and there proceeds to act on the same principles that
governed his father's domestic affairs. In time, other sons leave to
establish themselves on similar lines. And so, like the pumpkin plant
(a favourite simile among the people), the family expands, throwing out
fruitful off-shoots here and there, only, in their turn, to do the same.
In the case of Chiefs, the number of wives is frequently beyond a dozen
in number, and, in respect of Kings, without limit. Owing to this and
other reasons, such as jealousy among the women and rivalry among the
male children, it was and is still found convenient to erect different
kraals, though on the same general lines as those already outlined.
So much for the domestic side. Let us now glance at the administrative.
The King was assisted by a privy council of some five or six members
and a general assembly of non-elected and more or less elderly men.
The latter deliberated in public, anyone being permitted to listen to,
and even take part in, the proceedings. In view of the fact that the
assembly included men of high rank, those of inferior status usually
remained silent. But as, when the Rebellion broke out, there was
no Native King, it is necessary to confine attention to the actual
machinery in vogue at that time.
The King's place had been taken by the Supreme Chief (Governor), whilst
the functions of the privy council were discharged by the executive
council, and those of the assembly by the Legislative Assembly and
Council. It is needless to remark that Native opinion, under such
arrangement, where not only the Supreme Chief, but the councils
consisted entirely of Europeans, and where no Native council existed
at all, except occasional and partially representative gatherings
called together by the Magistrates--more to assist the Government
in communicating its laws or regulations than to discussing their
necessity or suitability--did not find more than apologetic, and the
feeblest, expression.
In regard to the various tracts of land specially set apart for
Natives, the same tenure was in vogue as had existed under tribal
rule from time immemorial. The land was held in common. And this rule
applied as much to the Chief as to his humblest followers. There was no
such thing as alienation of land; no freehold, no leasehold, no rents.
Occupancy depended on good behaviour, together with ready and loyal
discharge of all civic and military duties. Considerable care was taken
by the Chief, in allotting building and garden sites, not to interfere
with the commonage or existing rights. If these arrangements, in the
face of an increasing population, were not always judicious, pressure
of circumstances had begun to teach lessons, as it does all other
nations.
Anything required by the Government to be done was communicated by
Magistrates to the Chiefs, whose tribes varied greatly in size. These
then passed the order on to responsible headmen--generally conveniently
situated in different parts of the ward or wards[39]--who, in their
turn, transmitted it to the various individual kraal-owners in their
areas. When, on the other hand, anything of importance occurred in a
Chief's ward, such as commission of crime or outbreak of disease, it
was, under Native law, the duty of the one nearest whose kraal such
incident had happened, to report to the headman, who, after taking
such immediate action as appeared necessary and within his power, sent
the intelligence on to the Chief, and so on to the local Magistrate.
And it is wonderful with what rapidity these reports were transmitted,
notwithstanding that Natives, as a rule, are unable to read or write,
and are not possessors of horses or any other means of locomotion. The
obligation resting on all, on pain of heavy penalty, to report crime,
transformed members of every tribe into an organized and efficient
police force. It is owing to this fact that the expenditure of the
Colony on account of police was, in earlier years, as surprisingly
small as it was.
Among the most important crimes was cattle-stealing. Every kraal-owner
in regard to cattle--the greatest of all forms of Native property--was
exceedingly vigilant, never allowing a beast to be driven past his
kraal unless he knew where it had come from, where it was going to,
etc. This principle of "collective responsibility," as it is called,
had the effect of preserving order in the tribe and even guaranteeing
to every member and the Chief that order would be maintained.
Enough has, perhaps, been said to enable the reader to infer that the
position of women was a low one. They could not, except in rare cases,
inherit or hold property. Generally speaking, they fell much into the
background, and it devolved on them, not only to perform all domestic
duties, draw water at the spring or stream and collect firewood, but to
cultivate and keep clean the crops as well.
It can also be readily understood that the tribes of Natal and Zululand
(whatever may have been their interrelation when Tshaka began his iron
rule and the process of welding the nation together), had, in the
main--albeit within a couple of centuries--sprung from but three or
four parent stocks. It is this universal intermingling of types which,
as in England, has gradually evolved a people well-nigh homogeneous
and possessing a remarkable degree of solidarity. Although, in 1906,
many feuds and differences--some of these dating back two or more
generations--existed among many of the tribes, when anything powerful
enough to inflame particular sections occurred, it required but little
effort and time to bring on a conflagration of the whole. There is
nothing puny or dilatory about a Zulu when he begins to sharpen his
assegais and cut shields for war. It will be seen in a later chapter
how strained the relations between Natives and Europeans became, and
how the black race came to feel that the white man's civilization
was oppressing it. With such resentment latent in a million warlike
savages, living under such system as has been outlined above, the
danger of the tribal system, as well as its meaning, become, perhaps,
sufficiently clear; at any rate, for the understanding of the story
narrated in these pages. And yet, of all people on this earth, the
Zulus are the most respectful, the most amenable to discipline, and the
most easily managed--chiefly because of the many excellences inherent
in the tribal system.
Having regard to the profound differences in social organization
between the Zulus and the British people, differences which, chiefly
because of their immense scope and variety, have been but briefly
indicated herein, it has, ever since Natal became a British Colony,
been a problem of extreme difficulty to devise a method whereby, whilst
safeguarding Native interests, their affairs could be managed in a
completely satisfactory manner. The elimination of the higher machinery
of Native government, _e.g._ the King and his councils, has imposed
on an alien people, animated by vastly different ideals, the duty
of controlling present Native progress, if such, in fact, it be. If
evidences of imperfect grafting of the Native system of administration
into our own have often been conspicuous during the last seventy years,
it will surprise no one; nor will anyone be astonished to hear that
strong Commissions have been appointed at different times specially to
investigate the condition of the Natives. One of these bodies was at
work in 1852-3, another in 1882-3, and yet another, in the interest of
South African Natives as a whole, in 1902-4. What _is_ remarkable is
the apparent apathy displayed by the public, its representatives and
the Government, whenever the result of such investigations and reports
thereon are in their hands. Not that the various recommendations should
all be adopted, but one would think a little time could be spared to
examine the development of a problem, probably greater than all other
problems put together, that South Africa will ever be called on to
deal with, and to consider seriously if such development is or is not
proceeding on sound lines. A further Commission was appointed in 1906,
on the conclusion of the Rebellion; it, indeed, fared better, but into
the sincere and liberal administrative reconstruction brought about by
the Government, it is unnecessary to go at this stage.
In the Constitution Act of 1893, provision was made whereby a sum of
£10,000 a year was set apart "for the promotion of the welfare and
education of the Natives." More than half this sum was, latterly,
placed annually at the disposal of the Education Department for
furthering Native education, whilst the balance was applied to other
Native purposes, such as industrial training, cottage hospitals,
irrigation, dipping tanks (East Coast Fever), and barrack or shelter
accommodation. With the increase of Native population from 500,000
in 1893 to 945,000 in 1906,[40] this sum soon became inadequate,
particularly when regard is had to the fact that the beneficiaries
have contributed, on the average, about £250,000 per annum in direct
taxation since the annexation of Zululand to Natal.
In addition to this contribution, however, the Government, as long ago
as 1862, began making extensive grants of land upon trust to missionary
societies, "that the same might be used for missionary work amongst the
Natives by the ecclesiastical or missionary bodies named in the several
deeds of grant."[41] By 1887 (the date of the last), seventeen of these
reserves, aggregating 144,192 acres of the best agricultural land, had
been so set apart. Numerous other, for the most part, smaller blocks
have since been granted in Zululand. By way of still further assisting
these societies, Parliament, in 1903, passed an Act transferring
the administration of the trusts to the Natal Native Trust[42] and
authorizing this body to charge rent from Natives living on the
reserves.[43] One half of these monies was to be handed over to the
missionaries for purposes of Native education and industrial training.
It was not feasible to adopt such course in respect of the Zululand
lots. Thus the education and general welfare of the people was promoted
directly as well as indirectly.
Difficulty has always been experienced by the Government in inducing
the people to take up industrial pursuits. On more than one occasion,
large sums of money were voted and spent in erecting suitable buildings
and providing instructors, but all to no purpose. Lack of enterprise
on the part of the Natives was also exhibited in the matter of
tree-planting, even when necessary for fuel, and this as to areas in
regard to which they had every reason for thinking their occupancy
would continue undisturbed for many years.
There are other directions in which difficulty has been met with
when striving to promote material development. In some instances,
disinclination to adopt European ideas is due to almost ineradicable
superstitious notions.
Although Native law is in force in Natal, the Government, many years
ago, foresaw the necessity of enabling individuals who had shown a
disposition to adopt civilized habits, to obtain exemption therefrom. A
law affording facilities, but, in practice, not free from difficulty,
was accordingly passed in 1865.[44] Many men, women and children have
availed themselves of its provisions.[45] It was also foreseen that
these people, according as they conformed to civilized conditions of
life, would stand in need of means whereby their voice could be given
expression to. Hence, the passing of the law[46] under which a male
Native, who has been resident in the Colony for a period of twelve
years, who has the necessary property qualification, and has been
exempted from the operation of Native law for a period of seven years,
is entitled to be registered as a qualified elector in the district
in which he possesses property qualification. In practice, but little
advantage had been taken of this law. This tends to show that the
Native _per se_ has no special desire to obtain European franchise.
There are two disabilities all classes of Natives suffer from, viz.
the impossibility of possessing firearms, except with the special
consent of Government, and of obtaining European liquor, except on the
production of a medical certificate.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 20: Bird, _Annals of Natal_, i. 307.]
[Footnote 21: Among the reasons of the protest drawn up about May,
1837, were: That Natal was not part of the British dominions, but
belonged to the resident European inhabitants; that the power given to
Gardiner extended only to British subjects, and did not empower him to
punish acts of aggression committed by Natives upon British residents;
that Gardiner had been given no civil jurisdiction. The colonists,
moreover, expressed the hope that the Imperial Government would take
over the country and appoint Magistrates.--Bird, _Ibid._ i. 320.]
[Footnote 22: The military system, however, was not permitted to
operate universally as in Zululand, though there was no objection to
Chiefs maintaining a certain amount of military organization within
their respective tribes.]
[Footnote 23: The policy was to distribute the refugees over the
European farms. "Each farmer was allowed 5 families on his farm, but
not any more without consent of the authorities."--_Proceedings_,
Native Affairs Commission, 1852-3, i. 20, 25.]
[Footnote 24: Henry Cloete, _Evidence_, Native Affairs Commission,
1852-3, i. 18. 25.]
[Footnote 25: _Ibid._ i. 25. 27.]
[Footnote 26: Shepstone arrived in 1845, but did not begin to hold
office till January, 1846.--_Proceedings_, Native Affairs Commission,
1852-3, i. 58.]
[Footnote 27: The very able report of this Commission was dated 30th
March, 1847, and will be found _in extenso_ in i. pp. 62-67 of the
publication referred to in the preceding note.]
[Footnote 28: Dated 27th April, 1864.]
[Footnote 29: _Memorandum_, T. Shepstone to Legislative Council, 18th
June, 1849.]
[Footnote 30: _Ibid._]
[Footnote 31: Chiefs were called on by Magistrates to supply labourers
according to the size of their tribes.]
[Footnote 32: Zululand was annexed to Natal in December, 1897, when
practically the same system of Native administration in vogue at that
time was permitted to continue.]
[Footnote 33: The statistics here given are for the year 1906.]
[Footnote 34: These include those (23) of the so-called Northern
Districts--a tract of country annexed to Natal on the conclusion of the
last Boer War.]
[Footnote 35: Total, £2,618 for the year.]
[Footnote 36: Total, £1,200, of which £500 was paid to Dinuzulu, £60 to
each of three of his uncles, and £300 to Mciteki (formerly Zibebu).]
[Footnote 37: At the last Census (May, 1911), the total number of
Natives in South Africa was 4,019,006 (males, 2,012,949; females,
1,996,057).]
[Footnote 38: The word "kraal" which will henceforth be used, is
derived from the Dutch "coraal."]
[Footnote 39: For many years past, many Chiefs had portions of their
tribes living in two, three or more Magisterial divisions. In such
cases, a Chief was called on to nominate a headman, with powers almost
equal to his own, to control each section. It was, moreover, the
Government's policy, on the death of such Chief, to make an arrangement
whereby the outlying sections would be absorbed by Chiefs actually
resident in the Magisterial districts in which such sections happened
to be.]
[Footnote 40: Zululand, with a Native population of about 170,000,
became, as has been seen, a province of Natal in 1897.]
[Footnote 41: Preamble, Act No. 49, 1903.]
[Footnote 42: See p. 24. A separate Trust, though consisting of the
same personnel, was created in 1909 for Zululand. In this territory
alone, the area reserved for Native occupation amounts to nearly
4,000,000 acres.]
[Footnote 43: £3 a hut was at first levied, subsequently reduced to
30s.]
[Footnote 44: Law No. 28, 1865.]
[Footnote 45: Some 1,800 men, women and children had been exempted by
31st December, 1908.]
[Footnote 46: Law No. 11, 1865.]
III.
STATE OF MILITARY ORGANIZATION ON THE OUTBREAK OF REBELLION.
When it is borne in mind that the campaign which forms the subject
of this history is probably the first to be conducted from start to
finish by a British Colony, independently of other than merely moral
assistance of Imperial troops, the contents of this chapter will
probably prove of greater interest to the reader than would otherwise
have been the case. No apology is, therefore, needed for attempting to
describe the beginnings and development of military organization in
Natal, and to show how it became possible for the Colony, aided to some
extent by her sister Colonies, to deal as successfully as she did with
the Rebellion.[47]
In 1893, when the Imperial Government granted responsible government to
Natal, it was arranged that the Colony should assume direct control of
her large Native population. It was, at the same time, decided that the
garrison of Imperial troops should remain for a period of five years,
so as to afford the colonists time within which to organize a defence
force.
After the expiry of the five years, the Imperial Government began
gradually to withdraw the troops.
A Volunteer Act was passed by Natal in 1895. The post of Commandant
of Volunteers was conferred on Colonel (now Major-General Sir John)
Dartnell, K.C.B., C.M.G., who, in addition to having for years
controlled the various, though small, volunteer corps, had, for
twenty-two years, been in command of the Natal Mounted Police. On his
resignation from the former office in 1898, he was succeeded by his
staff officer, Major W. Royston, who, promoted to the rank of Colonel,
continued in command until his untimely death in 1902. Colonel H.P.
Leader, of the Imperial Army, succeeded. He was assisted by the four
District Adjutants who were in charge of a like number of military
districts into which the Colony was divided.
Much useful work was accomplished between 1893 and 1902 towards
increasing the strength and efficiency of the force, as well as placing
it on a sound war footing. To Colonel Royston belongs a large measure
of credit for the high degree of organization achieved, notably in
connection with the Boer War. During this war, of course, all Natal
troops took the field to assist in repelling invasion. The alacrity
with which they responded to the calls, and the smartness with which
the duties assigned them were carried out, were commented on in the
most favourable terms by the distinguished general officers in charge
of the operations. But, notwithstanding the promptness displayed, it
was impossible to disguise the fact that, out of an available manhood
of 12,000, only 2,000 were actually _liable_ for service.[48] It is,
therefore, not surprising that Parliament should have been ready to
provide for a better and more comprehensive system of defence than was
possible under the Volunteer Act.